Women Quotas Research Articles

Reflection & Projection Women's "Special Treatment" in the 2024 Election Regulations: Study of PKPU 10/2023

Purpose - During the 2024 election, the KPU issued PKPU 10/2023, which regulates candidacy. PKPU 10/2023 contains changes to a new method for calculating decimals for calculating women's quotas in electoral districts. The question arises: Does PKPU 10/2023 contain the spirit of special treatment in the interests of women? For this purpose, this study was carried out by departing from three aspects: (i) The historicity of the dynamics of "special treatment" in the 1945 Constitution.Methodology – Also considered in this section are the circumstances and conditions that served as the background for including special treatment provisions in the constitution, along with the dynamics surrounding them. (ii) Precedents in Constitutional Court Decisions which provide rules for the meaning of special treatment. (iii) The role of the KPU as a regulator in formulating its regulations, namely the attribution of authority possessed by the KPU to translate the spirit of the constitution towards special treatment. Finally, (iv) the substance of the PKPU 10/2023 norm itself is reviewed for conformity with the norms.Findings - In succession, the following were found: First, from a historical perspective, the special treatment of women's political quotas shows a tendency for constitutional interpretations to open space for women's political involvement. Second, the KPU as the regulator has a strategic role in interpreting the constitutional spirit, including special treatment for women. Third, regarding substance, the content of norms contained in PKPU 10/2023 is different from Law 7/2017 and the 1945 Constitution.Implication - From these three aspects, this study concludes that PKPU 10/2023 shows a discrepancy in the spirit of special treatment in capturing the interests of women's political representation. There should be changes to PKPU 10/2023 norms while maintaining the special treatment provisions for women as contained in PKPU 20/2018.

Women leaders and corporate social performance: do critical mass, CEO managerial ability and corporate governance matter?

PurposeThis study aims to investigate the impact of top management team (TMT)'s gender diversity on corporate social performance (CSP). It sheds light on inconsistent results in literature by testing the moderator effects of chief executive officer (CEO) managerial ability and corporate governance (CG) on such impact.Design/methodology/approachA dynamic panel estimator is applied to an international sample of 8640 firm‐year observations from 2013 to 2017.FindingsThe author finds reliable evidence that the critical mass of at least three women leaders has a positive impact on the firm's CSP. Obtained results suggest, moreover, the deterrence effects of CEO managerial ability and CG tools (board independence, board gender diversity, the presence of a corporate social responsibility committee and family control) on the women leaders' contribution to the firm's CSP level. These results remain consistent with alternative measures for women leaders and CEO managerial ability. However, findings are lost when women achieve the CEO position, the chairperson position or both positions, which imply that men and women leadership styles are closely similar rather than different. Furthermore, women leaders' effect on CSP seems dependent (do not) on the country (industry) which a firm belongs to.Practical implicationsFrom a practical standpoint, the study highlights the importance of fostering the achievement of a critical mass of women leaders and the combination of CEO managerial ability – educational/professional backgrounds – and CG attributes to improve the firm's CSP. The study has important implications for investors and regulators. If investors wish to increase CSP, they should ask for more gender diversified TMTs. Furthermore, this study supports regulators in their efforts to increase senior women's quotas by providing empirical evidence of better social outcomes under leader gender diversity. The study’s evidence is also useful for companies in setting the criteria to identify CEOs who can support their strategic decisions.Originality/valueBy studying the impact female leaders have on CSP under CEO managerial ability and CG as moderators, this study is the first to display complementarities and substitutions between CEO's managerial ability and selected CG attributes in the promotion of CSP by female senior executives. Furthermore, it fills the void on how TMT's gender diversity impact CSP. In fact, while it is conventionally considered that women are more likely to engage in socially responsible activities, sensitive findings of this study shed light on the brighter side of female executives when they achieve the CEO, the chairperson position or both positions.

The Position of Women Legislators as a Form of Inclusive Citizenship in the Political Agenda for Gender Equality

The study aims to conduct a qualitative analysis of the position of women legislators as a form of inclusive citizenship on the political agenda for gender equality. The case study approach was conducted to identify the position of women in the legislature as representatives of women in fighting for the Political Agenda. Data collection is carried out through interviews, observations, and documentation from women legislators in the Jakarta Regional Representative Council. This study showed that the representation of women legislators was motivated by formal representation to meet women's quotas. This condition illustrates that to fulfill the quota of 30% of women again used as a tool so that male legislator candidates can follow the election. There is no clear selection process and only fixated on party decisions.

