УКРАЇНА Й УКРАЇНЦІ НА СТОРІНКАХ «АВСТРАЛІЙСЬКОЇ ЕНЦИКЛОПЕДІЇ»

The article explores the unique aspects of establishing the Association of Ukrainian Organizations in America in the early 1920s. It highlights that the Ukrainian community in the United States at the time was primarily composed of immigrants from Western Ukraine with varying levels of national consciousness, socioeconomic backgrounds, and religious beliefs, which complicated efforts to form a unified socio-political institution. Under the influence of the First World War and the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, consolidation processes among Ukrainians in the United States intensified. It is noted that the union emerged as a reaction of American Ukrainians to the call to support the Ukrainian national idea and to assist the political forces of the Naddniprians and Galicia in their struggle for independence, and the Congress (October 1922) also discussed the organization of financial assistance through the introduction of a «national tax», support for schools in Ukraine, the establishment of the Ukrainian People's University and the Ukrainian Press Bureau. It was determined that the Association of Ukrainian Organizations in America includes: The Ukrainian People's Union, Providence, Ukrainian People's Aid, Consent of Brotherhoods, Sich Organization, Ukrainian League of American Citizens, and Ukrainian League of American Veterans. The author characterizes the final documents of the first congress, in particular, it is stated that the adopted manifesto condemned the actions of the Polish army in Galicia and called on the Ukrainian emigration to protest against the repression of the Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia. The article notes that the Association of Ukrainian Organizations in America, founded in 1922, played a significant role in unifying Ukrainian public institutions, supporting emigrants, preserving cultural heritage, and advocating for Ukrainian national interests. Keywords: Association of Ukrainian Organizations in America, USA, government, Congress, Ukrainian national idea, Ukrainian People's Union, Providence, Ukrainian League of American Citizens.

The article examines the memory of the historical past in the poetry of the Resistance. This research contributes to debunking the myths created by Soviet propaganda, restoring historical justice, and overcoming national complexes and traumas. In this regard, the process of forming a culture of historical memory during the years of independence and the contribution of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (established on 31 May 2006) have been analysed. Literature of the unconquered, in particular: Marko Boieslav, Marta Hai, Petro Volosh- Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants, Myroslav Kushnir, Yuriy Lypa, Oleh Olzhych, Olena Teliha, etc., diaries and memoirs of the participants of the events and their families are an inexhaustible source for clarifying the historical truth and restoring the memory of the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people during the Second World War. The article shows that in Ukrainian literary criticism, the literature of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army participants has several definitions: "poetry of resistance", "Ukrainian poetry of resistance", and "poetry of the unconquered". The article analyses the peculiarity of the interpretation of the past based on the works of Petro Volosh-Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants (My Insurgent Marches), Marko Boieslav (Disobedient Words), and Myroslav Kushnir (Words from the Book of Battle). Historical memory in the poetry of the insurgents is represented by image symbols of the times of Kyiv Rus and the Cossack era. The authors also include the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army under the leadership of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in this historical framework. The Ukrainian struggle is also expressed through symbolic traumas, losses that sharpen the collective experience of Ukrainians, help establish the logic of the national liberation struggle and motivate the lyrical hero to armed resistance, which develops into a vigilante revolt for the sake of justice. National traumas are expressed through the voices of people who witnessed the Holodomor and totalitarian repressions. The symbolic function is performed by the image of betrayal, which we have traced at the general and personal levels. The analysis of memoir literature by first-hand participants of the events made it possible to trace the spiritual dimensions of the UIA poets, whose key values are Christian: love for the Motherland, God, and neighbour. Betrayal of the Motherland is equal to betrayal of God. Each of the artists saw their life and social mission in serving God, the Motherland, and the Ukrainian people. That is why all the works are permeated by the motive of performing a certain "duty". The study is of literary, cultural, and historical significance, as it fills a certain gap in understanding the artistic originality of the texts at the level of analysing external and internal factors of influence; it contributes to the disclosure of falsified facts of the past about the insurgency. The study proves that the poetry of the Resistance represents the nation's ability to the collective resistance and refutes the image of a victim nation created by Soviet propaganda. Keywords: historical memory, image, symbol, Resistance literature, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, traumatic memory, totalitarianism.

