Anthropology Of Women Research Articles

ПРО ЩО НЕ ПРИЙНЯТО ГОВОРИТИ, АЛЕ ПРО ЩО ПИСАЛИ ІВАН ФРАНКО І ҐАБРІЕЛЯ ЗАПОЛЬСЬКА(скандальні повісті «Dla ogniska domowego» і «O czym się nie mówi»)

For the first time, a comparative analysis of the novels «Dla og- niska domowego» (in Polish, 1892) by Ukrainian writer Ivan Franko and «O czym się nie mówi» (1909) by Polish writer Gabriela Zapolska was carried out. These works are quite close not only in terms of themes and problems, but also in terms of ideological and artistic approach, interpretation, plot development, plot moves, characters and individual details. In both novels, the action takes place in the heterogeneous ethnic environment of Lviv – mostly Polish, partly Jewish, Austrian and Ukrainian. The «Lviv text» in both works is in many ways similar and at the same time different. The comparative analysis in the article includes other works by Franko (in Ukrainian): the early unfinished poem «Сяся» (the first two chapters and the beginning of the third were written in 1882), the prose dramatic miniature «Чи вдуріла? Сцена» (1904), the story «Між добрими людьми» (1890). Franko in the story «Між добрими людьми», and Zapolska in the story «O czym się nie mówi», revealing the inner world of prostitutes, emphasize their fatalistic perception of their own fate. In the center of Franko’s story «Dla ogniska domowego» is the sociology and anthropology of women’s welfare of the «home» through the organization of illegal prostitution, and at the same time – the dual (ostensible and hidden) attitude of men to the sexual trade. At the center of Zapolska’s story is the sociology and anthropology of prostitution itself: the drama and tragedy of the social position of a legalized prostitute and her mental torment, as well as the dual attitude of men towards prostitutes (using their services and disdain for them), similar to Franko’s story. Franko developed the work as a socio-psychological story and at the same time as a crime story. The genre of social and psychological novel clearly dominates in Zapolska’s work, and only at the end do elements of a criminal novel appear. The driving spring of the plot development in both stories is the leitmotif of faith (trust) and deception. In both works, the woman hides her actions from her husband, deceives him, and he, at first naively trusting, and then filled with suspicions and doubts, tries to find out the truth about her. It is the man in both stories who is the leading character, while the woman or girl is the cause of problems. The coincidences in both works are striking: the scheme of characters, es- pecially the main couple (husband – wife, boyfriend – girlfriend), one leading and other secondary subjects of (de)disguise, the only main character-object, at whom the masks of other characters are directed, conversations-confrontations between a man and a woman, the growing sense of horror in both of them (in the man – before the unexpected discovery of the shocking truth about the woman, and the woman – before exposing her and bringing her to criminal responsibiliity), the stunning disclosure of the secret, the mental torment experienced by the main pair of characters, and, finally, the partial rehabilitation of the lost woman against the background of moral condemnation of «respectable» men and the author’s accusations of hypocritical society of male chauvinism. These coincidences may be caused by Zapolska’s acquaintance with Franko’s story based on the Ukrainian auto-translation published in Lviv in 1897, or on the manuscript of the Polish text, or on the German translation of the Polish text published in 1898 in the supplement to the Berlin Social Democratic newspaper «Vorwärts» (Unterhaltungsblatt der «Vorwärts») under the title «Am häuslichen Herd. Roman von Iwan Franko». Or they can be caused by the typology of independent from each other writer’s thinking, subject to moral, ethical and aesthetic trends of the time. The authors created the stories at about the same time (with a difference of only 16 years) and probably depended in their ideological and artistic searches on similar social circumstances and events in Lviv related to prostitution, and on the poetry of the same literary sources (for example, the drama by H. Ibsen «A Doll’s House» or «Nora»).

