ДЕТИ ЛОГОСА ИЛИ КАК ХИТРОУМНЫЕ ГРЕКИ СКОНСТРУИРОВАЛИ СЕБЕ ГРАЖДАНСКУЮ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬ

Introduction. The article presents the results of the research, which helped to determine the assessments and perceptions of young people in the Caucasus region about the state, nature and direction of the development of ethnopolitical processes, to identify common and special in the views of youth in the North and South Caucasus. Methods and Materials. Sociological research within the framework of the scientific project “Ethno-Political Processes in the Caucasus in the Assessments and Perceptions of Modern Youth” was carried out by the authors of the article in 2019 using the online survey method. 2,000 respondents were interviewed, namely students of leading universities of the region (1,000 respondents were interviewed in the North Caucasus and 1,000 respondents in the South Caucasus), the age of the respondents being 18-24 years old. The role of state authorities in the formation of civic and national identity among youth of the North Caucasus was revealed as a result of the content analysis of regional programs and other information materials in 2018. Analysis. It was found that the spectrum of the main ethnopolitical issues of concern to young people in the Caucasus region is largely identical for both the North and South Caucasus. It was revealed that civic, national, and religious identities are of priority and equal importance for the vast majority of youth. Civic and national identity for the absolute majority of Caucasian respondents is associated with the preservation of national culture and history, pride of their country and its achievements, protection of the Fatherland, and the guarantee of human rights and freedoms. Regional identity is a priority for the overwhelming majority of young people in the Caucasus. It can be assumed that risks of conflict between civil, national, and confessional identities persist among young people in the region. Youth in the Caucasus have a high level of political activity and consider their active participation in the political life of the region necessary. At the same time, they are more inclined towards a constructive solution to socio-political problems, volunteering, as well as dialogue and cooperation with state authorities. The main actors forming political views, according to the majority of respondents, are the environment in which they communicate, close relatives, as well as the blogosphere and social networks. The role of state administration in the formation of civil and national identity among young people in the North Caucasus is analyzed. The conclusion is that it is necessary to strengthen work in the region to develop public initiatives among youth, to involve them in socially significant activities, to activate their creative potential, and to develop their participation in various civil society institutions, especially volunteer organizations. Results. The conclusion is made about the need for a wide integration of young people of the region into the all-Russian socio-cultural space, the implementation of equal partnership between youth, civil society institutions and state authorities, greater involvement of young people in activities that contribute to the economic, socio-political and cultural development of the region. Key words: youth, ethnopolitical processes, Caucasus, political activity, civic identity, national identity.

The main aspects of changing approaches to the state regulation of the implementation of identity policy in Ukraine, aimed at the formation of national and civic identity, are revealed. It was determined that the development and implementation of the identity policy were recognized as priority tasks in the public speeches of the heads of the Ukrainian state, which were aimed at determining the path of the country's further development, respectively, being reflected in the analytical reports of the National Institute of Strategic Studies. The authors claim that a review of the texts of the analytical reports that accompanied the President's Annual Message to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine allows one to assess the degree of importance given to the issues of identity formation of Ukrainians during recent times. These documents are a highly informative source, because, on the one hand, they specify and reveal the content of individual theses of the messages of the highest leadership of the state, and on the other hand, they provide a detailed explanation of the tasks, in the main directions of development, which were set as a goal for the state as a whole. The dynamics of the presentation of the problem of identity formation, proposed at the level of the country's political leadership, are studied. Mechanisms of formation of national identity of Ukrainians proposed in recent years are defined. Innovations regarding the introduction of identity policy in Ukraine, proposed in the law of Ukraine "On the basic principles of state policy in the sphere of establishing Ukrainian national and civil identity" approved in 2022, are being considered. It is noted that one of the results of the adoption of the Law can be considered the approval of a specific terminology in it, which greatly facilitates the process of further theoretical study of the problem field, and contributes to the conduct of more clear and purposeful activities of all actors who can understand the tasks and essence of politics in a similar way. An important part of the adopted law is the outline of the mechanisms through which the processes of formation and consolidation of national and civil identity should take place. The authors come to the conclusion that a certain regulatory and legal basis has been formed, which regulates the processes that allow the state to conduct identity politics. But, due to a number of circumstances, this basis is not clearly structured, certain documents duplicate each other, not all of the planned documents have been approved. The attempt to single out the directions in which the state identity policy should be formed, to develop clear criteria for evaluating this process, to normalize relations between various actors of its development and implementation, can certainly be assessed as a positive step. However, it will be possible to fully evaluate it only after the adoption of the entire complex of the planned array of regulatory and legal acts, in particular, the "Strategy for the establishment of Ukrainian national and civil identity". At the same time, the further actualization of the legal framework for the implementation of state policy, which regulates both the sphere of national and civil identity establishment, as well as the areas related to it, is a task for future development. Keywords: civic identity, political socialization, national identity, identity politics, state policy, political culture.