Introduction. The propagandistic basis of the Russian war against Ukraine includes the narrative about so-called «Ukrainian nationalists» as an «enemy image» firmly identified with «fascists» or «Nazis». This is likely a revival of Soviet propaganda inventions, so, a study of constructing a «Ukrainian nationalist» image in Soviet propaganda gains relevance. This article continues the study of this image in cartoons of Soviet Ukrainian satiric magazine «Perets’» («The Pepper») in 1941–1991. The article aims to develop the coverage of the topic of propagandistic typification of the «Ukrainian nationalist» visual image as an «enemy image» in terms of its contexts and personalities in «Perets’» cartoons. Methodology. The methodology continues the principles of our earlier work. The methods of research include observation, content analysis, generalization, comparison, quantification, and data visualization. Results. The most common companions of the «Ukrainian nationalist» character in the «Perets’» Soviet-era cartoons are 1) «American imperialists», 2) Nazis, 3) counterrevolutionaries, and 4) Zionists. If the first two categories were represented steadily for decades, as the versions of «the main enemy», then the third had been slowly decreasing, and the fourth one – on the contrary, sharply gaining popularity in the 1970s. The motif of «brotherhood of Zionists and Ukrainian nationalists» appears as a prototype of some concepts in the present-day Russian-Ukrainian semantic war. The modern Russian narrative about «Ukrainian nationalists» identifying them with the Nazis and the Americans at the same time, revives the old developments of Soviet propaganda. The results of the study of cartoons in terms of the representation of personalities are somewhat unexpected: in particular, the image of Stepan Bandera turned out to be less common than it was expected in view of his role in present-day Russian war narratives. Personified images of «Ukrainian nationalists» do not make up the vast majority of the materials in question. However, they provide interesting information about which persons and with what priorities attention was paid during the satirical and ideological processing of «enemy images». Conclusions. The significance of the article lies in the further consideration of an insufficiently researched topic using a quantitative approach. Promising areas of further research are the discovery of the methods of associating some «enemy images» with the «fascist/Nazi» image in Soviet and modern Russian propaganda; study of the novel ideological myths and their representation in the media; retrospective study of the genesis of propagandistic mythologems of the Russian-Ukrainian war.