The Two Lives of Leela Dube Introductory Remarks on her Life and Work

This essay presents an integrated account of the personal and professional lives of Leela Dube. Born and brought up in a traditional, Maharashtrian, Brahman household, which was urban and in some respects modern too, Leela Dube journeyed from such a home through modern school and college education into a marriage by personal choice and a professional career in anthropology. It is an account of the engagement of an intelligent and highly educated person with two distinct — in some respect discrepant — worlds without completely separating them. Happy to be a home-maker with a family, she also carved out a place of distinction for herself as a scholar of kinship studies and the anthropology of women. Indeed, she came to be hailed as a pioneer in the field of gender studies in India. One of the implications of the interpretation offered here is that the enclosing of complex lives in easy-to-grasp theoretical pigeon holes may well fail to capture in their fullness the struggles and achievements of an extraordinary multi-dimensional person.

WOMEN IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL FILM

Visual anthropology has never been fully incorporated into the anthropological mainstream. For a long period, anthropological films have been considered only as an objective recording of reality to be used in further analysis and then stored in film archives – as it is also considered to be an audio-visual aid in the teaching process. My field experience supports the ever-dominant thesis that visual anthropology, the same as written texts, is a narrative means to impart anthropological knowledge. In this case, the focus is on the anthropology of women – a topic, which in social sciences and in films was ”invisible“ until the 1970.

The Bible on Steroids The Effect of Androcentrism on the Lectionary

For many Catholics the most common encounter with the biblical witness is through the Lectionary. Questions arise about the method by which biblical passages are selected, the message conveyed by the content of the Lectionary readings, and the impact of the Lectionary on our appreciation of the role of women in salvation history. W hen I began to study the Bible as an undergraduate theology student, I was surprised to discover women in the Pauline texts who were leaders of house churches, missionaries, prophets, catechists, and deacons; women who were Paul’s coworkers, not his subordinates. However, my genuine delight at this discovery was eclipsed by a deeper question: why had I not heard of these women before? After some reflection, I came to the realization that I had spent too much time with my missalette and not enough time with my Bible. What I had experienced, and what all Catholics experience if they do not have significant extra-liturgical biblical encounters, was a scripturally mediated indoctrination into the Church’s anthropology of women. This anthropology says that women were created to be the helpers of men, especially in procreation, and that they are characterized by certain qualities that pertain to this role, such as passivity, receptivity, selflessness, and sensitivity to the needs of people (John Paul II, n. 18). Every woman, regardless of her actual life situation, is defined by the “two particular dimensions of the fulfillment of the female personality,” (John Paul II, n. 17), virginity and motherhood. While the Lectionary’s delivery of

Rereading the Archives: Uncovering Spaces of Feminist Engagement in IWAC (International Women's Anthropology Conference)

ABSTRACT IWAC—the International Women's Anthropology Conference—has grown over four decades from a small New York–based organization to one that is truly global in scope and agenda. Inspired by the civil rights and feminist movements of the 1960s and early 1970s, three anthropologists, Eleanor Leacock, Constance Sutton, and Ruby Rohrlich‐Leavitt, came together to form a feminist anthropology organization—the New York Women's Anthropology Caucus—dedicated to supporting women's struggles both inside and outside the Academy. In 1976, four years after its inception, the organization expanded to become IWAC. By using their anthropological expertise and connections with women in areas targeted for international development, IWAC members were able to provide the United Nations and other policymaking organizations with situated case studies of women's collective action and concerns. In this way, IWAC has charted a course for publicly engaged feminist anthropology that continues to resonate for engaged feminist scholars and activists today. [feminism, engaged anthropology, IWAC]

‘JUMPING GENERATIONS’

