Western Journalists Research Articles

Covering Gaza

Abstract When journalists witness the same horrors inflicted on their people by a powerful military, anxieties around the concepts of objectivity, impartiality, balance and neutrality in journalism become paramount. Amid military campaigns described as war crimes, journalistic values, including truthfulness, accuracy and accountability, gain even greater significance. Journalists are vital in bearing witness to these atrocities, uncovering the truth and holding perpetrators accountable, even in the most perilous conditions. In the context of the war on Gaza, as well as the conflicts in southern Lebanon and Ukraine, traditional objectivity, I suggest here, is unattainable. The only semblance of truth emerges within a positioned or contextual framework. This perspective is evident in the coverage by Gazan journalists during the Israeli military atrocities, reflecting the broader challenges of war journalism. This article argues that journalists faced with the stark realities of war, they inevitably adopt a positioned objectivity, recognizing the impossibility of detachment or neutrality when confronted with the horrors of conflict. Many Western journalists and audiences have long viewed objectivity and impartiality as absolute ideals unaffected by context. However, this mindset should be challenged, as context should indeed shape our understanding of these concepts.

Fixers, Fieldwork, and Precarity: The Postcoloniality of Western Fieldwork on ISIS in Kurdistan

After the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014 and the fight of both Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga forces as well as the Syrian Kurdish forces of the People's Protection Units (YPG, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin) against them, Western journalists tried to gather information quickly. Locals were happy to share as much as possible, as ISIS was a great danger. As an often forgotten population under permanent occupation seeking visibility, the Kurds allow Westerners unparalleled access to the field and provide unpaid or underpaid labor, hoping that the world will see their struggle. This deepened the disparity between Kurdish journalists, academics, and writers and their Western counterparts. Using postcolonial theory on the mindset of colonialized peoples, this article shows how the fear of being forgotten, the material disparity between colonizers and colonized, and the coloniality of local political actors are obstacles for Kurdish professionals. Looking at a focus-group discussion and two interviews with Kurdish journalists, fixers, and translators from Iraq and Syria, the comparison shows that both autonomous regions are projects that sought to end decades of occupation and now face challenges that show similarities and differences.

What Am I Doing Here? Self-Reflexivity in Cross-Border Journalism Research

In journalism research conducted in the Global South, power relationships between the researcher and the researched mirror the uneven power structures between the Western journalists and their news subjects or their non-Western colleagues working alongside them. But so far, the figure of the journalism researcher in such contexts has not been problematized to any great extent in journalism scholarship. Moreover, the journalism researcher working in such contexts borrows heavily from the methodological toolkit of ethnography. But while the cultural anthropologists who created and refined ethnographic methodology have long been interrogating the colonial and neocolonial logics that inform ethnographic methods, journalism scholars have yet to significantly engage in such a self-critical project. We take ourselves as the starting points of the self-reflexive critical debate we believe journalism researchers interested in decolonizing journalism studies must have with themselves when it comes to conducting research in spaces of asymmetric power relations within global journalism. Laid out in three first person self-reflexive narratives, our critical questions are prompted by our own geopolitical and embodied presence in Lebanon, Afghanistan, and North Korea. We then discuss the commonalities among the questions that arose from our respective positionalities. Through this grounded, self-reflexive exploration, we aim to position global journalism researchers at the center of critical inquiry.

An Analysis of the Kurmanjan Datka Movie in the Context of Historical and Ideological Film Criticism

Kurmanjan Datka Queen of the Mountains (2014) is a Kyrgyz historical drama film directed by Sadyk Sher-Niyaz tells the story of Kurmanjan Datka from Kyrgyz history. In this article, how the mentioned motion picture is discussed in Central Asian, Russian, Turkish and Western digital media is analyzed comparatively in the context of historical and ideological film criticism. It is tried to be understood how each country interprets the film in their own media, how they look at the history of Kyrgyzstan and its ideological discourse. In the research, critical discourse analysis method was used and conceptual and thematic classifications were made. At the end of the research, while more history and politics were discussed in the Central Asian media, the Russian and Turkish digital media did not show enough attention to the historical flow, while the Western digital media discussed the film in a multifaceted way in the context of economy-political, identity, gender and aesthetics. Another remarkable difference was that some of the Kyrgyz or Kazakh critics (especially statesmen, historians or artists) criticized the film on the economic-political axis. The in-depth and multidimensional criticisms of the film developed by the eastern critics were found in the Western media or Western journalists gave place to these views in their own digital media.

