Young Patriots Research Articles

Media as a Patriotic Idea Guide in the Theory of Generations Context

The article provides an analysis of the Russian citizens patriotic education taking into consideration the generation characteristics. The state patriotic education programs have been aimed at these audiences for the past twenty years and included special patriotic mass media activities. The authors apply to the theory of generations and identify the features of the Russian various age citizens' patriotic ideology and its correlation with state instruments and measures for patriotic education through the media for four periods (2001-2005, 2006-2010, 2011-2015, 2016-2020). The study addresses the mass media role and functions in public opinion forming; the research also comprises the exploring interaction between general state patriotic education and media as a patriotic idea guide for different generations groups. Generalizing their scientific results, authors conclude that it is necessary to revise the mass media role in patriotic education and formation of young patriots in future state programs, based on the peculiarities of the new generations vision of the world. The article includes the proposals and recommendations for the special mass media events promoting patriotic idea in new media to secure the most effective results of such programs implementation in the future.

No Justification for a “Symbol of Counterrevolution”: Toward an Intersectional Reading of the Confederate Flag

ABSTRACT This article uses the cultural theorist Stuart Hall’s work to examine how one group of white leftists, the Young Patriot Organization (YPO) and their splinter organization the Patriot Party, attempted in the late 1960s and early 1970s to rearticulate the Confederate battle flag as a non-racist symbol of working-class empowerment, Appalachian regional pride, and cross-racial solidarity and egalitarianism. The Patriots’ failure to bestow the flag with a lasting anti-racist meaning despite their public alliances with the Black Power movement suggests that the flag has such an ingrained racist connotation that is almost entirely irreconcilable with progressive, anti-capitalist, and anti-racist politics. Nonetheless, among people who do claim the flag as their own, the flag is often embedded in a meaningful subcultural context. I make the case that attempts to discourage people from embracing the flag should speak directly to their cultural situation and politics of class in addition to criticizing the flag’s racist and violent history.

The Black Revolutionary and the Black Betrayer

The Black Revolutionary and the Black Betrayer Tacuma Peters (bio) Shaka King, dir. Judas and the Black Messiah. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2021. Judas and the Black Messiah follows a brief period in the political life of Fred Hampton, Chairman of the Chicago chapter of the Black Panther Party, from 1968–1969. It also follows William O'Neal, the security chief of the same Black Panther chapter and an informant for the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The dramatic film is at once a political documentary, a romance, and an undercover thriller. As a dramatic portrayal of political life, it shows the services that Chicago Black Panthers sought to provide communities (i.e., the free breakfast program, medical clinics, advocacy for individual families) and the solidarities the Panthers cultivated with the Young Lords Party, the Young Patriots, Students for Democratic Society, and Black street gangs. The drama centers on the attempts of Fred Hampton (Daniel Kaluuya) and the Black Panthers to educate communities resisting state-sponsored oppression, to foster solidarity, and to foment a socialist revolution, all while battling the agents of repression including the FBI, the States Attorney's office, local and Federal courts, and the Chicago Police Department. The film also follows William O'Neal (LaKeith Stanfield) in a set of increasingly thrilling scenes where he faces the threats of either being revealed as an FBI informant, or being rearrested and sentenced to a lengthy prison sentence if he does not act as an agent provocateur and informant. It also portrays the intimacy between Fred Hampton and fellow Panther Deborah Johnson (Dominique Fishback), including many touching scenes that range from flirting to conversations about children and revolutionary love. As a film that documents the political life of Fred Hampton and the Chicago chapter of the Black Panther Party in the late 1960s, Judas and the Black Messiah has an educational imperative and reason for being. However, for audiences searching for deeper understandings of concepts such as "the people," power, love, and revolution, Judas and the Black Messiah might not provide them with the education they seek. While the film often presents shallow dramatic content, character development, and political settings, as well as renders many characters forgettable, it does feature some significant lessons. First, the film documents how the Chicago chapter of the Black Panther Party was committed to solidarity within and across racial difference, which made the organization a threat to local and national power structures. Second, the film shifts the California-centric public imagination of the Black Panther Party by demonstrating how local concerns and organizing influenced the history of the United States' second city. Third, the film documents the inter-agency collaboration of the FBI, Illinois State Attorney, and Chicago Police Department in the assassinations of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, thereby illuminating the complex mechanisms of political repression of Black movements in the 1960s and 1970s. Fourth, the film displays Fred Hampton's powerful oratory skills and portrays him as a charismatic, committed, and effective organizer; it does so through archiving his speeches in documentary footage as well as [End Page 885] in Daniel Kaluuya's dramatic oratory performances as the titular "Messiah." Finally, it reveals how O'Neal, "Judas," was coerced into being an informant, was valuable to the FBI, and was a deeply conflicted man. In these ways, Judas and the Black Messiah represents a real achievement for a film with wide distribution. It does not shy away from the violence of agents of law enforcement or the effectiveness and brilliance of Black revolutionaries. Though it may not satisfy the desires of all of its audiences, it does effectively leave a taste of this complex history in the mouths of viewers. If we are lucky, this film becomes an appetizer for future explorations of the period, the Black Panther Party, and Black revolutionaries. The film explores two of the more complex figures in the history of Black thought and politics: the revolutionary and the betrayer. Unfortunately, it does not do justice to either of them through its emptying of political thought and context. It does not attend to the varieties and meanings of Black life in late-1960s Chicago. For example, the absence of portrayals...

