Women Candidates Research Articles

Influence of Early Life Factors on the Breast Milk and Fecal Microbiota of Mother–Newborn Dyads

Maternal gut and breast milk (BM) are key in vertically transmission bacteria to infants, shaping their gut microbiota in early life. Although the establishment of early gut microbiota is known, the role of the combined influence of maternal factors and newborn characteristics is not explored. In this study, we aimed to assess the influence of maternal BMI and total body fat, age, delivery mode, and newborn sex on the diversity and composition of the BM and gut microbiota (GM) in mother–newborn dyads. In this cross-sectional study, of the 986 pregnant women candidates, 53 participated, and, finally, 40 mother–newborn dyads exclusively breastfeeding at 20–28 days postpartum were included. Metataxonomic profiling of DNA extracted from BM and fecal samples was conducted using 16S rRNA sequencing. Globally, the findings offer valuable insights that excessive adiposity, age, and C-section delivery influence a lower abundance of specific taxa in the BM, maternal gut, and gut of newborns. Also, the simultaneous analysis of maternal factors and newborn characteristics shows that maternal age and newborn sex explain an important variation in the microbiota composition. These results add to the understanding of the intricate interplay between maternal factors and the microbial communities that influence early-life gut and BM microbiota.

The Evolution and Challenges of Women Legislators in Bihar: A Historical Analysis

This paper explores the role of women legislators in Bihar, India, from the first general election in 1952 to the present. It examines how women’s participation in the state assembly has changed over time and the challenges they have faced. In the early years, women had very limited representation in Bihar’s politics, mainly due to patriarchal norms, caste discrimination, and a lack of political opportunities. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in the 1990s, which introduced reservations for women in local governance, helped increase their participation, particularly at the grassroots level. However, at the state level, progress has been slow. As of 2020, women held only 10.7% of seats in the Bihar Legislative Assembly. Despite these challenges, women legislators have made important contributions, especially in areas like education, healthcare, and social welfare. This study also highlights barriers such as caste and gender bias, financial limitations, and a lack of support from political parties. Finally, the paper suggests policy changes, such as stronger reservation enforcement and more support for women candidates, to improve women’s representation in Bihar. Women in politics, Bihar, Political representation, Gender inequality

Descriptive Representation and Reproductive Health Outcomes: The Role of Women Candidates in Reducing Teen Birth Rates.

Teen birth rates remain a pressing public health issue in the United States, with significant long-term health risks for both mothers and children. Previous research has primarily focused on the impact of women in elected office on reproductive health outcomes, but less is known about the influence of women candidates. This study explores the relationship between the number of women candidates in county-level elections and county-level teen birth rates, highlighting the role of women candidates as visible role models and agents of potential policy change. We utilized a dataset covering county-level elections from 2010 to 2020, along with teen birth rate data from the CDC. We employed a multilevel model to analyze the relationship between the cumulative number of women candidates and teen birth rates, controlling for socioeconomic and health-related factors, such as insurance coverage and social vulnerability. The findings indicate that as the number of women candidates increased, the estimated county-level teen birth rate declined. This effect was observed across different election years, with more substantial impacts in midterm and presidential elections. The analysis also confirmed that socioeconomic conditions, such as a lack of health insurance, contribute to higher teen birth rates. Women candidates, even when not elected, serve as important role models and influence reproductive health outcomes in their communities. Increasing the number of women candidates at the local level may be an effective strategy for reducing teen birth rates and improving public health outcomes.

Senior Discount? Gender, Age, and Small Donor Fundraising

Recent discussions surrounding candidate age and its impact on small donor fundraising have raised questions about ageism in American politics. However, existing studies of age in politics largely neglect the specific obstacles encountered by older female candidates. This paper, which examines the impact of age and gender on small contribution receipts in U.S. House of Representatives campaigns from 2006-2010, aims to address the following questions: How do age and gender interact to predict small contribution receipts? What are the implications for fundraising of older women candidates compared to their male counterparts? The findings reveal a significant negative interaction between age and gender, indicating that older female candidates experience a pronounced reduction in small contribution receipts compared to older male candidates. This suggests that age-related biases intersect with gender, posing unique challenges for older women candidates in fundraising efforts.