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. See also Genevieve Lloyd (1984 Lloyd , Genevieve . 1984 . The man of reason: ‘Male’ and ‘female’ in Western philosophy . New York : Routledge .[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 2. Please note that this argument also concerns ‘race’/ethnicity. In Harding's work, Haraway gets assigned the role of postmodern/post-structuralist feminist theorist who completes the black feminist disclosure of the racism of second-wave movement feminism. For the underlying pattern, see Hemmings (2005, 122). 3. See also Gayle Rubin (1975 Rubin , Gayle . 1975 . The traffic in women: Notes on the ‘political economy’ of sex . In Toward an anthropology of women R.R. Reiter . New York : Monthly Review Press . [Google Scholar]). 4. See, for example, Bronwyn Winter (1997 Winter, Bronwyn. 1997. (Mis)Representations: What French feminism isn't’. Women's. Studies International Forum, 20(2): 211–24. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) and Sneja Gunew (2002 Gunew , Sneja . 2002 . Feminist cultural literacy: Translating differences, cannibal options . In Women's studies on its own R. Wiegman . Durham, , NC : Duke University Press . [Google Scholar]). 5. An example that Wylie refers to is Dorothy E. Smith (2004 Smith , Dorothy E . 2004 . Comment on Hekman's ‘Truth and method: Feminist standpoint theory revisited’ . In The Feminist standpoint theory reader: Intellectual and political controversies Sandra Harding . New York and London : Routledge . [Google Scholar], 263). 6. See also Prokhovnik's Rational Woman: A Feminist Critique of Dichotomy (2002, 43). 7. I would like to thank Professor Gail Lewis who, during the 6th European Gender Research Conference in August 2006, stressed the importance of thinking ‘multiple tracks’ in response to my paper. Lewis pointed out to me that black women stand in a specific generational relation to one another, and simultaneously to white women. 8. See also Claire Colebrook (2000 Colebrook , Claire . 2000 . From radical representations to corporeal becomings: The feminist philosophy of Lloyd, Grosz and Gatens . Hypatia 15 ( 2 ): 76 – 93 .[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 9. See Bracke and Puig de la Bellacasa (2004 Bracke , Sarah , and María Puig De La Bellacasa . 2004 . Building standpoints . In The Feminist standpoint theory reader: Intellectual and political controversies Sandra Harding . New York and London : Routledge . [Google Scholar]). 10. This is not to say that counter-examples do not exist. See, for example, Alison Assiter (1996 Assiter , Alison . 1996 . Enlightened women: Modernist feminism in a postmodern age . London and New York : Routledge . [Google Scholar]). What I claim is that these examples will not be noticed by the second-wave or post-second-wave feminist epistemologists.

The International Women's Anthropology Conference (IWAC)

VoicesVolume 8, Issue 1 p. 17-17 The International Women's Anthropology Conference (IWAC) Eva Friedlander Ph.D., Eva Friedlander Ph.D. Partner Planning Alternatives for Change (PAC), LLC E-mail: efriedlander@igc.orghttp:www.planningalternatives.comSearch for more papers by this author Eva Friedlander Ph.D., Eva Friedlander Ph.D. Partner Planning Alternatives for Change (PAC), LLC E-mail: efriedlander@igc.orghttp:www.planningalternatives.comSearch for more papers by this author First published: 23 February 2010 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-7423.2008.tb00047.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume8, Issue1April 2008Pages 17-17 RelatedInformation

Introduction to Special Section on Men Doing Anthropology of Women

Introduction to Special Section on Men Doing Anthropology of Women

Genre et moralité dans la construction impériale de la race

Until a relatively recent period, colonial history had focused on the study of the colonized, and, if some attention was dedicated to the colonizers, only the role men played in the process was deemed fit to require attention, thus arbitrarily assigning to the women of colonization contradictory features. More recent researches in women anthropology and sociology set out to analyze the image and agency of the white woman in the colonies. According to the ideological needs of the moment, as well as the different challenges opposed to the colonial rule, supposed needs, wills, political and ideological features were ascribed to these women, including racism. A closer scrutiny tends to show that one could draw a parallel between the different ways racial problems were dealt with, and the definition of the role of women in the colonization, varying according to the different demands of the imperial project. This could be explained by the ambiguous status of women in this period of history : they were both subordinates in colonial hierarchies and agents of empire in their own right.