Saints and witnesses: Virtue and vocation in the memorialization of the Western conflict journalist

How are Western journalists who are killed in the course of their work remembered? Using the biographies of journalists killed covering conflict, this article investigates the discursive repertoires through which the memorialization of journalists killed while reporting conflict is accomplished. The authors argue that such journalists are consistently constructed as humanitarian, cosmopolitan witnesses engaged in supererogatory moral projects involving justice and voice for those outside of these journalists’ geopolitical home communities. This particular articulation appears to herald a recent shift in the memorialization of the journalistic dead, although it is continuous with longer discourses in fields such as photojournalism and its idea of the ‘concerned photographer’. We speculate that this shift is consistent with material changes in the field – in particular, the precaritization of conflict reporting driving journalists into the material and social world of professional humanitarianism, whose discourses around the moral worth and cosmopolitan nature of the work have colonized the subfield of conflict reporting.

개항기 서양인 기자의 시각에서 바라본 한국

In this article, I would like to look at Korea from the perspective of Western journalists during the opening of the port. The researcher focused on four interests that Western journalists are interested in due to paper relations: Seoul, Koreans, journalists, men and women. Chapter II briefly introduces the authors and books of German Genthe, American Jack London, Swedish Ason Grebst, and British Mackenzie by order of visit. Chapter III deals with the perception of the Russo-Japanese War, focusing on American Jack London, Swedish Ason Grebst, and British Mackenzie, except for Gente, who visited in 1901.Western journalists commonly pointed out that Japan attacked the Russo-Japanese War first. Western journalists viewed Japan more favorably than Russia. However, it has not deviated from Westerners' perception of orientalism. Chapter IV dealt with the interests of the four journalists, Genthe, Jack London, Ason Grebst, and Mackenzie. It was confirmed that Western reporters' perceptions and views of Seoul were based on orientalism. Reporters also recorded what they saw with their own eyes according to their duties, not as “difference,” but as “different.” Except for Jack London, Genthe, Ason Grebst, and Mackenzie did not have orientalist perceptions of Western journalists' perceptions of Koreans. Jack London reflected Orientalist thinking about Koreans in his writing. Other reporters, however, recorded their first-hand experiences with Koreans, characterizing them. This is also the Korean perspective on Westerners from a different perspective. Western journalists' perception of journalists predicted Japan's victory during the Russo-Japanese War. Journalists had to be censored for Japanese surveillance and articles in Korea. What is unusual is that it did not show an orientalist perception of the media. This is what reporters judged according to the situation at the time. Finally, in the case of Western journalists' views on Korean men and women, Genthe and Jack London expressed orientalist perceptions by mentioning that Korea is a male-centered society. On the other hand, Ason Grebst and Mackenzie described Korean women by status. As described above, the researcher looked at Korea from the perspective of Western journalists during the opening of the port. Although Westerners come to Korea with orientalist perception, it was confirmed by analyzing that orientalist perception changes through direct experience. In the future, this researcher thinks that reporters should study what they perceive about Korea more abundantly.

Lethal journalism and own-goal antisemitism: the tragic march of folly at the turn of the millennium

ABSTRACT This article examines the close relationship between the consistent practice of lethal journalism (in this case reporting Palestinian war propaganda as news) among Western journalists, and the sudden appearance of the ‘new antisemitism’ at the turn of the last millennium. It looks closely at two cases – the al-Durah ‘murder’ (September 2000) and the Jenin ‘massacre’ (April 2002), and the manner in which this allegedly professional journalism opened the door to a host of postmodern antisemitic themes, from Holocaust inversion to progressive supersessionist projections, and the manner in which Jihadists bent on destroying the West have used through this unacknowledged hostility to Jews – it’s merely criticism of Israel – as the West’s soft underbelly.

First-hand Accounts? Walter Duranty, William Henry Chamberlin and Eugene Lyons as Moscow Correspondents in the 1930s

ABSTRACT Previous studies on Moscow correspondents in the 1930s have prioritised the work of individual reporters over the infrastructure that actually conditioned how Western journalists could operate. This article addresses that imbalance, setting the careers of three correspondents – Walter Duranty, William Henry Chamberlin and Eugene Lyons – against the system of censorship and the control over information that prevailed in the Soviet Union. Using their published writing rather than newspaper reports, it considers how they made sense of their circumstances, and rationalised their subordinacy to Soviet oversight. It argues that for a range of reasons – ideological sympathy, financial improvement, and professional security – all three journalists themselves became parts in the machinery of censorship, learning to self-regulate and calibrate their reports to satisfy the requirements of the host regime. With the exception of Duranty, this process was subconscious as much as it was deliberate, demonstrating how the system eroded individual agency and journalistic integrity. In affirming systemic constraints on the activity of Moscow correspondents, the article also delineates Duranty as a special case of journalists who themselves became clients of the authoritarian states that they covered.