Gender Stereotypes and Candidate Qualifications in Judicial Elections

A large literature documents the effects of gendered stereotyping on the outcomes of legislative and executive elections. Less attention has been paid to the effects of these stereotypes on judicial elections, a venue where candidates might encounter unique stereotypes. Further, existing research on judicial elections prioritizes one form of qualification—prior judicial experience—leaving unaddressed the effects of other professional experiences on voters’ choices in these contests. In this paper, we rely on a conjoint experiment to test the effects of candidate qualifications and gender stereotypes in U.S. state judicial elections. We find that, on average, women candidates are advantaged in judicial elections, though we find no evidence that citizens view women candidates as more qualified. Further, while voters do prefer candidates with prior judicial experience they also—contrary to the conventional wisdom—favor judges with prior political experience. Importantly, however, we observe minimal instances of gendered stereotyping in these elections. Our findings call for further research on the effects of gender in judicial elections.

Women’s participation in Ethiopia’s 2021 elections: the role of political parties

This study examines the role of Ethiopia’s main political parties and the participation of women during the three stages of the 2021 election cycle – the pre-voting, voting and post-voting periods. Four political parties – Prosperity, Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, National Movement of Amhara, and ENAT – were selected and their party manifestos and reports analysed. Interviews were conducted with 12 individuals representing political party leaders and women candidates. Reports of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the media are also included. Data is thematically grouped and interpreted using a conceptual construct of political parties’ role in promoting women’s political representation as developed by UNDP and NDI. The findings revealed the paradoxes and inconsistencies of political parties’ ideologies and strategies which affect women’s participation in party politics and the subsequent election outcome. This paper recommends that, given the absence of a quota system to guarantee adequate women’s participation in elections, political party self-regulatory measures could offer an alternative option to increase the political participation of women in Ethiopia.

Reconstituting the ‘good woman’: Gendered visual politics on social media during 2021 state election in West Bengal, India

This paper explores the visual politics of gender in electoral politics in West Bengal (WB). We examine how women political candidates visually construct their non-verbal political performance on social media, and how such visuals relate to social mores and societal expectations surrounding femininity. Drawing on theories of the social construction of gender and visual political communication, we conducted a content analysis of 1,033 visual artefacts from eight individual women candidates and 205 from the Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) pages of the four main political parties taking part in the January-April 2021 electoral campaign for state-level elections in WB. We analysed how these candidates construct gendered relationships with the electorate through different cues on the platforms, such as sartorial choices (traditional or Western attire), use of culture-specific religious symbols (sindoor or vermillion, bindi – forehead marking worn by married Hindu women), and gendered/non-gendered political actions like cooking or serving food, giving speeches or meeting constituents in political processions. Our findings about the visually performed politics show a combination of cultural, political, and gender signifiers, which are mediated and remain connected to societal expectations, and historical narratives. The candidates’ negotiation of these aspects, in turn, underscores a reproduction of colonial legacies and, in the present day, an ongoing production of societal differences. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on visual politics of gender, particularly in Asian contexts. It sheds light on the nuanced ways women politicians use social media to construct their visual identities, and how the deployment of body politics into the relatively ‘new’ online sphere reifies ‘old’ social, political, cultural symbolisms, and norms regarding gender. In this way, this article highlights the importance of considering pre-digital forms of gendered identity construction and visual representation when analysing the contested terrain of digital visibilities.

Job Talk: Candidate Gender and Presentation of Prior Experience in Television Ads in the US

Abstract Does gender influence how candidates in the United States present their prior political experience to voters? Messaging one’s experience might demonstrate a history of power-seeking behavior, a gender role violation for women under traditional norms. As a result, men should be more likely to make experience-based appeals than women candidates. For evidence, we analyze the contents of 1,030 televised advertisements from 2018 state legislative candidates from the Wesleyan Media Project. We find that ads sponsored by experienced men are significantly more likely to highlight experience than ads sponsored by experienced women. However, we find that women’s and men’s ads are roughly equally likely to discuss work experience, suggesting that men’s greater emphasis on experience is limited to prior officeholding. The results contribute to our understanding of gender dynamics in political campaigns, the information available to voters, and how advertising shapes the criteria voters use to assess candidates.