REVIEWS 571 Additionally, and on a relatively minor note, several place and proper names are misspelled throughout the book. Notwithstanding these issues, Yeomans’s book should make an important contribution to the evolving debates about the Second World War in former Yugoslavia. Carleton University, Ottowa Mark Biondich Berkhoff, Karel C. Motherland in Danger: Soviet Propaganda during World War II. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA and London, 2012. 407 pp. Notes. Sources. Index. $35.00: £25.00. This is an excellent guide to Second World War Soviet propaganda. Demonstrating a thorough knowledge of the secondary literature, Berkhoff’s study also draws extensively on primary sources, including newspapers, pamphlets, literature and films, unearthing fresh and interesting material from the archives. As a result, his account is both informed and nuanced. For example, Berkhoff shows that, contrary to accepted thought, Soviet propaganda did in fact mention that the Nazis had a ‘special policy’ regarding the Jews. Whilst their suffering was generally under-emphasized, on occasion Soviet writers did, nevertheless, single out the Jews as special victims. Similarly, Berkhoff demonstrates that while most of the time propagandists equated Nazis and Germans, they did sometimes make a distinction, and as times and circumstances changed, so did their portrayal of the figure of the German. Berkhoff correctly points out that most of the topics of Soviet propaganda had similarities to that of other warrior nations. The Soviets were not alone in portraying their enemies as sub-human, or paying scant attention to the Holocaust, and their propagandists were not the only ones to stress the need for national unity at a time of danger. Berkhoff’s main argument is hardly controversial. The Soviet regime at the time of war was able to control public discourse to an unprecedented degree. The government, namely Stalin, imposed a uniformity that went way beyond what the Nazis managed to achieve. The Bolsheviks were well prepared: their propaganda machine was functioning well way before the outbreak of the war. War-time simply increased controls. Berkhoff’s contribution to the literature is that he can show in greater detail how far that control went and how it was achieved. Although Berkhoff’s stated aim is to describe Soviet propaganda, a good history of propaganda cannot be separated from the general history of the war, and thus the reader will learn much about the sufferings of the peoples of the Soviet Union, as well as the domestic and foreign policies of the regime. SEER, 92, 3, JULY 2014 572 The chief difficulty of writing about propaganda is how to evaluate its success. The key questions here are how much difference did it make, and would the peoples of the Soviet Union have behaved differently had the regime allowed a more liberal public discourse. It is almost impossible to know, since in a totalitarian state public opinion cannot be measured. It is not surprising, therefore, that Berkhoff is unable to answer these questions definitively, but in his examination of them he seems to underestimate the genuine patriotism of the people of the Soviet Union, and the Russians in particular. Many, including Stalin, rightly pointed out that although Russians suffered somewhat less than Ukrainians or Byelorussians, since the fighting took place necessarily to a greater extent in the borderlands, their willingness to fight was nevertheless greater than that of other peoples. In answer to how far propaganda was successful, it can be argued that people heard what they wanted to hear. Also, writers and filmmakers said what they wanted to; they were not coerced, they did not lie. That this happened to coincide with what the Bolshevik leadership wanted them to say created during the war years what could be described, in this sense, and only in this sense, as an oasis of freedom. This coincidence of purpose — the goals of the regime with the convictions of the individual — helps to explain how, after so many years, people still recall this period of extraordinary suffering with pride and nostalgia. It could be that during the war years control was in fact increased. Unlike pre-war propaganda that described a world that never existed which the people well knew did not exist, during the war when...

It is emphasized in the article that in the process of forming tax regulation of socio-economic development of territories in Ukraine is a key place belongs to a clear system of scientific and methodological support. It is proposed to choose a systems approach as the methodological basis of the study, which consists in using the fundamental methodological concept of the system as a single abstract reflection of the objects of reality; identification of key determinants, properties, features and trends of the system; interpretation of the researched problem as a conceptual system. It is established that the study of tax regulation of socio-economic development of territorial communities is an element of the general system of state management of national economy, closely related to the processes of transformation of administrative structure, financial decentralization and improvement of socio-economic indicators of society in Ukraine at the municipal level. The peculiarities, principles and approaches of scientific knowledge inherent in the system method are revealed. The key directions of research of tax regulation of social and economic development of territorial communities in Ukraine are formed. Using the system method, a conceptual model of tax regulation of socio-economic development of territorial communities in Ukraine as a set of interrelated elements of influence on the economic system at the level of a separate territory, including: purpose, objects and subjects of taxation, principles and process of taxation as a financial instrument for socio-economic development of territories. It is proposed to consider tax regulation taking into account: national priorities of socio-economic development of the country; resource opportunities, industry-production, geographical-territorial, socio-demographic and other features of territorial communities; coherence of interests of state and local budgets; ensuring financial self-sufficiency of local self-government; certainty of the direction of development of the tax system, starting from the level of territorial communities.

