White Pride Research Articles

The sociology of white America: A teaching and learning guide

The sociology of white America: A teaching and learning guide

Zoom-ing in on White Supremacy

Zoom-ing in on White Supremacy

Feeling Racial Pride in the Mode of Frederick Douglass

Abstract Drawing on Frederick Douglass's arguments about racial pride, this article develops and defends an account of feeling racial pride that centers on resisting racialized oppression. Such pride is racially ecumenical in that it does not imply partiality toward one's own racial group. This article argues that it can both accurately represent its intentional object and be intrinsically and extrinsically valuable to experience. It follows that there is, under certain conditions, a morally unproblematic, and plausibly valuable, kind of racial pride available to White people, though one that could hardly differ more from what is generally meant by “White pride.”

The Alt-Right as a Revolt against Neoliberalism and Political Correctness: the Role of Collective Action Frames

Abstract This article addresses how the alt-right has developed its guiding principles or “collective action frames” in opposition to two hegemonic ideologies: neoliberalism and political correctness. Two central points are made. First, calls among many alt-righters for white Americans to regain a sense of racial identity and “white pride” is effectively a rebellion against neoliberal market forces that erode tribal loyalties, national boundaries, and cultural uniqueness by encouraging open borders, multiculturalism, and individualistic forms of agency associated with competition and consumerism. Second, the challenge to white identitarianism by neoliberal globalization is compounded by an ideology of political correctness that, although at odds with neoliberalism, has presumably further disempowered whites. Because political correctness emphasizes egalitarianism and how all cultures are equally valuable, any agenda to advance white interests is dismissed as racist and unacceptable. The argument is made that despite their tensions, both neoliberalism and political correctness have inspired alt-right collective action frames related to race realism, anti-egalitarianism, and white genocide. Some reflections are offered about why this discussion is relevant to the present and future of US politics and society.

What a White Shame: Race, Gender, and White Shame in the Relational Economy of Primary Health Care Organizations in England

This paper considers the relationship between white shame in contemporary UK health care contexts and historically idealized forms of white pride derived from nineteenth-century British colonialism. It uses excerpts from qualitative interview material to highlight the contemporary figures of the “white worried man” and the “white women savior” and the relationship between them. Through this, it explores how shifts from white pride to white shame reflect shifts in the focus of whiteness away from civilizing the racialized Other to civilizing the white self. Through this analysis, it further complicates shame theory arguing for an understanding of [white] shame as constituted through a relational economy, differentiated through class and gender as well as race.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: A Glimpse into the Sociology of White Antiracism and White Nationalism

Teaching and Learning Guide for: A Glimpse into the Sociology of White Antiracism and White Nationalism

Cruising: ‘Moral Panic’ and the Cronulla Riot

In this paper I draw on ethnography I undertook amongst locals in the Cronulla area after the riot of December 2005. A number of the young beach goers I came across had been on a P&O ‘schoolies cruise’ at the time of the riot. For two weeks the students depended on the media for information about what was going on in their suburbs. Sailing back, I was told, a pumped‐up chorus of ‘Shi‐ire!’ and ‘White Pride!’ rang out over Sydney Heads, as expectations climbed high of the ship being met by gangs of Middle Eastern youths, ready for the fight. Back on the beach, months later, bodies baking in the sun try to reconcile the thought of riot with what they know about Australia, and Cronulla, as a place of laid back, leisurely, lazily tolerant people. How can the two scenes of bodily excess be brought together? What are the limits of the ‘moral panic’ idea, in relation to the Cronulla riot? How do the competing truths of major discourses on Cronulla misrepresent the community in question?

‘I am proud to be South African because I am South African’: reflections on ‘white pride’ in post‐apartheid South Africa

In this essay I explore issues of ‘white’ subjectivity in post‐apartheid South Africa. I identify and focus on two types of ‘pride’ expressed and articulated by many white South Africans today. The first type of ‘pride’ is a validated pride (validated by the people who express it): for example, many white South Africans are ‘proud’ to be a part of ‘post‐reconciliation’, democratic South Africa. Moreover, many white South Africans feel proud that they lived through (and in some cases facilitated) the transition in 1994. The second type of pride that I identify is different to, or even contradicts, the first type. This second type of pride is encapsulated in the phrase: ‘I am proud to be South African because I am South African’. This (latter) pride is not ‘validated’ – it is a tautological, or ‘prideless’ pride, that is not contingent on specific characteristics of South Africa. The second type of pride is pride in being who you are (no matter who you are). In this essay, I explore these two ‘types’ of prides and investigate how they intersect, contradict, or support each other in the lives of contemporary white South Africans.

