Women In Elected Office Research Articles

Sister Space: Collective Descriptive Representation and Black Women in Legislative Caucuses

Black women in elective office in the United States have demonstrated how descriptive representative transforms democratic institutions. This transformation is most evident in previously uncrystallized interests, those new to the agenda or not yet owned by specific political groups (Mansbridge 1999), articulated in legislative communication and action. For instance, Black maternal health is an issue that addresses the disproportionately poor health outcomes among Black women, who face systemic barriers to equitable care (Crear-Perry et al. 2021). Congresswoman Lauren Underwood’s (D-IL) 2021 Momnibus legislation included 12 bipartisan bills to address racial and ethnic disparities faced by mothers, children, and individuals who birth. Indeed, the creation of the Black Maternal Health Caucus (BMHC) demonstrates the legislative agency of Black women to form identity- and issue-based coalitions that suit the needs of Black women—needs often overlooked by Black men and white women.

Legislating as Your Full Self: Queer Women of Color in US State Legislatures

ABSTRACT While recent gains in diversity in US state legislatures are notable, state legislatures remain disproportionately white and male. In this critical perspective piece, we examine the gains in representation and entrance to office of a group legislators who comprise an important intersection of identity in American politics: queer women of color. We find that the 30 Democratic queer women of color currently in office replaced fellow Democrats in all but four instances and defeated an incumbent in 13 elections. By providing an overview of these legislators, this piece contributes toward advancing a more representative understanding of the diversity of women in elective office. In doing so, we strive to pivot the center on queer women of color political elites and note several avenues for future research.

Anti-abortion Policymaking and Women’s Representation

To what extent and under what conditions do women in elective office lead the way on conservative women’s interests? The few existing studies find that, contrary to most research on women’s descriptive and substantive representation, legislative activity on conservative women’s issues in the United States is driven primarily by Republican men. This article takes a new look at the heart of conservative policymaking by analyzing the sponsorship of anti-abortion bills in twenty-one state houses, from 1997 to 2012. We find that conservative Republican women stand at the forefront of anti-abortion policy leadership in state legislatures. However, their distinctive leadership is highly constrained; it is most likely to emerge in policy contexts that use women-centered issue frames and within competitive partisan environments. These complex interactions between gender, ideology, issue framing, and partisanship call for new theories and concepts of women’s representation as not only gendered, but also deeply embedded in the strategic interplay of polarized, partisan politics.

The effect of women’s representation on the Global Gender Gap Index

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to find the most important factors to the Index that explains gender gaps in education, health, politics, and economic outcomes worldwide.Design/methodology/approachWorld Economic Forum (WEF) data are analyzed using hedonic regression analysis to estimate which factors affect a country’s Global Gender Gap Index. Standardized β coefficients reveal the top five factors influencing the Index, just as key components of the US Consumer Price Index are teased out using this method.FindingsWomen in public sector management, administration, and politics explain a substantial portion of gender inequality. Policies to increase women’s representation in parliaments, as heads of state, in ministerial positions, and in public sector management mitigate inequality as gauged by the Gender Gap Index. Economic indicators are also among the leading components of the Gender Gap Index.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough comprehensive and drawn from several sources including the World Health Organization, the International Labour Organization, and the United Nations Development Programme, WEF data do not capture the full experience of women worldwide. Subsequent qualitative research is recommended.Practical implicationsThis analysis reveals policy recommendations for advocates working to close gender gaps, particularly in politics and economic outcomes. Increasing proportions of women in public sector management can mitigate inequality. This supports electoral quotas and human resource management initiatives to diversify management ranks.Social implicationsIncreasing women’s share of public sector managerial positions fosters gender equity, as does increasing women’s share of elected and appointed positions.Originality/valueThis study provides quantitative evidence of the important role of women’s representation to guide subsequent fieldwork. This evidence supports efforts to increase women in elective office and public sector management.

Why Are Fewer Women than Men Elected? Gender and the Dynamics of Candidate Selection

Why are fewer women than men elected? Research suggests that this is the combined result of: (1) the supply of female aspirants, or the qualifications of women as a group to run for political office; and (2) the demand for female aspirants, or the preference of political elites for male over female candidates. The aim of this article is to reassess this explanation through the lens of recent case studies of female representation in four regions of the world: Africa, Latin America, North America and Western Europe. On their own, each contribution lends support to arguments about either supply or demand, leading their authors to offer distinct recommendations for change: an increase in the number of women who come forward, which is likely to be a slow and difficult process, or the adoption of gender quotas, which are quick but may produce mixed results. Yet juxtaposing these studies also exposes the limits of the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. On the one hand, the ‘political market’ does not operate efficiently towards an equilibrium solution of supply and demand. Rather, ideologies of gender introduce important distortions to the process: the fact that women are under-represented in all countries around the world suggests that both the supply of and demand for female candidates is artificially repressed, leading to low numbers of women in elective office. On the other hand, important variations exist in women's descriptive representation across countries and across political parties. These differences suggest that dynamics of supply and demand are shaped in crucial ways by features of the broader political context, which may include structural conditions but also the emergence of new and sometimes unanticipated opportunities.