The article examines the problems of the enemy image evolution during the turning point of the struggle of the Soviet people against fascism. The most important aspects of the ideological struggle between Germany and the Soviet Union in June 1942 – August 1943 are studied. The reasons for the transformation of the enemy’s image are substantiated based on the analysis of the wartime events that took place. The relevance of this issue is determined primarily by the importance of preserving the memory of the Great Patriotic War, in which knowledge about the enemy played a decisive role. This victorious experience can help to counteract the resurgence of the Nazi ideas in the modern world. Thanks to deep and comprehensive studying the mechanism of military patriotic propaganda and the introducing new technologies into it, the tasks of preserving identity and developing our society were solved. Currently, these historical processes will help to broaden the horizons and develop moral and patriotic values in modern youth. The purpose of the article is to consider the transformation of the enemy image the during the radical turning point in the Great Patriotic War in June 1942 – August 1943 in order to identify the most characteristic features of its depiction in various materials of Soviet patriotic propaganda. Materials and methods. The methodological basis of this research is both general scientific and special historical principles and methods of cognition, including the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as a set of methods that made it possible to conduct a comprehensive analysis of archival and other research sources, including historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic and others. The work is based on archival documents and periodical materials. Study results. The most important circumstances of this period are noted, which played a decisive role in the development of the enemy image in the Soviet propaganda. The article presents the most characteristic features of the enemy’s image created by the Soviet propaganda. The article examines the changes in German propaganda among the population of the occupied territories. A comparative analysis of the activities performed by propagandists of the Nazi Germany and the USSR is carried out. The author provides examples of creating the enemy image based on the study of documentary sources, embodied in works of literature and art. The metaphorical image of the enemy reflected in the Soviet propaganda is revealed based on the study of archival materials and periodicals. At this, the importance of naturalistic description of the crimes committed by the fascists against the civilian population of the occupied territories is assessed in order to present the true face of the invaders and mobilize the society to fight the enemy. The issues of the legitimacy of the power of the warring parties are revealed. Conclusions. During this crucial period of the Great Patriotic War, significant changes are taking place in the image of the enemy. The original image of an inhuman, bestial enemy enslaving more and more lands, after the defeats suffered by the German army, is transformed into a caricature of a defeated cowardly enemy. The enemy is still strong, cruel and insidious, but the image of the defeated enemy is becoming dominant in the works of the Soviet propaganda and in public mind. The inevitability of victory becomes the dominant leitmotif in the Soviet propaganda and the enemy in the images created by propaganda should cause a feeling of disgust. Naturalization of the submitting the information about crimes committed by fascists and their accomplices becomes an important factor. It is referred to the development of a counter-propaganda system that convinces people that an inhuman enemy who kills women and children cannot be trusted. The images created in Soviet propaganda works achieved their goal and were firmly rooted in the public consciousness.

Samuel A. Levine and the History of Grading Systolic Murmurs

The OUN’s foreign-policy activity, which during the Second World War changed cardinally – from the orientation toward some great state or a group of such states to the foundation of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations) (ABN) and attraction of all the enslaved peoples into the common struggle, is a key element of the concept of the OUN’s national revolution. Considering the struggle of the Ukrainian people as a component of the all-European anti-totalitarian resistance movement, the Ukrainian nationalists tried to prove that the victory over the Bolshevism was possible only on condition of common efforts of all the oppressed peoples. Carrying out the concept of a national-liberation revolution and having created the national departments of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), in the years of the Second World War it became possible to involve the peoples of the Caucasus and Central Asia into the struggle. No doubt, all that was preceded by a long and carefully thought-over work among the representatives of different peoples. Propaganda raids became one of the forms of this work. The appearance of the Ukrainian insurgents in the territories of the neighboring states (Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania) became a bright demonstration of Ukrainian feelings and refuted a long chain of myths created by the Soviet propaganda, such as “the image of the Ukrainian nationalist-criminal”, absence of any resistance to the Soviets and impossibility of struggling with them, etc. In other words, the pictorial example of the carriers of ideas of the Ukrainian nationalism became the best propaganda for the population of the neighboring states. In the article on the basis of the unknown and little-known archival documents the features of the activity of the Karpatskyi krai (the Carpathian area) of the OUN in the line of making good contacts with Romanian anticommunist movement in the 1940s – beginning of the 1950s are clarified. A dozen of descriptions of the propaganda raids into the territory of Romania, staged by Ukrainian nationalists with a mission of rendering objective truth about the OUN and UPA and attracting members of Romanian underground into the common struggle, are described. That even a partial efficiency of such raids had a powerful effect, at least – by forming an objective representation about the Ukrainian liberation movement and demonstrating a possibility to struggle against the Soviet totalitarianism, is proved. Despite the lack of details about the common struggle of the Ukrainian and Romanian anti-Communist structures (though the individual participation – of several Romanians in Karpatskyi krai underground – is undeniable), the mutual recognition and understanding of the necessity of the common struggle was certified by the very fact of their negotiations, arrangements, exchanges of materials, products, and information. Besides, it should be underlined, that, contrary to all complexities, Ukrainian national liberation movement managed to refute the myths created by the Soviet ideological-propaganda machine, to impart to the population of the neighboring countries (for example, Romania) the necessity and, moreover, the possibility of serious resistance, so vividly acknowledged by a long-term activity of the Ukrainian nationalist underground. As can be concluded, these are the reasons that pushed for expansion of the Resistance movement against the Soviet totalitarian system in the countries of central and eastern Europe.