The article analyzes the state of national and civic identity in Ukraine before and during the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is found that the triggers of its changes were the revolutions that took place in our country and, especially, the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is determined that it was the war that gave impetus to a radical strengthening of the position of national identity and, accordingly, to a sharp decline in the indicators of Soviet-Russian identity in Ukrainian society. It is proved that the war introduced new components to this phenomenon, which were dictated by the danger of losing the territorial integrity of the Ukrainian state and limiting its sovereignty, when the perception of identity markers moved from the sensual to the practical plane. These included volunteering, the voluntary movement, national resistance to the occupiers, and other manifestations of Ukrainian civic position. This happened not only in the territories controlled by the Ukrainian government, but also in the territories temporarily occupied by the enemy. It is proved that during the war years there were significant changes in the qualitative indicators of citizens' attitudes towards the symbolic values associated with the statehood of Ukraine, which is an important sign of strengthening the national identity. The author analyzes a significant amount of sociological data that demonstrates changes in national and civic identity at different stages of the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is emphasized that only in the eighth year of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the governmental institutions developed a strategy of state policy in the field of strengthening the Ukrainian national and civic identity as a component of ensuring the national security of Ukraine.

The article analyzes features of personality’s civic identity through awareness of relevance of its formation and detection in modern Ukraine. The following methods were used to conduct the research: analysis and generalization of pedagogical and methodical sources in order to identify the range of issues that require scientific and methodical study; methods of comparative analysis, interpretation and generalization of facts; comparative and analytical methods to analyze formation of personality’s civil identity; system analysis for development of ways of forming personality’s civil identity in modern Ukraine. The concepts of "identity", "personal civil identity", "national identity as a component of citizenship", "state identity", "civil and social competences" are characterized. It is noted that civil identity of a personality is related to a person's sense of belonging to a certain state, the signs of which are considered to be presence of citizenship, high level of trust in authorities, fellow citizens, respect, pride for one's own state, patriotism. It is emphasized that the very concept of democracy is inseparably connected with the concept of "civic identity" in the sense that democratic processes in the state, as a rule, depend on the citizens' informed and active civil position. It was found that the markers of civil identity are language (promote Ukrainian the status of the state language, its mandatory use in official sphere, in educational system and mass media activities), state symbols (anthem, flag, coat of arms of Ukraine), calendar of holidays (which honor important events in the history of Ukraine, its outstanding people. Important role of the educational subject "Civil education" in formation of civil competence, which we consider the basis for further formation of personality’s civil identity based on it, has been determined. Fullness of civil competence in the content of 9 branches of education was analyzed, the content was specified through skills and attitudes. Possibilities of educational subjects in formation of civil competence of schoolchildren were represented. Key words: identity, civil identity of a personality, national identity as a component of civil identity of a person, state identity, civil and social compences.