Journalistic practice in the international press corps

Abstract This paper investigates what form journalistic questioning takes within the international press corps when representatives of different press systems work in close proximity. Within the U.S. context, adversarial questioning is valued as a key resource to ensure an independent press. Yet independent journalism is not universally upheld in media systems worldwide; Russian officials have explicitly criticized adversarial reporting by Western journalists in their coverage of Russian affairs. Questions posed to Russian Presidents Putin and Medvedev in G8/G20 press conferences 2000–2015 were assessed for two indicators: (a) initiative, and (b) critical content, with the aim to determine whether journalistic practice will converge in an international context, and whether the rise in adversarialness documented within U.S. presidential press conferences parallels a more general international phenomenon. Findings show a significant increase in both indicators over time and by presidential term. Questioning practices exhibited by Russian, non-Western, and Western journalists are discussed.

Africa's global media image in a digital world as an exclusive western preserve?

Who constructs Africa's global media image? That is the main focus of this longitudinal study. It looks at both the journalists and the news sources applied in the British press coverage of Africa between 1992 and 2017. Four British national newspapers (The Guardian, Financial Times, The Times, and Daily Mail) and a mixed research approach (content analysis and semi-structured interviews) were used. A total sample of 7027 articles were utilized, while nine journalists were interviewed. This study discovered that the British newspapers’ coverage of Africa was dominated by Western journalists and the news sources used in the articles were a proportionate mixture of both African and Western sources, especially in the quality newspapers. It also uncovered that Africa's global influence, in addition to other factors impact on the UK newspapers’ coverage of Africa. This study concludes that there are some positive changes in the post-colonial British press coverage of Africa, especially in their use of news sources, but there are still some elements of neo-colonialism and racism in the British newspapers’ use of journalists in reporting on Africa.

Soft power and media power: western foreign correspondents and the making of Brazil’s image overseas

Despite a growing recognition of the role of the media in nation branding, a clear understanding of the relationship between the latter and foreign correspondents is absent and needed. Although foreign correspondents are a key target of nation branding, studies generally depict these journalists as vehicles exploited by authorities and consultants rather than actors in their own right. Drawing on twenty-one interviews with foreign correspondents who have covered Brazil in the last two decades, this article identifies three relationship modes between journalists and nation branding: ‘challenging’, ‘aligning with’ and ‘filtering’ soft power. These modes open up a more nuanced understanding of the soft power-journalism nexus, with foreign correspondents having the potential to be collaborators or antagonists of soft power. Acknowledging the agency of Western journalists in relation to soft power initiatives is especially important for Global South nations, due to the dependency of the latter on securing positive coverage by overseas news organisations and their perceived need to be recognised by the West. Moreover, although foreign correspondents claim to contest the version of Brazil put forward by authorities, they ultimately favour similar forms of national imagination, emphasising economic performance, global inequalities and consequently restricting alternative possibilities to communicate the nation.

Metajournalistic Discourse as a Stabilizer within the Journalistic Field: Journalistic Practice in the Covid-19 Pandemic

ABSTRACT The COVID-19 Pandemic created a two-fold challenge for journalists: first, the task of gathering and distributing information vital to the responses of the public, and second, the challenge of mitigating the complexities of the journalism field. The purpose of this study is to connect the theoretical frameworks of metajournalistic discourse and field theory, using the touch point of journalistic practice. Prior research has postulated that metajournalistic discourse operates as a stabilizing force in the journalistic field. Using the timely test of the COVID-19 pandemic, this study seeks to explore the discursive construction of journalistic practice during a pandemic through the lens of both metajournalism and field through metadiscourse (n=141) gathered from the United States, United Kingdom, and Austria. This study will argue that metajournalistic discourse stabilizes the field by affirming the tools western journalists use in order to make sense of a crisis like COVID-19, and by providing a discursive avenue between the ideals of the journalistic field—in the journalistic doxa—and the habits of the field—as represented by journalistic habitus.