“Tugev Balti natsionalistlik keskus” ning Nõukogude välispropaganda teel sõjast rahuaega ja külma sõtta [Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War

У статті надано результати комплексного дослідження сучасного стану меморіальних парків воєнної тематики м. Києва, що здійснювалося упродовж 2011-2016 рр. з урахуванням методики оцінювання культурно-історичної цінності та засобів вираження ідейного навантаження меморіальних парків . За результатами комплексного оцінювання меморіальних парків Києва визначено, що найціннішими меморіальними об’єктами є парк «Слава» та Печерський ландшафтний парк, які вирізняються суттєвим впливом на містобудівну та композиційну структуру міста, займають визначне місце у пейзажі Правобережної частини Києва. Найсуперечливішим в ідеологічному плані є такі об’єкти як парки «Перемога» та «Партизанської слави», які мають розважальний характер, що суперечить, власне, трагізму війни, а підпорядковується радянській ідеології виховання молоді і не відповідає сучасним ідеологічним поняттям про Другу світову війну, її причин та наслідків. Наведено концептуальні підходи зміни функціонального зонування малоцінних у меморіальному плані парків м. Києва («Таращанець», ім. генерала Потапова, ім. Ф. Пушиної), що ґрунтується на результатах комплексного оцінювання дослідних об’єктів, сучасних підходах адаптації паркових територій до потреб населення. Запропоновано підходи до адаптації меморіальних парків воєнної тематики на прикладі м. Києва, спрямовані на узгодження сучасних ідеологічних міркувань історичним подіям шляхом акцентування уваги на їхньому інформаційному та культурно-просвітницькому значенні за межами політичного контексту.

The article analyzes the life and work of L. Rebet, his general theoretical views on the formation and development of the nation. Considerable attention is paid to the characterization of L. Rebet’s fundamental scientific works on the theory and history of the Ukrainian nation, in particular: “The Formation of the Ukrainian Nation”; “Theory of the Nation”; “The Origin of Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians in the Light of Modern Soviet Theories”; “The Light and Shadows of the OUN”, etc. It is shown that in his scientific concept of the formation and development of the nation, Lev Rebet examined in detail the causes of the decline, economic and cultural isolation of the Ukrainian community during the Golden Horde, analyzed the causes of the territorial fragmentation of the Ukrainian principalities and determined the importance of the Galicia-Volhynia State for the continuation of the state life of the Ukrainian people. Using historical examples, L. Rebet identified the negative impacts on the Ukrainian population under the Lithuanian and Polish occupation of Ukrainian lands. L. Rebet rightly noted that during the revival of the Ukrainian people, religion and the Orthodox faith played an important role, opposing Catholicism and polonization and becoming the bearers of Ukrainian tradition and the formation of national consciousness. It was the Ukrainian bourgeoisie, part of the petty gentry, and artisans who proved to be the bearers of culture and state traditions. However, it was only the independent Ukrainian military Cossack stratum that became the military and organizational force that quickly acquired the features of a national state, and in the era of Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s hetmanship, thanks to the military and political success of the Cossacks, one of the most powerful Ukrainian states of that time emerged, which played a significant nation-building role and for several years “crystallized the Ukrainian community, approaching a higher type - the nation”, in which the Cossacks were the main political force. The article reveals that L. Rebet in his works considered nationalism as an ideology that should be based on feelings of national dignity, self-respect and national consciousness. L. Rebet convincingly argued in his writings that the Ukrainian people have the right to political self-determination and the creation of their own state. L. Rebet believed that in order to build one’s own state, first of all, it is necessary to raise the national consciousness and culture of the people. According to L. Rebbetzin, this requires the Ukrainian people to return to their national roots, to their own history and culture, in order to preserve and establish their national identity. In his scientific concept, Lev Rebet emphasized the importance of preserving Ukrainian culture and language, and of preserving the national identity of Ukrainians. Nationalism should be democratic and social. He sought to create a national liberation organization that would unite different segments of the population and work for the benefit of the entire Ukrainian people. L. Rebet favored the creation of national statehood, but believed that the source of power in the state should be the people, not the political elite. Rebet’s views on the importance of moral virtues and cultural values, such as freedom, justice, honesty, diligence, creativity, traditions, religion, and language, are particularly relevant. Rebet believed that these values are important for Ukrainian and other nations.