In posing again the traditional question about the ‘best form of government’, we might take a lead (this time around) from an idea prevalent in a philosophical movement which is not expressly political — the phenomenological movement. Husserl, Heidegger, Sartre and other exponents of ‘phenomenology’ (or ‘existential phenomenology’), although they disagree about many things, seem to concur in at least one important insight: there is no possibility of studying consciousness in and for itself; consciousness is always consciousnessof something. In a somewhat parallel fashion, most people in our relativistic social milieu would be inclined to assent to the proposition that there is no validity to the pursuit of an ‘absolutely best’ form of government; in other words, a government can be adjudged ‘best’ only insofar as it is best-for the people who are governed.

The article is devoted to the concept of “civic identity”. This concept has become a working term in a number of regulatory state documents on strategic planning in the Russian Federation adopted in recent decades. It is also used in domestic social science, philosophy, and the media. But this term is used in the Russian language space. The authors point to the relationship between the concepts of “civiс identity” and “national identity”. In the English-language tradition (and a number of other European language traditions), the term “national identity” denotes a set of forms of social identity that define an individual as a citizen in a national state. But in the Russian space, the concept of “nation” itself is traditionally understood as “ethnonation”, and in the Russian multinational state the use of the concept of “national identity” brings up difficulties of a legal, ethical, and cultural nature. To a certain extent, the concept of “civic identity” may be close to the concept of “macropolitical identity”, but civic identity is somewhat broader than macropolitical identity, the latter covering only the political aspects of an individual’s activity. The article also points out the inadequacy of understanding civic identity as awareness of legally formalized citizenship in the Russian Federation, with all the ensuing rights and obligations. The main thesis of the article is that civiс identity should have value and cultural foundations in addition to legal and political ones. Based on the concept of a “civilization state” put forward in the “Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation” in March 2023, the authors point to the possibility of bringing the concept of “civic identity” closer to the term “civilizational identity”. It is noted that these concepts are not identical, but civic identity also adopts values declared at the state level and accepts the historical heritage of the state through culture.

The resurgence of coups d’etat in Africa has resuscitated discussions about the suitability of democracy as an agent of development on the Continent. The dominant impression in extant literature suggests that the inefficiencies of democratic regimes provide the attractive invitation to military rule. Despite the encomiums showered on democracy as the global best form government, many years of its practice in Africa have resulted in massive underdevelopment. It has not delivered on its promise of free and fair elections, freedom of the press, association and others. Under the watch of democracy, many African countries have transited from one-party to dominant-party states while rigging and related electoral vices continue to fester. Police brutality and human rights abuses are rampant while insecurity and inequality have reproduced themselves in many forms. This paper contends that democracy is culpable in the business of stifling development in Africa hence, the complexity and continuity of Africa’s crisis of underdevelopment questions the validity of Western imposition of Democracy as the best form of government. It adopts an amalgam of the Liberal Democratic and Centre-Periphery Models to situate the failure of democracy in Africa within the context of metropolitan interference in African politics, with attendant African petit bourgeois attachment to foreign finance capital. Consequently, it denounces democracy as the best form of government and insists that Africa’s best form of government is that which arises out of her sociological experience and censorship to address critical aspects of her political economy.

In the article analyzed psychological nature of the phenomenon of civic identity, refined its essence in comparison of ethnic, national, territorial, language, civilization identities. In contradistinction to ethnic, territorial identities (defined as primary, «sociobiological») civic identity behove to political-cultural identities. Civic identity is identification with human citizen of the state and with a member of the community, which is a consorcium – association of people with common distany. Motivational-value connections with the State and citizens based on the typicality problems of social self-realization of personality in organizational space of state. Social conditions of self-realization, given in organizational state space, unite people on the basis of joint, are in axiological space of state. This civic identity differs from close to her national identity focused more on national culture and traditions and national interests in politics. In multicultural states civic identity plays a unifying role than national identity. Because in modern Ukraine are ongoing processes of state formation, civic identity of its inhabitants is in intensive dynamics. In particular, in addition to Ukrainian civil identity should assume the existence of Soviet civic identity (in rudimentary forms), Russian, European, cosmopolitan and uncertain identitys. The dynamics of civic identity is a transformation of the hierarchical ties with other kinds of social and political identities, and changes in the content of civic identity.