Jean Paul and women's anthropology

In this article, I examine the philosophical anthropology - the ideas on mind-body relations - behind Jean Paul's presentation of women in his fictional writings. First, I discuss his unflattering association of women with the body in his early satires and Siebenkäs. With reference to Titan, I then suggest that he reaches a more favourable view of female physiology and psychology in his sentimental fiction. Throughout, I relate his views on women's anthropology to those of his contemporaries.

Book Review: Mystics, Visionaries, and Prophets: A Historical Anthropology of Women's Spiritual Writings

Book Review: Mystics, Visionaries, and Prophets: A Historical Anthropology of Women's Spiritual Writings

Women as Children: Culture, Political Economy, and Gender Inequality among Kisongo Maasai

The study of gender, that is, the cultural and social relations of power between women and men (but also between women and other women, men and men), has received increasing theoretical attention in the past few decades. As distinguished from the ‘anthropology of women’ school, which seeks to recover and represent the experiences of women as central to their studies and texts (e.g., Shostak 1981), the anthropology of gender shifts the focus from just women to studies of the cultural construction of gender, patterns of gender relations, and the study of gender as an organising force in societies (Moore 1988). Key to this shift has been the realisation that the actions of and ideas about women can never fully be understood unless they are examined in relationship to those of men in the same society (e.g. Scott 1988). Furthermore, recent work has emphasised the need to examine how these gender relations shape and are shaped by local and translocal processes such as colonialism, capitalism, media images, and tourism (e.g., GroszNgate and Kokole 1997; Hodgson and McCurdy 2000d). Approaches to the study of gender, mirroring broader theoretical divisions within anthropology, have generally focused on either its cultural (the meanings people give to their world) or social (their activities and actions in that world) aspects. Studies of gender among pastoralist peoples have generally focused on the latter, providing detailed analyses of the role of gender in livestock production systems (e.g., Dahl 1987, Curry 1996), the impact of economic changes on gender relations (e.g., Oboler 1985, Talle 1988), or gender as a structuring principle of social organisation or spatial order (e.g., Moore 1986). My research attempts to restore cultural analysis to social analysis by examining the relationship between cultural conceptions of gender and gendered social relationships in a historical context of economic and social change among the Kisongo Maasai and Arusha Maasai of Arusha Region, Tanzania. I analyse the nuanced interactions between changes in political economy and cultural meaning to explore how cultural conceptions (such as what it means to be a man or woman) change over time, the degree to which they are shared or not shared within communities, and the relationship between gender inequality and other structures of inequality such as ethnicity, class and citizenship. I have worked and conducted research in Maasai areas in Tanzania since 1985, including an intensive two-year study (1991–93) of three Maasai communities located within the same political ward which differ historically as to the intensity and duration of their interaction with processes of ‘development’, including education, missionisation, commoditisation, extent of cultivation, integration into

Women in Northern Paiute Politics

Recent review essays in Signs on Native American women and on the development of an anthropology of women have shown us a diverse body of scholarly work that has the potential to redress what some regard as an imbalance in anthropologists' coverage of American Indian women.l Anthropological studies have not given adequate attention to contemporary Native American women's participation in political life, but the significance of a few instances has caught scholars' attention. For example, the Cahuilla Indians of Palm Springs, California, successfully resolved a series of major land disputes under the leadership of an allwoman tribal council. First elected in 1954, the women managed their reservation's tribal affairs until 1961, when a young Cahuilla man was elected tribal chairman. Among the Northern Ute of the Uintah Basin in northeastern Utah, economic changes have generated a growing desire for improved housing, education, and jobs on the reservation. In the vanguard of these efforts have been women, many of whom have good