Recontextualizing Constructive Journalism in Contemporary China: A Comparative and Intercultural Perspective

By adopting a scholarly perspective on comparative journalism and intercultural communication, the present study delineates the conceptual common ground in terms of defining constructive journalism (CJ) and lays out the theoretical foundation for further discussion of this practical recontextualization in China’s social and cultural contexts. The indigenous tradition of “public opinion surveillance” (POS) in China is traced out in comparison with the experiment of CJ and its derivatives like public/civic journalism in Western countries. In spite of different news philosophies and media eco-systems, promoting social reform and serving the people or the public constitute the common goals for both Chinese and Western journalists and media professionals. Notably, exploring the theoretical validity and practical applications of CJ and POS would provide a feasible entry point to the cross-cultural dialogue between the East and the West about news media innovation.

The Continued Domination of Western Journalists in Global African News Telling: The Imperatives and Implications

ABSTRACT Who reports Africa in the British press? This longitudinal study is aimed at addressing the issue. It applied content analysis methodology, the use of four British national newspapers and a sample duration that spanned between 1992 and 2017. It uncovered that Western journalists consistently dominated the reportage of Africa without any exception throughout the sample period. Apart from Western journalists, other journalists or sources involved in the media coverage—African local journalists, Afro-Western journalists, joint journalists, and news agencies’ African reports were insignificantly used. Also, this study further revealed that the use of news agencies’ African reports had a continuous decline from 1997 to 2017. Therefore, the domination of the British press coverage of Africa over the years by Western journalists results in the portrayal of Africa from an imbalanced single prism of Westernised perspective, thereby resulting in the poor coverage of Africa and the spread of further ignorance of the continent to the global audience, which hampers both tourism and Western business investments to Africa. This study concludes that who reports Africa in the UK press is embedded in neo-colonialism, white hegemony, and inequality.

Believe Me, Do not Believe Me: Jhumpa Lahiri and the Royal Family of Oudh

In Interpreter of Maladies (1999) Jhumpa Lahiri gives voice to Boori Ma, a durwan (doorkeeper) who chronicles about the easier times she enjoyed before deportation to Kolkata (previously known as Calcutta, India) after Partition of 1947. Lahiri plays with the word real implying that Boori Ma’s stories could be deciphered as real or not. Boori Ma’s fictitious life resembles the one of the Royal Family of Oudh, which Lahiri seems to be inspired by. Foreign correspondents (Kaufman, 1981; Miles, 1985; Barry, 2019) did not question the veracity of this family’s life story. In the present article, the two stories are compared: a literary and a real one. It is our intention to prove that traumatic experiences, such as Partition, cause subjects to imagine an alternative life; strategy which is unconsciously activated to heal trauma (LaCapra, 1999; Mookerjea-Leonard, 2017). The latter is what western journalists and readers failed to acknowledge

Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu by Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki

Reviewed by: Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu by Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki Marta Studenna-Skrukwa Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki. Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu. 328 pp. Wołowiec: Wydawnictwo Czarne, 2020. ISBN: 978-83-8049-996-6. The conflict in Donbas has lasted for over seven years. Given the numbers of casualties documented by the United Nations (up to 13,000 killed, 30,000 wounded and 1,500,000 internally displaced persons) the war in the east of Ukraine can be considered "the bloodiest war and biggest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the collapse of Yugoslavia."1 Although the period of tremendous military escalation from 2014 and 2015 has already passed into Ukrainian history, the current situation in the region is far from desirable. As the measures to restore peace in Donbas set out in the Minsk-2 agreement have never been fully implemented, every day that the ceasefire remains intact should be treated as a success. If the Donetsk and Luhansk regions' cultural identity and industrialized economy posed a challenge to the transition of Ukraine before the conflict, the war has exacerbated the situation and plunged the region into prolonged crisis, forcing the question of its integrity to resonate loudly. The fragile peace that remains after the economic collapse, coupled with the instability of the local authorities, has made it difficult for the region's inhabitants to adjust to these extremely unfavorable circumstances. The ban on trade with separatist republics, instituted in July 2017 by the government in Kyiv and related to Ukrainian industry asset acquisition in the nongovernment-controlled territories, has caused supply chain obstacles for both sides. Damaged infrastructure, mine-contaminated areas, water shortages, and the need to cross into Kyiv-controlled territory in order to access social benefits are basic examples of the everyday challenges of life in Donbas. Living conditions are bound to have deteriorated due to Covid-19. However, little is known about the state of the epidemic in the region. Academics have been struggling with the lack of reliable information about what is currently going on in the region. Local media in the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republic are completely subordinated to Russian propaganda and can only serve as a source for researching official political discourse. Both Ukrainian and Western journalists, as well as international humanitarian organizations (with the exception of Russian ones), face severe restrictions on access to separatist-controlled territory. All of this has contributed to a situation whereby the internal politics of the nongovernment-controlled territories remain obscure to outside observers. In this context Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki's book, Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu (Black Gold: Wars for Coal from Donbas), published by Czarne Publishing House last [End Page 175] year, is a real achievement. The book is devoted to the problem of the illegal coal trade in Donbas, which continues despite the ban imposed by Ukraine. A two-year investigation of the topic, which included engagement with twelve countries, preceded the book's release. The authors' findings concerning Donbas coal smuggling were published as a series of articles, for which the authors won the Grand Press, the most prestigious award for journalism in Poland, in 2018. The material gathered proved sizeable enough to merit publication in book form. The authors of the volume are both experienced journalists with specializations in the topic of mining. For over a decade, until 2019, Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska worked for the daily Polish economic and legal newspapers Rzeczpospolita and Dziennik Gazeta Prawna; during that time she published three books on related topics.2 Michał Potocki works as a section editor in the aforementioned Dziennik Gazeta Prawna, as well as writing for the bimonthly Nowa Europa Wschodnia. His two previous books established his credentials as one of the most competent Polish journalists reporting and interpreting the events currently taking place in Ukraine.3 The combined efforts of these authors represent the best of high-quality journalism, while also providing the reader with useful historical background. Czarne złoto is timely and significant for several reasons. Firstly, it draws attention to the Donbas conflict at a...

МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ СВЯЗИ ПАРТИИ КАДЕТОВ

This article raises the problem of the international activities of the Cadet Party from 1906 to 1917. During this period, the Cadets were at the head of the foreign policy activities of the State Duma from the first to the fourth convocations. Firstly, the reason is that the cadets had a developed network of personal and professional contacts with Western politicians and journalists; secondly, they formulated their own vision of foreign policy, and were also ideologically close to the political elite of England and France. The Cadet Party used its international authority in two directions: on the one hand, this increased the party’s authority within the Russian society; on the other hand, Russia was drawing closer to its allies in the Entente. In this rapprochement, it is not so much the geopolitical aspect that is important as the establishment of horizontal ties between the societies of these countries, which allows building long-term friendly relations. This was the main feature of the activities of the Cadets – they did not have government powers, their activities did not lead to the conclusion of agreements, but it influenced public opinion both in Russia and abroad.

Rolling Blackouts: voicing the other micro-narratives

ABSTRACT Rolling Blackouts: Dispatches from Turkey, Syria, and Iraq, a dense graphic non-fiction by Sarah Glidden, chronicles the predicament of the refugees and the socio-political circumstances of the Middle East after the devastating Iraq War. The use of graphic journalism to recount Glidden and The Globalist’s journalistic journey raises question about the objectivity of this graphic reportage. However, the subjective stance of the first-person narrator does not provide guiding commentary on the unheard micro-narratives of the refugees. The juxtaposition of these unpublished narratives alongside the humanitarian metanarrative structure of the UN, reveals the homogenisation and dehistoricisation of the narratives of the displaced. Focusing on these micro-narratives provided in the book, this article argues that Rolling Blackouts challenges the Western universal narrative structure, which subsumes the refugees’ micro-narratives by erasing their historical, cultural, and political specificities and creates a space to examine the Western media’s role in strengthening the over-arching metanarrative. This analysis will thus help to assess Glidden’s position as a Western journalist reporting about the Middle East and her aim to lend voice to the unheard stories of the refugees of the Middle East.

Незнані раритети про свободу преси в СРСР та про історію української студентської преси

Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з’являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум’яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко.

Capturing Hearts: The Coverage of Iran's Charm Offensive during the 2015 Nuclear Deal Negotiations in the American and Israeli Press

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the “charm offensive” of the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal negotiations with the United States. Charm offensives are strategic public relations campaigns that political leaders use to shift their countries’ reputation swiftly and temporarily in the global arena. Based on visual and textual analysis of the journalistic coverage of Zarif's charm offensive in the American and the Israeli press, we show that in his interactions with the American team and announcements to the press, Zarif focused on the future in contrast to the confusing past; he aimed at a calm and narrowly focused process of negotiations and preferred closed-door discussions among experts and one-on-one conversations with Secretary of State Kerry over public press conferences. He warmly welcomed photographers with smiles and presented a persistent readiness for “friendly” interaction. Western journalists enthusiastically covered these “unexpected” features of the Iranian diplomacy, and ultimately helped Zarif achieve a favorable international media environment conducive to making the deal. Bringing together literatures in communication studies, sociology, political science and international relations, we argue that in the form of a “charm offensive” political leaders can thus utilize the press for momentary country image transformation internationally.