Manas epic is one of the longest epic of the Turkish oral tradition. The epic caries sings of the old national epics and also national culture. The famous Manas epic, which is an encyclopaedic work, owes its famous great Manasci who transfers all epic in the oral tradition environment or destanci / irci, who transfers a portion, of the epic or Semeteyci, Seytekci, who is called according to topic, which is belonged to the Manas epic. It is possible to find identical individual a sense between Destanci, who is trained in the tradition, and Manas epic hero , whom is transfered from historical tradition. Thus, both of them serve a common ideal. This ideal is only heart which have a pulse for the same homeland of the whole nation. Thus, great Manasci or destanci/ irci who puts forth his personal identity during the performing of the Manas epic is an individual firstly recognizes himself and than his history. Hence, in our opinion, Manas epic, which is transfered in oral tradition or is compiled and is written from destanci or direct it is written by epic author, is elected national leader; leader of the powerful wife; weapons of the leader: arrow, bow, spear, sword; the nation's sacred symbol: tug / flag; holy homeland for which, is give up all loved ones; is rescued the nation fromcaptivity (nation who won the new victory); the continuation of the lineage leader – sons…such these , is carrier and reflective of the Turkish culture and its national identity, which is a version of collective identity. Concequently, the scope of this study Manasci or destanci creates addressing the social – psychology in where there is a personal identity and national identity which is a version of collective identity and also covers in some variants examples of the Manas epic, which are Sagimbay Orozbakoglu, W. Radloff, Kenes Yusupov determination of the elements of national identity that it was emphasized above

In this paper we discuss St. Thomas Aquinas’ theory of the state and political government. We seek to answer why he believed that the best form of government is kingship. We will look at how to avoid the danger of the best form of government being distorted into its opposite, the worst form of government, tyranny. The criteria for this will be examined, and then we will analyse the second best form of government that can be implemented, a mixed government of limited monarchy. St. Thomas, although he lived in the age of constitutional charters and was familiar with them, chose the government of virtuous persons for the common good, rather than the constitutional system of charters based on ’institutionalised distrust’.

El destacado politólogo italiano Norberto Bobbio (1909-2004) escribió un libro muy interesante acerca de las formas de gobierno en la historia del pensamiento político (Bobbio, 1992), el mismo que empieza con una “célebre discusión” entre tres personajes persas: Otanes, Megabyzo y Darío, acerca de cuál debería de ser la mejor forma de gobierno a instaurarse en Persia. Otanes es el defensor del gobierno de muchos (democracia), Megabyzo defiende el gobierno de pocos (aristocracia) y Darío apuesta por el gobierno de uno (monarquía), la democracia de Otanes es la única forma de gobierno que garantiza la igualdad ante la ley. Durante el estudio de las formas de gobierno (desde Platón hasta Marx), Bobbio llega a la conclusión de que la mejor forma de gobierno de todas es la democracia; sin embargo, en América Latina, la democracia ha asumido diversos tonos e incluso algunas formas de gobierno nada democráticos se hacen pasar como democráticos. En este trabajo desarrollaremos algunos puntos referidos a la célebre discusión que reseña Bobbio y su importancia en el actual debate acerca de la mejor forma de gobierno en América Latina; en segundo lugar, presentaremos el contexto neoliberal en el que la democracia en América Latina se instaura a inicios del siglo XXI; seguidamente, comentaremos algunos datos sobre la democracia en tres países de la región: Venezuela, Ecuador y Perú.