The Impact of Gender Stereotyped Evaluations on Support for Women Candidates

In 2009, women are still dramatically underrepresented in elected office in the United States. Though the reasons for this are complex, public attitudes toward this situation are no doubt of importance. While a number of scholars have demonstrated that women candidates do not suffer at the ballot box because of their sex, we should not assume that this means that voter attitudes about gender are irrelevant to politics. Indeed, individual attitudes towards women’s representation in government and a desire for greater descriptive representation of women may shape attitudes and behaviors in situations when people are faced with a woman candidate. This project provides a more complete understanding of the determinants of the public’s desire (or lack thereof) to see more women in elective office and support them in different circumstances. The primary mechanism proposed to explain these attitudes is gender stereotypes. Gender stereotypes about the abilities and traits of political women and men are clear and well documented and could easily serve to shape an individual’s evaluations about the appropriate level and place for women in office. Drawing on an original survey of 1039 U.S. adults, and evaluating both issue and trait stereotypes, I demonstrate the ways in which sex stereotypes do and do not influence public willingness to support women in various electoral situations.

Representing Women: The Adoption of Family Leave in Comparative Perspective

A critical justification for heightening the number of women in elective office is that women will promote policies that improve women's equality and autonomy. When and how does women's descriptive representation matter for policy outcomes? The focus on policy outcomes offers an essential test of whether having more women in office makes a difference for citizens’ daily lives. Systematic analyses of 19 democracies from 1970 to 2000 reveals that women's parliamentary presence significantly influences the adoption and scope of maternity and childcare leave policies. Women's political presence trumps the ideology of the party in power.

The Paradox of Protestantism and Women in Elected Office in the United States

ABSTRACT In cross-national studies, scholars have found that wealthy countries and those with a Protestant tradition are more likely to have higher levels of women in elected office. Even though the United States should then be high in this domain, it lags behind many similarly situated countries. We posit that one reason for this paradox is that Protestantism in the United States is far more socially conservative than is typical in other Protestant countries. To test our argument, we use state-level data on the proportion of women in elected office from 2002 to 2004 and survey data on church membership. We find a negative relationship between the percentage of Protestants belonging to churches associated with the National Association of Evangelicals, a lobbying group representing socially conservative Protestant denominations, and the proportion of women in elected office.

The Pros and Cons of Gender Quota Laws: What Happens When You Kick Men Out and Let Women In?

What country currently boasts the highest percentage of women in parliamentary office? If you ask most people, they will guess one of the Nordic countries: Sweden, Norway, Finland, or Denmark. These guesses are close in one sense but very far off in another. The answer is Rwanda. As of this writing, women make up nearly half of the members of the Rwandan Chamber of Deputies—48.8% according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (2005b). Most people find this answer surprising. Sadly, we tend to associate Rwanda with the genocide of 1994 rather than with gender equality. What has put Rwanda in the number one spot on the list of women in elective office, an important indicator of women's equality?

Women making constitutions: new politics and comparative perspectives

Notes on the Contributors Acknowledgements Introduction A.Dobrowolsky & V.Hart Constitutional Rights Discourse: Canadian and South African Developments R.Murphy Balancing Strategies: Aboriginal Women and Constitutional Rights in Canada J.Green Gender and Accountability A.M.Goetz Women in Elected Office in the UK 1992-2002: Struggles, Achievements and Possible Sea-Change M.Russell Towards a New Politics? Women and Constitutional Change in Scotland F.Mackay, F.Myers & A.Brown Towards Substantive Representation: Women and Politics in South Africa C.Albertyn Redesigning the Polity: Europe, Women and Constitutional Politics V.Hart The Politics of Human Rights and Gender Equality in Northern Ireland C.Harvey Women's Rights After the Human Rights Act 1998 S.Millns 'Heightened Scrutiny': A Judicial Route to Constitutional Equality for US Women C.Harrison Increased Rights and Representation: Women and the Post-Devolution Equality Agenda in Wales P.Chaney Mainstreaming Equality in Northern Ireland B.Hinds Reviewing the UK Equality Agenda in the Context of Constitutional Change J.Squires Group-Differentiated Cultural Rights, Constitutionalism and Feminism A.Bartholomew Women, Constitutionalism and Contestation: Some Tentative Conclusions A.Dobrowolsky References

Who Contributes?

Abstract EMILY's List, a donor network supporting female pro-choice Democratic candidates, and WISH List, a donor network supporting female pro-choice Republican candidates, have mastered political fundraising to help increase the number of women in elective office. We surveyed contributors of $200 or more to each organization, drawing on the Federal Election Commission database. While previous studies of political contributors have found that men contribute disproportionately, we found that contributors to these organizations are overwhelmingly female, albeit drawing from a relatively affluent and activist stratum of women. Examining contributors' partisan and ideological proclivities as well as their policy preferences and priorities, we found EMILY's List contributors support women's equality and reproductive rights from a liberal feminist perspective, while WISH List contributors approach these issues from a more laissez-faire conservative perspective.

Allocating scarce resources to women candidates: turning context into strategy

The academic literature on women public officials has identified several political contexts which either hinder or advance the inclusion of women. This essay critically examines this literature and creates an empirically tested model of contextual influences on the election of women to state legislatures. The lessons from the literature and this model are used to devise strategies for political actors interested in increasing the presence of women in elective office.

Make Policy—Not Coffee

Many college programs feature courses on women in government which rely on visiting politicians as guest lecturers on a one-shot basis. The unique feature of the Douglass program was that the two politicians-in-residence who shared teaching assignments were available to students informally at all times; they lived in a campus dormitory and took their meals at a student cafeteria. Students rarely come into contact with women in elective office because women have always been underrepresented in public life, says Ruth Mandel, director of the Center for the American Woman and Politics, which sponsored the course. Ms. Louise Conner predicts an increase in the number of women seeking political power. She feels a responsibility to teach them the political skills they will need to get away from stamp licking and envelope stuffing and into policy making. The Visiting Program in Practical Politics was aimed at raising the political consciousness of women.