Gendered Differences in Fundraising Appeals Among Congressional Candidates

We investigate how women candidates solicit campaign donations targeting regular people through mass emails. We argue that women, relative to men, will be more likely to emphasize stereotypically feminine issues in fundraising appeals. Women will use these strategic messages to overcome the stereotypic proscription that women are not supposed to ask people for money to further their own careers. We analyze how gendered issues appear in fundraising appeals for women and men using an original dataset of 10,423 campaign emails sent in the last four weeks of the 2022 mid-term elections for the U.S. Congress. We find several key results. First, we find that Democratic men are more likely to leverage feminine issues in fundraising appeals compared to Democratic women. Second, Democratic women are more likely to highlight manifest feminine issues in fundraising messages relative to Republican women. Our results speak to how candidates use issues that reinforce feminine stereotypes to appeal to potential donors, and how partisanship shapes the strategic fundraising appeals made by women candidates.

The Gendered Impact of Corruption Revelations: Unveiling the Role of Parties and Voters in Mexico

Studies have found that women’s representation is more likely to spike after corruption scandals. However, the mechanism underlying this increase remains unclear: are parties more likely to nominate women after corruption scandals, are voters more likely to support women candidates, or is it a combination of both? Using an original dataset of audit results and the gender of 47,000 candidates running in over 10,000 mayoral elections in Mexico (2000–2019), we find that voters drive the effect. While political parties are not more likely to nominate women as candidates in municipalities with recent revelations of spending irregularities, women candidates are more likely to win elections after corruption is uncovered. In contrast to previous studies, which expect strategic parties to be behind the increases in women’s representation following corruption scandals, our findings underscore that increases in women’s representation can happen despite parties and not because of parties.

Quotas or parity? How the framing of positive action measures impacts public support and backlash

ABSTRACT While gender quota and parity laws are increasingly popular worldwide, their introduction often causes controversy. Thus far, we lack an understanding of how the framing of these measures affects public opinion. We conducted a survey experiment in the UK and France (combined N = 2677) to identify the causal effect of framing on levels of support for the policy and potential backlash against women candidates. Comparing (1) gender quotas to increase women’s underrepresentation and (2) gender parity laws to achieve gender balance, we find that overall levels of support are greater than opposition in both countries. Parity is more supported than quotas in France, but no such framing effects emerge in the UK. Respondents’ gender also matters, with men less supportive of both measures than women. We find no evidence that either type of positive action measure increases backlash in the form of reduced support for hypothetical women candidates running under such measures.

Navigating Gender and Sectarian Affiliation: An Analysis of Young Voters’ Bias Against Female Politicians in Lebanon

In May 2018, a record-breaking number of 86 women candidates ran for parliamentary elections in Lebanon, a country with a power-sharing, consociational, sect-based system that guarantees the representation of 18 legally recognized sects (i.e. religious confessions). Yet, only six women were elected. This article explores whether and how sectarianism trumps gender and support for female candidates in general in vote intention. In doing so, it addresses the interaction between sectarian/ethnic and gender voting in contexts where both identities intersect. This intersection emerges when vote intention is influenced by factors that stem from the patriarchal nature of society and structures of sectarianism, creating interdependent systems of disadvantage. Building on a countrywide pre-electoral survey on the attitudes of young voters in Lebanon, I test ethnic voting and gender-affinity theories and develop fine-grained conceptual links between gender and the wider norms of inclusion and exclusion under sectarian-based political systems in post-conflict countries.

The Boundaries of “Women of Color”: The Political Implications of Non-Hispanic Whites’ Perceptions of Women of Color

ABSTRACT Women candidates are increasingly referred to as “women of color.” But who the public sees as women of color is unclear. We ask how non-Hispanic whites, who are still the largest voting group, perceive which racial/ethnic groups of women are included in the “women of color” group. We find heterogeneity in who white Americans believe are “women of color” – differences that are connected to political support for women of color candidates. We analyze how these views about the boundaries around women of color are informed by political party affiliation, as different ideas about who constitutes the “women of color” group are related to stereotypes and perceptions of group threat.

Can We Harvest More Mature Oocytes by Repeating Gonadotropin-Releasing Hormone Agonist Doses in Polycystic Ovarian Syndrome Patients at Risk of OHSS in Antagonist Cycles? A Randomised Clinical Trial.