The article is dedicated to the problem of forming students’ national and civic identity by means of the content of disciplines of civic and historical educational branches. The relevance of the study, on the one hand, is explained by the events of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which aggravated issues related to the formation of national and civic identity in Ukrainian society. On the other hand, it is explained by the search for didactic methods of implementing identity through education, caused by the complexity of the phenomenon itself. The main strategies for constructing personal identity based on the analysis of psychological and pedagogical literature and state regulatory legal acts were determined. Barriers to the formation of students’ identity were analyzed in the study. Examples of the implementation of cognitive strategies important for removing barriers were given; methods of articulation, reflection, and transformation of the problem into a new experience were analyzed. The strategies defined in the Law of Ukraine “On the Basic Principles of State Policy in the Sphere of Strengthening Ukrainian National and Civic Identity” and the Strategy for Strengthening Ukrainian National and Civic Identity for the period until 2030 and the approval of the operational plan of measures for its implementation in 2023–2025 are important. It was determined that the important factors for the implementation of strategies for constructing national and civic identity of adolescents were as follows: the formation of the content of historical, legal, and civic education; integration of discipline areas; shifting the emphasis in the content (for example, identity at different stages of historical development), refusal from old explanatory schemes; concentric approach to teaching history and civic education; orientation to the Ukrainian-centric approach.

The article deals with institutional formal and informal practices of interethnic cooperation and their influence on developing the national and civic identity in polyethnic communities in the South of Russia. The doctrinal documents and statutory regulations that govern the formal practices of interethnic cooperation contemplate involving civil society institutions in implementing the state national policy of the Russian Federation within the framework of the public-private partnership, thus creating institutional conditions for developing the national and civic identity. Informal practices of interethnic cooperation that have formed in local communities as a result of the dialogue between government officials, nongovernmental organizations, and ethnic groups allow developing common goals and public values, which are the basis of developing the national and civic identity and strengthening the civil unity.

Аналіз сучасних теоретичних концепцій громадянської ідентичності виявив еклектичність розуміння поняття громадянська ідентичність, недостатню обґрунтованість його розуміння як самостійної категорії, поза прив’язкою до категорій громадянськості або національної ідентичності та свідомості, що неминуче зумовлює редукціонізм у її вивченні (або педагогічного, або політологічного, соціально-історичного характеру). Несистемність розуміння співвідношень між різноманітними соціальними й політичними ідентичностями особистості, взаємосуперечливі погляди і щодо змісту домінувальних та підпорядкованих щаблів ієрархії відповідних ідентичностей, і щодо їх структури зумовлює строкатість, фрагментарність наукових уявлень про ідентичності загалом і про громадянську ідентичність зокрема. Варто зазначити редукційність наукових диспозицій щодо вивчення громадянської ідентичності поза контекстом глобалізаційних– антиглобалізаційних тенденцій розвитку суспільств − і західних, і євразійських. Розгортання процесів світової політики зумовлює посилення еміграційних–імміграційних рухів і готовності сучасної людини свідомо змінювати своє громадянство (за стабільності етнічної та релігійної ідентичності). Глобалізація передбачає абстрагування громадянської ідентичності від етнічних й інших соціобіологічних ознак, а також її домінування над іншими видами ідентичностей. У сучасній науці доволі гостро стоїть проблема, наскільки громадянська ідентичність взагалі може поєднати в собі риси абстрактності (неприв’язаності до характеристик території, етносу, релігії) і водночас конкретності (тобто залишатися функціональною, дієвою, впливовою в контексті інших особистісних утворень). Громадянську ідентичність потрібно вивчати в контексті її швидкої, суперечливої і часом пепередбачуваної динаміки, тенденції до абстрагування, утворення наднаціональних ідентичностей. Виникає потреба розроблення адекватного несуперечливого розуміння громадянської ідентичності як окремої соціально-психологічної категорії, цілісної концепції громадянської ідентичності, яка включала б у себе модель її структури й типів.Ключові слова: громадянська ідентичність, етнічна ідентичність, національна ідентичність, європейська ідентичність, громадянськість, громадянство.

Розглянуто недосліджену проблему впливу ідеології лібертаріанства на формування національної та громадянської свідомості. Доведено, що ідеологія лібертаріанства є руйнівною політичною технологією, спричиняє загрози процесам державотворення в Україні і є ідеологією викликів національній та громадянській ідентичності. Визначено, що ідеологія має визначальний вплив на формування державної політики, державного курсу забезпечення національної і громадської єдності Української держави.