TRUE YOUNG PATRIOT: ACCORDING TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

The article discusses features of patriotism and patriotic orientations of modern youth. Features of understanding patriotism among young people are considered on the basis of materials from all-Russian and author's sociological studies among young people in Russian regions, analysis of main characteristics of youth patriotic orientations is carried out. Study of youth patriotism are in the field of increased attention of scientists in connection with consequences of the post-Soviet reforms, which contributed to transformation of normative-value system and negatively affected formation and development of spiritual and moral values of Russians. The author's interest is focused on dynamics and current state of value patriotic complex of youth. This problem seems to be extremely relevant, since value foundation of young people will directly influence progressive future development of the whole society. Real patriotism of all Russians and young people is quite rare in everyday life. It includes not just love, affection to the homeland as patriotic feelings, patriotic values such as willingness to make sacrifices for the sake of their Fatherland, but also patriotic activities aimed at transforming living space in accordance with their role as a responsible representative of civil society and state. All-Russian studies indicate the discrepancy between declared principles and behavioral attitudes of youth. This requires turning to comprehensive analysis of patriotism in youth environment, detecting indicators of patriotism and identifying typical basic characteristics of true young patriots of Russia.

VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND CIVIL-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF YOUNG RUSSIAN PATRIOTS

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.

Sing Me Back Home

This paper examines the role of country music in the political life of the Young Patriots, a radical leftist group composed of white southern migrants to Chicago that allied with the Black Panther Party during the 1960s and 1970s. It begins by taking up scholarly accounts of the Republican Party's strategic embrace of country music during the era before examining the ways in which the Young Patriots used country music as a tool to organize in their local community. It argues that by grounding their analysis of country in the political economy of their neighborhood of Uptown Chicago, and institutions particular to migrant enclaves—especially the urban “hillbilly bar”—the Young Patriots offered an interpretation of country's politics that runs counter to the racialized business logic that governed Music Row and White House as well as more contemporary narratives about country music's essential political intransigence. Finally, it offers provisional thoughts on how this case study illustrates a fundamental challenge for political progressives invested in country music: how to organize the complexity of a genre whose politics were—like the politics of the working-class—often divided against itself and expressed in deeply contradictory ways with regards to central political issues like race, gender, and the nation, and what it means to put those organized politics to work.