Lesbian-Feminist Gender Conceptions: Separatism in Christchurch, New Zealand

National Science Foundation (Doctoral Dissertation Improvement grant BNS 781063), the Graduate School of Cornell University, and the University's Center for International Studies provided fellowship support for this project. I would like to thank Ruth Borker, Martha Gearhart, Daniel Maltz, Kathryn March, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments on earlier versions of this article. All names of persons, organizations, and places (except Christchurch) have been changed to protect the privacy of those who worked with me. 1. On the former, see Michelle Z. Rosaldo, Culture and Society: A Theoretical Overview, in Woman, Culture and ed. M. Z. Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1974), pp. 17-42, and The Use and Abuse of Anthropology: Reflections on Feminism and Cross-cultural Understanding, Signs: Journal of in Culture and Society 5, no. 3 (Spring 1980): 389-417; Sherry B. Ortner, to Male as Nature Is to Culture? in Rosaldo and Lamphere, eds., pp. 67-87; and Nancy Chodorow, Reproduction of Mothering (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). On the latter, see Susan Carol Rogers, Female Forms of Power and the Myth of Male Dominance: A Model of Female/Male Interaction in Peasant Society, American Ethnologist 2, no. 4 (November 1975): 727-56; Rayna R. Reiter, Men and in the South of France: and Private Domains, in Towards an Anthropology of Women, ed. R. Reiter (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), pp. 252-82; Cynthia Nelson, Public and Private Politics: in the Middle Eastern World, American Ethnologist 1, no. 3 (August 1974): 551-63; and Susan Harding, Women and Words in a Spanish Village, in Reiter, ed., pp. 283-308. 2. Naomi Quinn, Anthropological Studies on Women's Status, Annual Reviews of Anthropology 6 (1977): 181-225; Susan Carol Rogers, Woman's Place: A Critical Review of

The Social Anthropology of Women and Feminist Anthropology

The Social Anthropology of Women and Feminist Anthropology

Alexandra Kollontai and the, "Anthropology of Women":, An Assessment

Alexandra Kollontai and the, "Anthropology of Women":, An Assessment

Introduction

Symbolic Aspects of Male /Female Relations in Greece Introduction Loring M. Danforth The papers presented here under the title "Symbolic Aspects of Male/ Female Relations in Greece" represent a continuation of the early work done by John Campbell and Ernestine Friedl on the position of women in rural Greece. They also mark the application of more recent theoretical work on the anthropology of women and gender roles to the ethnography of rural Greece. The authors of these papers strive to remain faithful to the perspectives adopted by both the men and the women of rural Greece toward their social roles, their intrinsic natures, and the relationships between the sexes. In this way these authors successfully avoid the patricentric bias that has characterized much anthropological writing in the past and focus proper attention on the ideology and cultural models of women which are so often "muted" (to use Edwin Ardener's term) and therefore overlooked by anthropologists. While the authors of these papers make use of the oppositions between public and private, culture and nature, sacred and profane, purity and pollution, which have been formulated to deal with the symbolic aspects of male/female relations, they all recognize the limitations and weaknesses of an approach to gender roles and symbolism that relies exclusively on a paradigm of binary oppositions in which women are associated with the private, the natural, the profane, and the polluting (see particularly Dubisch, this volume). They recognize that the complexity of male and female symbolism calls for a more 157 158 Loring M. Danforth refined application of structural analysis, for more careful interpretation (what Clifford Geertz would call "thicker description"), and for a greater sensitivity to the context in which symbols for male and female are used. Regardless of whether their approach to the study of gender roles is feminist, Marxist, structuralist, semiotic, or symbolic, the authors of these papers all acknowledge the polysemous quality of symbols and emphasize the importance of ambiguity, ambivalence, paradox, conflict, and mediation in the analysis of symbolic systems. In this way their contributions to the study of the symbolic aspects of male/female relations in Greece attempt to do justice to the richness of rural Greek culture. In "Semantic Slippage and Moral Fall: The Rhetoric of Chastity in Rural Greek Society," Michael Herzfeld argues that "the lament for lost virtue" (the claim that women are no longer as chaste as they once were) should be understood as a symbolic act, an artifact of a particular ideology, rather than as a factual statement of some literal history of sexual morality. With an appropriate warning as to the dangers of cross-cultural comparisons and the difficulties of demonstrating continuity through time, and with an admirable sensitivity to "the hidden semantic divergence" between katharevousa and dimotiki, Herzfeld examines the changing meanings of the terms γάμος and εξωτικά. He concludes by showing how the phenomenon of semantic slippage enables Greek villagers to perpetuate "an immutable sense of recently corrupted morality" and maintain their "moral theory in the face of repeated violations." Ruth Mandel, in "Sacrifice at the Bridge of Artà : Sex Roles and the Manipulation of Power," applies the techniques of symbolic and structural analysis to the well-known folk song "The Bridge of Arta." Mandel demonstrates convincingly that this song is an expression of the marginal or liminal position occupied by women in rural Greek society. She argues that it is the wife of the master builder who must be sacrificed so that the bridge will stand, since, as an affine, she is both δική (an insider, a relative) and ξÎ-νη (an outsider, not a consanguineal relative). A woman "is expendable, yet her incorporation into the patrilineal unit is essential to insure its continuity. Her presence is required to secure the foundation of both the lineage and the bridge—yet not to sustain it." Mandel goes on to discuss other aspects of the mediating position women occupy in rural Greek society, pointing out that women serve as a link or bridge between their families of origin and their families of marriage, as well as between the world of the living and the world of the dead. Jill Dubisch's "Greek Women: Sacred or Profane" is an examination of...