The article characterizes the activity of «informal organizations» during the period of perestroika (1985-1990), their influence on the restoration of Ukrainian independence, the struggle against Soviet propaganda in Ukrainian society. The «informal» democratic groups that began to emerge en masse during «Perestroika» period retained the ideas that had been propagated during the dissident movements of the 1950s and early 1980s, namely, greater openness in Soviet society and the idea of upholding human rights, which were systematically violated in the USSR. Despite the initial statements of the «informals», who denied the idea of Ukraine's secession from the USSR, such decisions quickly changed in favor of full independence for Ukraine and were supplemented by calls for the democratization of society. In their activities they tried to draw public attention to the principles of preserving not only freedom of speech, but also the restoration of Ukrainian statehood and to show the negative consequences of the Soviet propaganda-ideology in relation to everything Ukrainian. It was the appearance of such groups as the Ukrainian Cultural Club (UCK), the association People's Movement of Ukraine for Reconstruction (PMU) that marked a change in the struggle for the restoration of Ukrainian independence. If the early dissidents used underground methods (printing «Samzdat», pamphlets calling for struggle), the «informal» organizations begin to use more open methods (organization of mass events, rallies, pickets, strikes, and so on). They became the centers of the revival of Ukrainian vision of an independent state. Thanks to their actions, each time more and more people became supporters of independence, and the idea of Ukraine's independence was finally brought to life. It was their activity that created the basis for the restoration of Ukrainian statehood, and the critical minority of their representatives in the central government led to the problems that Ukraine cannot solve even now. The research methodology is based on general scientific and historical methods, which is fully consistent with the goal. Scientific novelty is that the activities and scale of «informal» organizations in the period of «Perestroika» are considered in terms of their influence on the restoration of the Ukrainian state, as well as laying the foundations of the modern Ukrainian nation and the struggle against Soviet propaganda

The article, based on declassified documents of the former KGB under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, was analyzed by a campaign to discredit certain members of the Ukrainian community in Canada. For example, a member of the OUN Security Service Dmytro Kupiak, who after the World War II crossed the ocean, was taken.Since 1960 the KGB has launched a propaganda campaign, the essence of which was the allegations of former members of the anti-Soviet resistance movement in war crimes (immigrants from Ukraine and Baltic States). The KGB has named as Nazi war criminals some Ukrainian leaders and spent disinformation campaign against Ukrainian community. The use of soviet evidence (documents captured by the Soviets from Nazi Germany, testimony or soviet publications) presents legal problems. Without much concern for the convincing evidence, the Soviet regime sought to discredit the accused in the first place and sow distrust on them by the Canadian authorities. For this purpose, off-court trials were organized, special editions were published, and frankly commissioned materials were pushed into the Canadian press. The Soviet agents tried to convince Canadian authorities of the disloyalty of Ukrainians to their own experience. Soviet propaganda has a certain successes because Canadian media were a target of the KGB disinformation. By its actions the KGB has made some disorganization in the ranks of Ukrainian-Canadian organizations.As a conclusion, we can state that despite all the Canadian authorities focused on the imperfections of Soviet evidence and repeatedly rejected demands for the extradition of the accused. The indirect consequence of discrediting was often the popularization of the activities of Ukrainian emigration in Canada, which attracted the attention of the world community to the communist repressive system and violated the national and civil rights in Ukrainian SSR.