Sarah Miriam Peale's Mary Leypold Griffith and the Staging of Republican Motherhood

Much of Sarah Miriam Peale’s work was done from observation – from life which begs the question: why would Peale depict Mary so very much alive and so mature when she had in fact passed away that year? This essay analyzes Peale’s portrait in relation to period ideas about gender, education, and death to argue that Peale aged and animated Mary in order to represent her as a young patriot. Thereby, the portrait aided her mother Priscilla’s mourning process, but also served as proof that—despite Mary’s premature death—Priscilla had fulfilled her maternal duties. In serving this function for Priscilla, the portrait served it for Sarah Miriam Peale, too. Although Peale had no children of her own, painting young patriots enabled the artist to contribute to the health of the Republic and thereby fulfill her maternal duties as well.

Organizing a Rainbow Coalition of Revolutionary Solidarity

This article considers the possibilities and limitations of multiracial alliances and antiracist organizing in and beyond the USA by analyzing the Rainbow Coalition of Revolutionary Solidarity in Chicago from 1969 to 1972. The article argues this coalition—involving the Black Panther Party, Young Lords, and Young Patriots, among other diverse organizations—demonstrated a powerful model of organizing across race for revolutionary social change, which structured self-determination in communities-of-color alongside white communities’ responsibility for ending white supremacy.

“We Know What the Pigs Don’t Like”: the Formation and Solidarity of the Original Rainbow Coalition

The Original Rainbow Coalition is often revered as an “inter-racial” alliance that included the Black Panthers, Young Lords, and Young Patriots. Re-contextualizing the formation of the coalition in relation to population violence in Chicago, this article documents the Rainbow Coalition as a political strategy that opposed the economization of poverty. Led by Fred Hampton, the Rainbow Coalition practiced an unconventional solidarity that also challenged the anti-racism strategies proposed by civil rights, cultural nationalist, and New Left organizations, alike.

Chicago’s White Appalachian Poor and the Rise of the Young Patriots Organization

Founded in 1968, the Young Patriots Organization brought together white Southerners living in Chicago’s Uptown neighborhood in an effort to confront the poverty and discrimination that they faced in their new urban home. After joining together with the Black Panthers in a class-conscious interracial alliance known as the Rainbow Coalition, the Young Patriots developed an ideology that blended ardent anti-racism and anti-capitalism with a celebration of white Southern culture. Though their ideology failed to spread more widely, their community service initiatives, including a free breakfast program and local health clinic, provided necessary support to an isolated and underserved community.

The role of social media in the collaboration, interaction, co-creation and co-delivery of a social venture in an uncertain conflict environment

This research case study examines the creation and development of a bottom-up social enterprise immediately after the outbreak of a civil war in an Arab country by a group of young patriots in the aftermath of the Arab Spring uprisings in the 2010s. Drawing on Linders’ (2012) model of social action lifecycle, our study examines how different actors become involved and co-created a socially entrepreneurial venture (SEV), how these actors contributed to the coproduction and co-delivery of the social actions (values) over time, and how social media play roles in these processes. Drawing from the empirical evidences of citizen co-production within the existing literature, we found that SEVs operate in very different ways in which the role of social media is critical, both from their equivalents operating in a penurious but stable environment, and those intending to pursue political action within a conflict situation. In our case study, social media was not intended for mass-mobilisation, but for selected mobilisation amongst those within the network. This is due to the insecure environment and the fear of infiltration from opposing parties. We also examine how new actors were, over time, being carefully screened and selected, and potential harmful existing players being excluded, which in turn contributed to the evolving nature of the social enterprises.

The role of social media in the collaboration, interaction, co-creation and co-delivery of a social venture in an uncertain conflict environment

This research case study examines the creation and development of a bottom-up social entrepreneurial venture (SEV) immediately after the outbreak of a civil war in an Arab country by a group of young patriots in the aftermath of the Arab Spring uprisings in the 2010s. Drawing on Linders' (2012) model of social action lifecycle, our study examines the co-creation of the SEV, and the subsequent processes of co-production and co-delivery of the social actions. We found the role of social media to be critical. In our case study, social media was not intended for mass-mobilisation, but for selected mobilisation amongst those within the network. This is due to the insecure environment and the fear of infiltration from opposing parties. We also examine how new actors were, over time, being carefully screened and selected, and potential harmful players being excluded, which in turn contributed to the evolving nature of the SEV.