The greening of white pride

At first glance, it is surprising that contemporary racist organizations like the Ku Klux Klan advertise a pro‐environmental stance. This fact, however, might be expected by Luc Ferry, who argues for a connection between the racism and nature protection laws of the Third Reich. Ferry argues that a non‐anthropocentric approach to nature makes it easier to dehumanize humans so that a non‐anthropocentric environmental ethic can transform into racist environmentalism. Does this contemporary case vindicate Ferry? We argue that it does not. When the underlying theoretical foundations and historical conditions that gave rise to the racist environmentalist movements and the contemporary non‐anthropocentric environmental left are analyzed, quite different pictures emerge: one type of non‐anthropocentric environmentalism is racist, one type of anthropocentric environmentalism is racist, and one type of non‐anthropocentric environmentalism is not racist, meaning that any relation between a non‐anthropocentric approa...

Homophobia: On the Cultural History of an Idea

In the final third of the twentieth century, liberals and assorted leftists have aimed their guns at what appear to be the big three obstacles to a just social order in the United States: racism, sexism, and something called homophobia. Other figures sometimes enter into this picture: ethnocentrism, ableism, what is sometimes called classism or class prejudice (although this is largely absent in the American liberal imagination), cultural imperialism, evangelical or fundamentalist Christianity. But, for the most part, the big three recur in a litany familiar to readers of the left press; in a more dilute form they make their way into the mainstream newspapers, where they have achieved a certain level of everyday recognition on the part of the larger public. While one can find plenty of racists, sexists, and homophobes in American society, one can find almost no one who will stand up and make a philosophical defense of racism, sexism, or homophobia. Those who defend white pride or the traditional family, or who are opposed to special rights for homosexuals generally use terms other than those that their political enemies attach to them. Racism, sexism, and homophobia are widely recognized as negative and disparaging terms, terms that racists, sexists, and homophobes would not use for themselves-although there are exceptions. What these three concepts share seems fairly obvious. What is less obvious is the way in which they differ from one another and, in particular, the way in which the last of the three-homophobia differs from the other two. Because homophobia is the most historically recent of the three-the word was coined in the early 1970s-it can tell us something

Book Review: White Power, White Pride: The White Separatist Movement in the United States

Book Review: White Power, White Pride: The White Separatist Movement in the United States

"White Power, White Pride!": The White Separatist Movement in the United States. By Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie L. Shanks-Meile. Twayne Publishers, 1997. ix + 362 pp

"White Power, White Pride!": The White Separatist Movement in the United States. By Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie L. Shanks-Meile. Twayne Publishers, 1997. ix + 362 pp

"White Power, White Pride!": The White Separatist Movement in the United States.

"White Power, White Pride!": The White Separatist Movement in the United States.

"White Power, White Pride!" The White Separatist Movement in the United States.

"White Power, White Pride!" The White Separatist Movement in the United States.

"White power, white pride!": the white separatist movement in the United States

"White power, white pride!": the white separatist movement in the United States

Beyond White Pride: Identity, Meaning and Contradiction in the Canadian Skinhead Subculture*

Partant de l'approche culturelle de l'analyse des sous‐cultures observées chez les jeunes, cette enquête sur le terrain menée dans une ville de l'Ouest canadien examine les significations que nos sujets accordent à leur appartenance à un sous‐groupe de skinheads qui se veut apolitique. Notre étude remet en cause une certaine image que l'on se fait du mouvement skinhead. En dépit des idées reçues qui véhiculent une apparente homogénéité, notre recherche montre que la sous‐culture skinhead est à la fois complexe et multidimensionnelle et qu'elle offre à ses membres un choix de modèles de comportements et d'orientations idéologiques, même s'ils sont souvent contradictoires. Notre analyse suggèe aussi que, loin d'être profondément contestataires ou révolutionnaires, les groupes de skinheads peuvent constituer un instrument de reproduction des rapports sociaux, en particulier les rapports entre les sexes, les groupes raciaux et les ethnies.Grounded in a cultural studies approach to youth subcultures and based on participant observation in a Western Canadian city, this study examines the meanings associated with membership for participants in a self‐described “non‐political” branch of the skinhead subculture. Despite popular images that imply homogeneity, the study shows that the skinhead subculture is both complex and multi‐dimensional and that it accommodates, albeit in often contradictory ways, a range of behavioural and ideological opportunities for its members. The study also suggests that, far from being resistant or transformative in any significant way, skinhead groups may represent a vehicle for social reproduction, specifically with respect to gender, race and ethnicity.