Faith Hillis, Children of Rus': Right-Bank Ukraine and the Invention of a Nation. 329 pp. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013. ISBN-13 978-9668201851. $55.00. One of the puzzles of late imperial history is the fact that in Kiev, the home of the Ukrainian national movement in the Empire, right-wing nationalist parties held sway from 1906 until the revolution. Indeed, in the 1913 elections, all but one of the Duma delegates from the Southwest Region, composed of the Ukrainian provinces of Kiev, Volynia, and Podolia located on the right--or western--bank of the Dnieper River, represented so-called truly Russian parties. In this fascinating book, Faith Hillis argues that these rival national movements shared a common lineage in the Little idea. Moreover, she contends, these right-wing Right-Bank deputies drew on Little principles to play a critical role in the emergence of modern (rather than reactionary) right-wing politics in the Empire and successfully pushed the multiethnic dynastic empire toward nationalizing its modes of governance. In taking up a local study of what she terms the internal political ecology of the Southwest Region from the 1830s to 1914, Hillis joins the now substantial body of scholarship devoted to understanding the borderlands of the Empire and the impact of nationality issues on imperial governance. (1) Historians of borderlands argue that frontiers constitute crucial sites for identity formation and statecraft--zones where local realities, in interaction with central visions, generate new conceptions that can take on broader significance in the national or imperial heartland. (2) Hillis marries such insights with observations on how regional and national identities coexisted and indeed mutually reinforced one another drawn from studies of regionalism in modern European nation-states in the 19th century. (3) Her work also fits nicely into recent provincial histories that reveal how bureaucratic creations could become infused with meaning by their inhabitants. (4) Hillis's focus on Right-Bank Ukraine is thus particularly welcome. Oddly enough, although Kiev was a major city of the Empire and subsequently the capital of Ukraine, far fewer detailed local studies have been devoted to it than to St. Petersburg or Moscow. (5) More generally, the historiography of the western provinces--absorbed by Russia during the partitions of Poland in the late 18th century--is better developed in regard to the northwestern territories than the southwestern. (6) Ukrainian historiography was long governed by a nationalist teleology, tracing the development of the Ukrainian idea and the roots of Ukrainian statehood. Local social and political history concentrated on the Galician side of the border, where Ukrainian nationalism became a mass movement by the early 20th century. (7) Scholarship on imperial Ukraine, where it is generally agreed that Ukrainian nationalism gained adherence only among a minority, has instead emphasized intellectual history and the story of the confrontation between bearers of the national idea and the imperial state. Yet another approach has been to study Ukrainian history from a multiethnic, territorial angle, focusing on individual ethnic groups and their relations with one another and the state, rather than on regions within the Ukrainian lands. (8) Hillis's approach differs from all of these, asking how people in Right-Bank Ukraine came to conceive of their local society in national terms. She brings together a novel interpretation of the history of the Ukrainian national movement in the 19th century with a fine-grained analysis of urban politics in Kiev from the 1870s to 1914 and of the four elections in Kiev and the three southwestern provinces to the State Duma between 1906 and 1914. The result is a much clearer sense than we had previously of ideas in action and of the evolution of local political culture in Kiev and its hinterland in late imperial Russia. …

Save the Ukrainian People First: They Carry their Culture in their Hearts