РОЛЬ СОЦІАЛЬНИХ ПЕДАГОГІВ У ПАТРІОТИЧНОМУ ВИХОВАННІ ДІТЕЙ ТА МОЛОДІ

The actual problem of patriotic upbringing of children and youth, the formation of their national consciousness and civic attitudes discussed in the article. The special role of patriotic education in the formation of a young person as a citizen is highlighted. The patriotic upbringing in the context of modern socio-pedagogical realities is considered. The crisis situation of the socio-political conditions of the young generation's existence is emphasized. In modern conditions, the growing role of social pedagogues in the patriotic education of children and youth is noted. The main tasks of social work in this direction, requirements to professional qualities of social pedagogues are defined. The main technologies of social work that can be applied in forming patriotism of children and youth are characterized. The content of social work technologies with families who have suffered from military aggression is revealed. In the article, social work is considered as a significant means of forming patriotism not only children, the younger generation, but also their families. The expediency of development of optimal directions of social and pedagogical activity in patriotic education of children and youth of Ukraine is substantiated. In order to organize the patriotic education of students in educational institutions, recommendations were given to social educators. Summarized the importance of social pedagogue function in cooperation with all participants in the process of patriotic education of children and younger generation. The necessity of state support in this direction is emphasized not only educational establishments, social institutions, social institutions, medical, legal institutions, public organizations, but also necessarily all those who wish to this process. The further research will be focused on the multidimensional activities of social educators for the formation of new young patriots generations to defend the future independence and prosperity of Ukraine.

Demolition, Documentary and the Politics of Minjian on Contemporary Chinese Screens

China’s transformation in the reform era has been most immediately experienced by many ordinary citizens in spatial terms, as existing urban communities have been dispersed and their environments levelled, to be replaced by ‘spaces of flows’ that prioritise speed, mobility and circulation. A wide range of Chinese films have represented this experience from the perspective of existing urban communities. This article argues that in certain ‘unofficial’ documentaries produced outside China’s state-sanctioned channels of production and distribution, using small, highly mobile digital video cameras, an engagement with grassroots communities has opened up a new space on screen, in which a critical questioning of the developmental ethos driving contemporary China becomes evident. A close analysis of Ou Ning’s Meishi Street (2006), Shu Haolun’s Nostalgia (2006) and Du Haibin’s A Young Patriot (2015) will illustrate how the unofficial spaces of localised, grassroots cultures (minjian) are represented in these works as sites of resistance to the coercive imposition of a globalised modernity on Chinese cities.

Red Dawn is Now: Race vs. Nation and the American Election

This article details the long-standing struggle within the American far right between those whose mission it is to resist the perceived subversion of international communism and its neo-Soviet successors now in power in the Kremlin and those whose mission is dedicated to preserving the White Race from the twin threats of miscegenation and marginalization from the corridors of power. Using the metaphor of the 1984 low-budget spectacular Red Dawn and noting the current pattern of Russian interference in the election and contacts with the Trump campaign, it traces the struggle from the ascendancy of anti-communism in the 1950s and 1960s to the current triumph of the race warriors and conspiracy theorists who championed the candidacy of Donald Trump. “Red Dawn Is Now” concludes with the observation that, for those who most fear foreign subversion, the revelations about Russian penwetration of the American election process and the Trump presidency represents a 21st-century version of the Soviet occupation that the young patriots of Red Dawn fame successfully repelled. If this is so, it suggests the possibility that Thomas Jefferson's observation that “the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants” may be prophetic and that the fifth wave of terrorism might at long last be at hand.

Love for the Homeland Is Not an Empty Phrase for Me

Having passed his secondary-school graduation exam, the young patriot Jaroslav Cisař left Brno to study mathematics and astronomy in New York. He reacted to the fire of war in 1914 by his active engagement in anti-Austrian resistance, whose aim was the restoration of the independence of the Czech nation. After the arrival of T. G. Masaryk in the United States, he became his personal secretary in the spring of 1918. Following the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic, he worked at the Czechoslovak embassy in London, from 1927 in the newspaper Lidove noviny in Brno. After the occupation, he left for emigration, where he was involved in the tasks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After the change in the political situation in 1948, he was released from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was fortunate enough to be employed as an astronomer at the University of St Andrews in Scotland. From the 1970s, he struggled with normalisation authorities over his return to the homeland. That was successfully accomplished in 1980.