Women and Legislative Representation in Nigeria’s National Assembly: A Detailed Appraisal of the 8th Assembly (2015-2019)

This study focuses on women legislative representation in Nigeria since the commencement of the Fourth Republic (1999 to 2020). It investigates the low levels of representation of women in the National Assembly and factors that explain this. Results from the study show that the majority of female respondents indicate active interest in politics but are discouraged by factors that include prevailing gender stereotypes, cultural/religious reasons, unfavourable political environment, lack of financial capacity, electoral violence and restrictive party structures and processes amongst others. The bulk of male respondents confirm these structural biases and barriers to women’s political participation. In view of these findings, some recommendations offered include implementation of deliberate policies and legislations that target women quotas and affirmative action, elimination of structural barriers to women's participation, reducing the cost of political participation for women, reforming the electoral process, and sustained and systematic gender education.

Women Quotas vs. Men Quotas in Academia: Students Perceive Favoring Women as Less Fair Than Favoring Men.

In this study, we analyze the free verbal associations to the stimuli women quotas and men quotas of 327 medical students. Women and men quotas are characterized by the same modus operandi (i.e., preferential treatment based on sex/gender). However, women quotas help a low-status group, whereas men quotas help a high-status group. In line with a support paradox, that is, the perception that support for women is less fair and less legitimate than support for men, we expected that students would reject women quotas in academia more vehemently than men quotas. Specifically, we hypothesized that students would have more negative and more emotional associations with women quotas than men quotas. As predicted, students had more negative associations with women quotas than with men quotas. However, students did not have more emotional associations with women quotas than with men quotas. In addition, we explored the semantic content of the free associations to identify specific concerns over each quota. Students perceived women quotas as counterproductive, derogatory, and unfair, whereas they perceived men quotas as beneficial and fair. Concerns over the negative perceptions of quota beneficiaries were associated more frequently with women quotas than men quotas. Potential factors underlying students’ perceptions of both quotas are discussed.

Women's career choices, social norms and child care policies

Our model explains the observed gender-specific patterns of career and child-care choices through endogenous social norms. We study how these norms contribute to the emergence of a gender wage gap. We show that via the social norm a couple's child-care and career choices impose an externality on other couples, so that the laissez-faire is inefficient. We use our model to study the design and effectiveness of three commonly used policies. We find that child-care subsidies and women quotas can be effective tools to mitigate or eliminate the externality. Parental leave, however, may even intensify the externality and decrease welfare.

Do the Effects of Temporary Ethnic Group Quotas Persist? Evidence from India

Do electoral quotas for ethnic groups continue to improve their chances of winning elections after quotas are withdrawn? This is an important question since ethnic group quotas are common, and are often intended to be temporary. Using natural experiments, I find that electoral quotas for India's “scheduled castes” (SCs) fail to boost SCs' chances of winning office after they are discontinued. These results contrast with the significant positive effects of past women's quotas found in similar contexts. (JEL D72, J15, J16, O15, O17, Z13)

Women's Career Choices, social Norms and Child Care Policies

Our model explains the observed gender-specific patterns of career and child care choices through endogenous social norms. We study how these norms interact with the gender wage gap. We show that via the social norm a couple's child care and career choices impose an externality on other couples, so that the laissez-faire is inefficient. We use our model to study the design and effectiveness of three commonly used policies. We find that child care subsidies and women quotas can be effective tools to mitigate or eliminate the externality. Parental leave, however, may even intensify the externality and decrease welfare.

Women's Career Choices, Social Norms and Child Care Policies

Our model explains the observed gender-specific patterns of career and child care choices through endogenous social norms. We study how these norms interact with the gender wage gap. We show that via the social norm a couple's child care and career choices impose an externality on other couples, so that the laissez-faire is inefficient. We use our model to study the design and effectiveness of three commonly used policies. We find that child care subsidies and women quotas can be effective tools to mitigate or eliminate the externality. Parental leave, however, may even intensify the externality and decrease welfare.

Authenticating Representation: Women's Quotas and Islamist Parties

The spread of women's quotas in legislative bodies across the world since the mid-1990s has become one of the most significant factors impacting levels of women's political representation (Dahlerup 2013; Krook 2009; Tripp and Kang 2008). In the Middle East, a region that has long held a place at the very bottom of global rankings of women's representation, the adoption of such quotas is transforming levels of representation (Kang 2009). But there is still much debate over the utility of quotas for women's meaningful participation in political life. There is now a well-established literature that examines the effects of quotas on women's descriptive or numerical representation. We have a fairly robust idea about the types of quotas that are appropriate for particular sets of electoral system contexts when the goal is to generate a target percentage of women elected to legislative bodies (Jones 2005; Larserud and Taphorn 2007). However, questions about whether and how quotas benefit women beyond the simple addition of several women parliamentarians to the political game remain contested. The various arguments for the utility of quotas rest mainly on two underlying propositions. The first is that quotas, by bringing more women to the political sphere, promote the substantive representation of women's interests. The second is that quotas have a symbolic effect. They help demonstrate that women are fit and able to govern and so contribute to countering women's historical exclusion from politics.

