Abstract
Domestic historiography (both Soviet and Russian ones) has paid considerable attention to studies of the organization and functioning of multi-leveled government structures supposed to administer the huge, multiethnic and multiconfessional country. The process of national-state construction and management of national and socio-economic problems in Southern Russia during this period – especially in the North Caucasus inhabited by dozens of ethnic groups with centuries-old cultures and religions – was basically difficult, and the especially difficult task to resolve was the essence and principles for handling land-territorial issues and structural government institutionalization. In the course of administrative procedures, national traditions and customs, peculiarities of national characters of the locals were to be taken into account; it was also required to diplomatically combine new and old forms of government, and, if necessary, turn to traditional governance institutions. With due ragard of the new realities ― transition to a new economic policy, collectivization ― the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) chose to pay special attention to non-Russian peoples, with an emphasis on the training of national cadres and their involvement in work within the newly established local authorities. Korenization (‘nativization’; Rus. korenizatsiya) of the state apparatus and socio-cultural institutions was initiated in national autonomies of Southern Russia which was basically the case with the rest of the country. The policy was perceived by the authorities as a major stipulation for the development of statehood of indigenous peoples, as ‘a means of pulling forth the culturally and economically backward non-Russians to the level of the advanced (nations)’. With the aid of the movement, the Bolshevik party sought, on the one hand, to strengthen its positions in the national regions, and, on the other, to spread Communist ideas among their populations. As is known, the national regions of Southern Russia experienced acute shortage of specialists that would be representatives of titular nationalities in state and public bodies, economic and cultural institutions, industry and in agriculture. To a certain extent, the national autonomies did form certain national cadres – active and obedient conductors of the Communist Party’s policy in respective regions, those who lived in constant fear of continuous repressions on behalf of the state and, as a result, could not protect the ethnic and national interests of their peoples sufficiently enough.
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