There is an ongoing debate about the optimal dosage of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) agonist for oocyte triggering in polycystic ovarian syndrome (PCOS) patients at risk for ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome (OHSS). In this study, we intend to ascertain whether the use of repeated doses of a GnRH agonist for oocyte triggering in these patients can enhance the outcomes of controlled ovarian stimulation (COS) for in vitro fertilization/ intracytoplasmic sperm injection (IVF/ICSI) cycles. This randomised clinical trial enrolled 70 PCOS women candidates for IVF/ICSI with the standard antagonist protocol at Royan Institute (Tehran, Iran) from May 2020 to June 2022. Patients at risk of OHSS with oestradiol (E2) levels >3000 pg/ml on the day of trigger were randomly assigned to a control or experimental group. Group A (control group) patients received 0.2 mg triptorelin (Decapeptyl®) for final oocyte maturation. Group B (experimental group) patients received a second dose of 0.1 mg Decapeptyl®12 hours after their first dose, for a total dose of 0.3 mg. IVF/ICSI outcomes were compared between the groups. Ultimately, 35 women from the study group and 33 from the control group completed the treatment cycle. Both groups were comparable in terms of demographic characteristics, baseline hormonal profiles, and PCOS phenotypes. The dosage of gonadotropin, stimulation duration, number of retrieved oocytes, oocyte maturation rate, and oocyte recovery ratio did not significantly differ between the groups. No significant differences were found in terms of the number of blastocyst and cleavage embryos, nor the quality of obtained embryos between the groups. The mild to moderate OHSS rate was significantly lower in the study group (P=0.038). A second dose of GnRH agonist 12 hours after the first dose did not improve the number and maturity of oocytes, or pregnancy outcomes in PCOS patients (registration number: NCT04600986).

Assessment of the Impact of Prolonged Cesarean Section on Neonatal PH

Background: Prolonged predelivery time in cesarean-section (C-section) may be associated with worse neonatal outcomes such as lower umbilical cord acid-base profile. This study investigated the association between surgical and anesthetic predelivery time intervals and neonatal acidosis in pregnant women delivering via C-section under spinal anesthesia. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted on 70 pregnant women candidates for elective cesarean C-section, referred to Yas Hospital. Results: Umbilical artery pH<7.3 was observed in 27 (38.6%) out of 70 included participants. The study variables including maternal age, hypertension, and gestational diabetes were not associated with umbilical pH level. 1-minute Apgar scores were linearly associated with pH (β: 0.170, 0.100 to 0.239, p-value<0.001). Among all evaluated surgical and anesthetic intervals, induction of spinal anesthesia to delivery (β: -0.008, -0.012 to -0.004, p-value<0.001), and skin incision to uterine incision interval (β: -0.006, -0.009 to -0.002, p-value=0.002) interval time had a significant linear association with PH. Conclusion: The duration of induction of spinal anesthesia to delivery and skin incision to the uterine incision in non-emergent C-sections is linked to lower neonatal umbilical pH which shows the importance of optimizing the timing of elective C-section surgeries and reducing the risk of neonatal acidosis for obstetricians and anesthesiologists.

The effect of coenzyme Q10 intake on metabolic profiles in women candidates for in-vitro fertilization: a randomised trial

Objective: Infertility and the pathogenesis of polycystic ovarian syndrome (PCOS) are both influenced by insulin resistance and dyslipidemia. Presumably, adding coenzyme Q10 (CoQ10) to these patients’ diets will be beneficial. Therefore, this study aimed to examine the effects of CoQ10 supplementation on metabolic profiles in women candidates for in-vitro fertilization (IVF). Trial design and methods: For this randomized, double-blinded, parallel, placebo-controlled clinical experiment, 40 PCOS-positive infertile women who were IVF candidates were included. They ranged in age from 18 to 40. The 20 participants in the two intervention groups received either CoQ10 or a placebo for 8 weeks. The expression of glucose transporter 1 (GLUT-1), peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor gamma (PPAR-γ), low-density lipoprotein receptor (LDLR), as well as metabolic profiles such as insulin metabolism and lipid profiles were evaluated. Quantitative RT-PCR determined the expression of GLUT-1, PPAR-γ, and LDLR on peripheral blood mononuclear cells. Lipid profiles and fasting glucose were assessed using enzymatic kits, and insulin was determined using Elisa kit. Results: In comparison to the placebo, CoQ10 supplementation significantly reduced blood insulin levels (−0.3±1.0 vs. 0.5±0.7, P=0.01) and insulin resistance (−0.1±0.2 vs. 0.1±0.2, P=0.01), and increased PPAR-γ expression (P=0.01). In infertile PCOS patients’ candidates for IVF, CoQ10 supplementation showed no appreciable impact on other metabolic profiles. Also, CoQ10 supplementation revealed no significant impact on GLUT-1 (P=0.30), or LDLR (P=0.27) expression. Within-group changes in insulin levels (P=0.01) and insulin resistance (P=0.01) showed a significant elevation in the placebo group. When we adjusted the analysis for baseline BMI, baseline values of variables, and age, our findings were not affected. Conclusions: Eight weeks of CoQ10 supplementation demonstrated positive benefits on PPAR-γ expression, insulin resistance, and serum insulin in infertile PCOS women candidates for IVF.