Women Quotas on the Board of Directors: Evidence from the World's Major Markets

Women Quotas on the Board of Directors: Evidence from the World's Major Markets

Gender en etniciteit in de Tweede Kamer: streefcijfers en groepsvertegenwoordiging

Women and ethnic minorities are underrepresented in national parliaments around the world. Interestingly, in the Netherlands ethnic minority women are better represented than ethnic minority men and ethnic majority women. The Netherlands did not adopt women quotas, but some parties implemented target numbers voluntarily. Drawing on document analysis and interviews this article explores whether parties that encourage women representation are also likely to structurally increase the number of ethnic minority representatives. It finds that party-specific factors such as a left or social democratic ideology, the institutionalization of gender and/or ethnicity within and the party’s vision on group representation are intertwined. Parties that actively encourage women’s representation are more inclined to openly acknowledge the importance of ethnic diversity. This especially favours ethnic minority women, who benefit from the strong embedding of gender. In the end gender determines the success of the ethnic card in political representation.

The Limits of Women's Quotas in Brazil

In this article, I examine the case of Brazil which, unlike many other Latin American countries, is an example of where quotas are not working. Drawing on over ten years of research and exploring the dynamics of a varied group of political parties, I contest that male resistance is not the only reason behind this failure. Vagueness around the quota law and a lack of sanctions, together with the elitist nature of politics in Brazil are all contributing factors. My research has also revealed a few anomalies, showing that contrary to much of the literature, women would seem to fare better in elections within less developed and smaller states in Brazil. In conclusion, I propose that in order to move forward and get quotas, working reform measures are needed to strengthen the law, but in addition, women's access to financial support for campaigning needs to be fully understood.

Los partidos colombianos y la representación de las mujeres (1990-2006). ¿Compromiso de fondo o superficial?

Do parties, which proclaim a gender equity commitment, translate such commitment by including quotas for women in their electoral lists and directorate? Do they have financial funds and political training policies expressly directed towards women? As the Colombian case shows, parties are complex and contradictory organizations, which can at the programmatic level express a deep commitment towards gender equity and at other levels, react with hostility against women quotas and exclusionary policies.

Designing for Equality: Women's quotas and women's political participation

Stina Larserud and Rita Taphorn ask whether a society excluding over 50 per cent of its members – women – can be deemed democratic. Is it enough to hold elections if the elections are yielding results that are in no way gender representative? Are any electoral processes – with or without quotas – gender neutral? These questions need to be answered in order to discuss and design electoral provisions that enable women's representation and political participation.

Through the Brick Wall, and the Glass Ceiling: Women in the Civil Service in Bangladesh

In Bangladesh the disparity between male and female representation in public administration is wide. Fewer women are employed in the civil service and they figure prominently in jobs set aside for them, while executive positions are generally occupied by men. Both systemic and subjective discrimination have created obstacles for women's access to public employment. They have to surmount enormous difficulties, first to gain entry into the civil service by thwarting social and cultural barriers and competing against well‐prepared and favoured male contestants, and then fight against a variety of odds to climb up the career ladder. Public personnel management is dominated by men whose perceptions and attitudes influence the development of personnel policies with a clear male bias. This has led to women's persistent discrimination in recruitment, placement, advancement, mobility and training. Women quotas are capriciously administered and subjective discrimination serves as a barrier in their career path. The promotion system is heavily inclined towards subjectivity and generally works against them. Most women come with high expectations and are committed to and always enthusiastic about their work and keen to advance their career, but circumstances work against them.

Representation of Women in the Austrian Political System 1945-1998

Abstract Since 1945 the situation of women in Austrian politics has changed slowly but surely. This article concentrates on the representation of women in the political parties, parliamentary delegations, and in the party leadership positions. The number of women in the individual political parties determines the level of representation of women in parliament. In this connection, changes in legislation and party rules regarding the participation of women which took place after 1945 are analyzed, as well as the developmentof women's quotas in the party executive committees. I also compare the actual proportions of women in the party executives with the official targets given in the party rules where such quotas exist. Furthermore, the article discusses channels of legislative recruitment and their effects on drawing up the party lists. Finally, the question of strengthening the preference voting system as a chance to increase women's quotas is dealt with from the viewpoint of various Austrian political par...

Debate: Egalitarian Democracy: Women Quotas in Politics

Debate: Egalitarian Democracy: Women Quotas in Politics

Political participation and parliamentary careers: Women's quotas in West Germany

Drawing on a survey of women candidates and parliamentary handbooks, this article examines the effects of women's quotas in West German political parties. Since the mid‐1980s, the number of women members in Land parliaments and in the Bundestag increased sharply, in particular for the SPD and Greens. In the CDU and SPD, women require a track‐record of office‐holding before their nomination, while the party organisation carries little weight in FDP and Greens. CDU and FDP women tend to link political success to personality while women in the SPD and Greens look for an end to a male‐dominated party culture. The focus on women appears to favour the academically qualified, especially in the Greens and in the SPD.