Response to the Review of Females, Males, Families: A Biosocial Approach

American AnthropologistVolume 83, Issue 3 p. 639-641 Free Access Response to the Review of Females, Males, Families: A Biosocial Approach LILA LEIBOWITZ, LILA LEIBOWITZ Northeastern UniversitySearch for more papers by this author LILA LEIBOWITZ, LILA LEIBOWITZ Northeastern UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: September 1981 https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1981.83.3.02a00190AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. REFERENCES CITED Brace, C. Loring 1973 Sexual Dimorphism in Human Evolution. In Man in Evolutionary Perspective. C. Loring Brace and James Metress, eds. pp. 238– 254. New York: John Wiley. Buettner-Janusch, John 1973 Physical Anthropology: A Perspective. New York: John Wiley. Leibowitz, Lila 1968 Founding Families. Journal of Theoretical Biology 21: 153– 169. Leibowitz, Lila 1970 Breasts, Buttocks, and Body Hair: Desmond Morris Was Wrong. Psychology Today 3(9): 16– 22. Leibowitz, Lila 1975 Perspectives on the Evolution of Sex Differences. In Toward an Anthropology of Women. Rayne Reiter, ed. pp. 20– 35. New York: Monthly Review Press. Leibowitz, Lila 1979 Universale and Male Dominance Among Primates: A Critical Examination. In Genes and Gender II: Pitfalls in Research on Sex and Gender. Ruth Hubbard and Marian Lowe, eds. pp. 35– 48. New York: Gordian Press. Reid, Duncan, Kenneth J. Ryan, and Kurt Benirschke 1972 Principles and Management of Human Reproduction. Philadelphia: Saunders. Reid, Duncan, Kenneth J. Ryan, and Kurt Benirschke 1980 Jaws XII: Aegyptopithecus on the Road to Man. Science News 117(7): 100. Volume83, Issue3September 1981Pages 639-641 ReferencesRelatedInformation

National women's anthropology newsletter

National women's anthropology newsletter

Women and Class Struggle in Sembene's "God's Bits of Wood"

To teach women's studies or anthropology of women, or to remember that humanity comes in two sexes when the course topic is class or culture rather than sex, means at some point or other to be confronted by the knotty question of how women's struggles and women's consciousness relate to working-class struggles and working-class consciousness. And as a Marxist in a field whose stock in trade is cultural differences, I am also confronted by the interplay of culture (or ethnicity) and class, and its impacts on women's consciousness. But Rowbotham is right-we barely understand those relationships because conscious activity, the mother of understanding, is still in its infancy. This means that when such questions are raised in the classroom as well as in political activity, our answers in talk and in practice are hesitant-groping for something