Men of Color, Linked Fate, and Support for Women of Color Candidates

Abstract Scholars are increasingly interested in “of color” identities. Yet, studies of “of color” identities have neglected attention to the gendered identities of men who could be categorized as “of color.” Meanwhile, women of color are playing a growing role in US politics as candidates and elected officials but are underrepresented in comparison with their presence in the population. We investigate whether Black and Latino men express a “men of color” linked fate and whether it has implications for support for women candidates of color. We seek to understand how Black and Latino men’s gender, race, and “of color” identities impact their evaluations of women candidates who are Black, Latina, and “of color” to better understand coalitional possibilities across gender and race lines. We find that Black and Latino men subscribe to “men of color” linked fate, with political consequences.

She Said Yes! An Exploration of Confidence Among Women Who Run for Political Office

This is a qualitative exploratory research study of confidence and the emergence of women as candidates for state and local elected office. Our study consists of over 30 hours of interviews with 20 women candidates running for state and local office where we explore the sources of confidence that motivate women to run for office. Our interviews with women candidates suggest confidence is tied to egalitarian families and robust network support, strong educational credentials and background, as well as a multitude of professional and community leadership experiences.

Women’s Participation in Local Governments of Nepal: Assessing Local Elections of 2017 and 2022

The Federal Republic of Nepal was established after the second people's movement in 2006. The movement was for more political rights after the 1990 political change in the country. As a result, through the incorporation of inclusive principles into Nepal's constitution, women's representation has been mandated across all sectors of the state, including at the local level. This paper aims to examine the legal provisions and practices concerning gender-balanced seat allocation in key municipal positions, such as chief and deputy chief, chairperson and vice-chairperson, in which at least one occupant must be female. It seeks to understand the reasons behind the political parties nominating women candidates for these positions and whether they are considered reservations for women. Using primary field visits and secondary sources, descriptive analytical and content analysis methods were used to make conclusions about the representation of deputy chief and deputy chairperson in the local elections of 2017 and 2022. The study shows that inclusion is emphasised in Nepal's constitution and other legislation, which require women to be represented in all fields. In the 2017 and 2022 local elections, women held 92% and 74% of the deputy positions, respectively. However, neither politically nor constitutionally, the office of deputy chief is solely reserved for women. The analysis sheds light on the motivations behind political parties nominating women candidates for these positions and explores whether they are perceived as reservations for women.

A study of political party affiliation as a means to enhance gender equality and women’s political participation in Kazakhstan

PurposeThe article aims to identify the main mechanisms for promoting more Kazakhstani women participation in the legislative authorities based on a study of the competition of political parties in 2023.Design/methodology/approachUtilizing the structural-biographical method, the article investigates the ways of increasing women’s participation in the political life of Kazakhstan. This empirical study comprises a total of 18 biographies of women deputies / candidates on party lists who were elected to the legislative body. Content analysis was also conducted to investigate the pre-election programs of the political parties.FindingsThis study has identified that political party is the main resource for promoting gender equality and involving women in the decision-making process. All 18 women deputies of the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament, are members of political parties. The findings show that women candidates without party affiliation were unable to get into representative body. The results of the election campaign of 2023 provided evidence for determining the gender order in the Kazakhstani political space. The party has become an effective channel for promoting women participations in the parliament of the country. By comparison, in single-mandate constituencies no woman was able to pass to the elected body.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature of gender equality and women’s political participation in Kazakhstan and may be relevant for other countries. It also has practical significance and policy implications for the government and political parties.