EMPLOYMENT INITIATIVES FOR WORKING YOUTH OF DAGESTAN IN THE 70-IES OF THE XX CENTURY

The process of involving youth organizations, Komsomol-youth groups, young workers in implementation of production programs in industry, transport, construction and in the service sector in the 70-ies of the XX century and used for the effectiveness of various employment initiatives is discussed in this article on the basis of new archival and documentary materials. During this decade youth organizations of the Republic were constantly improving and speeding up the work for supporting patriotic movements on the use of production reserves, declaring “impact weeks” participation in the management of production input the labour competitions. The author emphasizes that the committees of All-Union Lenin Komsomol Youth Union surrounded the advanced workers of labour competitions with warmth and attention, constantly engaged in their further growth and employment success. They were the first to notice the achievements and employment initiatives of young people and gave them a widespread public response; spread the young patriots’ initiatives among the young people. There is emphasized that the characteristic features of the labor youth competitions were: persevering struggle for the fulfillment of a plan ahead of schedule; increasing working efficiency and products quality; reducing prime costs; economy of raw-stuff, materials, fuel and electrical energy. Labor initiatives of the young workers contained elements of labor competition, and in the course of national-economic problems transformed into various forms (struggle for the systematic fulfillment of a plans; obtaining the personal quality mark of guarantee; achieving the title of leading brigade in the name of the Party Congresses and of the Young Communist League; the desire for economical use of raw materials; the conquest of the transitory red pennants, flags and banners; obtainment of the right to participate in the congresses of young manufacture leaders). The most common form of involving the young workers in active participation in the labor competitions initiatives were Komsomol youth brigades, units and shifts.

Reimagining Revolution: Later Lives of the Narrative of Joseph Plumb Martin in Children’s Literature

Examining children’s versions of Joseph Plumb Martin’s 1830 memoir of his years as an adolescent Revolutionary War soldier— Yankee Doodle Boy (1964), A Young Patriot (1996), and The Diary of Joseph Plumb Martin (2001)—this essay shows how some excisions radically change the text’s activist goals to preserve national mythology.

France’s Intervention Policy in Africa Seen from Below: Some Thoughts on the Case of Côte d’Ivoire

Abstract In contradiction with the promise to break with its post-colonial past and some attempts to change its foreign policy, France has reengaged itself massively in African crises. The military interventions launched in Cote d’Ivoire, Mali and Central African Republic seem to define a new French interventionist policy South of the Sahara. Based upon extensive surveys conducted in Cote d’Ivoire among young pro-Gbagbo militants, this article tries to interpret this new stance from below. It contends that the nationalist and anti-colonial mobilisations that took place in the country were not only instrumental in local power bargaining. They were (and are still) a powerful leverage for generational emancipation and reflect some conflicts of subjectification which will be key in the evolution of Franco-African relations in the future. Keywords: Military intervention, France/Africa, French African policy, Nationalism, Anticolonialism, Young Patriots, Cote d’Ivoire ----- Bibliography: Banegas, Richard: France’s Intervention Policy in Africa Seen from Below: Some Thoughts on the Case of Cote d’Ivoire, ERIS, 3-2014, pp. 60-79. https://doi.org/10.3224/eris.v1i3.19124

Япония и Мьянма: история “особых отношений”

Burma and Japan had long held the strongest ties among Asian countries. Such “historically friendly relationship” were based also on the sentiments and experiences of the leaders of both countries. Young Burmese patriots were trained by the Japanese army officers leading to the birth of the Burma Independence Army. Huge official development assistance provided by the Japanese government also cemented this “special relations”. However the military coup (1988) and Japanese ODA Charter (1992) drastically changed this favorable ties. Japan’s government and business have shown a keen interest in Myanmar since the establishment of a formally civilian government (2011) and beginning the rapid political reforms.