Western Interests Research Articles

China’s Rise and U.S.–Iran Standoff: An American Perspective

There has been a notable link/correlation between the rise of China and U.S.–Iran standoff in recent years. The year 2012 marks a watershed moment in U.S. strategic calculation on its relations with China and Iran. Before that year, China was not a peer competitor capable of challenging U.S. preeminence on the world stage and Iran was merely a regional adversary. After 2012, U.S. intelligence reports have consistently assess that China is the only great power with the intent and ability to undermine the liberal world order and its growing ties with U.S. adversaries, Iran included, will pose the biggest threat to U.S. and Western interests. The China factor has become an independent variable in U.S.–Iran relation, and as Beijing continues to grow its economic and military power, the United States will resort to more hawkish policy toward China and Iran, further escalating the U.S.–Iran standoff. Tehran will continue to play a crucial role in its asymmetrical relationships with Beijing and Washington as the two superpowers seek their respective leverage in the triangular relationship to outcompete the other party.

The practical turn in philosophy: A revival of the ancient art of living through modern philosophical practice

AbstractPhilosophical practice, an art of living rooted in ancient traditions, is enriched by modern techniques such as individual counseling, Socratic group dialogues, and organizational consulting. Philosophical counseling, a key aspect of this practice, employs traditional philosophical frameworks and rational reasoning to address clients' concerns, distinguishing itself from psychotherapy while respecting individual autonomy. The growing Western interest in Asian philosophies also underscores a shared pursuit of wisdom, spirituality, and meaning. This paper examines the development, key features, and leading proponents of philosophical practice, its relationship with academic philosophy, and the tensions between their differing aims and methods. The outlook for philosophical counseling is promising, offering an alternative to medical approaches for existential issues and expanding its scope to personal guidance, conflict resolution, and life‐skill development. Its future trajectory hinges on societal trends toward secularization, the de‐medicalization of mental health, and the increasing recognition of philosophy's intrinsic practical value.

RETURNING TO SAID AND HIS «ORIENTALISM»

This article examines the impact of Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism on the contemporary geopolitical landscape. The authors argue that while the critique of Orientalism has significantly influenced academic discourse and domestic policies in Western countries, particularly the United States, it has not led to fundamental changes in global geopolitical strategy. The paper focuses on two key aspects: the natural connection between knowledge and power, which cannot be altered by anti-colonial declarations, and the shift of colonial discourse to new regions, specifically non-Western Europe. The authors posit that the strength of a modern state lies in its ability to dynamically bifurcate its image into internal and external faces, presenting different aspects to its society and foreign partners. Using the United States as a case study, the article demonstrates how internal anti-colonial discourse coexists with an unchanging foreign policy strategy of global dominance. The authors criticize the illusions about the possibility of changing the fundamental principles of US foreign policy, which has remained consistent since 1941. The paper emphasizes the continuation of a strategy aimed at fostering global dependence on the West, despite anti-colonial rhetoric. The article explores the complex interplay between domestic movements for social justice and decolonization, and the pragmatic realities of international relations. It argues that the deconstruction of Orientalism, while challenging the legitimacy of historical colonial practices, has not transformed the core geopolitical interests of Western states.The authors contend that the apparent dichotomy between internal anti-colonial discourse and external policy reflects both the complexity and strength of states like the US, where domestic and foreign policies can be shaped by different institutional and ideological forces. The paper also discusses the expansion of the concept of liberal democracy as an export product to regions deemed lacking in popular sovereignty.In conclusion, the article suggests that the critique of Orientalism, despite its academic and cultural impact, has been effectively neutralized in geopolitical practice. This is achieved through a shift in focus to regions not traditionally considered part of the «old» Western colonies, allowing for the implementation of economic partnership policies without the moral self-flagellation associated with charges of Orientalism. The paper ultimately argues that renaming reality does not change its underlying structure, and that the postmodern belief in the power of language to transform geopolitical realities is akin to magical thinking. It concludes that the critique of Orientalism has not fundamentally altered the eternal principles and interests guiding global geopolitical strategies.

Analisis Sejarah Penyebab Awal Konflik antara Amerika Serikat dan Iran

The conflict between the United States and Iran is one of the most prominent and complex geopolitical issues in the world. This research aims to analyze the initial causes of the conflict between the two countries from a historical perspective. It begins in the early 20th century with the increasing Western interest in Iranian oil and covers the fall of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 through a CIA-backed coup, which was a pivotal moment affecting bilateral relations. The study also examines the 1979 Iranian Revolution, which ended the US-backed Shah's regime and marked the start of open hostility. Using historical research methods and document analysis, the study identifies economic, political, and ideological factors that contributed to the escalation of the conflict. The findings show that a combination of foreign intervention, economic interests, and domestic political changes in Iran have played a crucial role in shaping the hostility between the United States and Iran. These insights provide a deeper understanding of the root causes underlying the ongoing conflict.

The Transatlantic Relationship and the Russia-Ukraine War

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war triggered a new burst of solidarity across the Atlantic. The reactivation of the battered NATO alliance came easily under the pressure of an external shock. Yet, pulling together to react to Russia's belligerence is not sufficient to announce a new era of transatlantic partnership. The reason lies in the different interests that underpin American and European policies such as reliance on economic sanctions, the promotion of democracy, NATO strategy towards Russia, and economic coordination. Loosely sharing common values is not enough to reinforce the transatlantic relationship. Neither is a decision to stop the atrocities that Russia is committing against Ukrainians. Western leadership requires a coherent vision of Western interests. In the new world order, such coherence cannot be taken for granted.

Misunderstanding Myanmar through the lens of democracy

Abstract This article takes the 2021 military coup in Myanmar and its violent aftermath as a starting point for analysing the dominant lens through which western observers commonly narrate the country's politics as a struggle for democracy. It shows how focusing on questions of the political system is insufficient for explaining political processes and conflict dynamics, and how it risks sanitizing the country's past and presence of nationalism, ethnic conflict and genocide. A postcolonial reading suggests that finding solutions to conflict and authoritarianism in Myanmar demands questioning the role of the modern nation-state itself. This analysis contributes to recent research which has found that Conflict and Peace Studies develops theories from some conflicts over others, reflecting how western interests shape academic choices in a field that aims to inform policy and practice worldwide. This article contributes to this debate on knowledge production by arguing that this selectivity bias is not simply a function of general western interest (or lack thereof). It is also linked to the frames that govern our interest in and understanding of countries and regions worldwide. Studying ‘forgotten conflicts’ in the global South not only necessitates a turn to specialist literature, but also demands moving beyond Eurocentric frames of reference.

Introduction to the Special Issue “Turkey, Asia, and the EU in a Changing Global Order”

ABSTRACT The special issue “Turkey, Asia, and the EU in a Changing Global Order” explores Turkey’s pivot towards Asia amidst a slowdown in its EU accession. It delves into Turkey’s increasing relations with Asia and its consequences for Turkey-EU relations. The issue also examines how Turkey’s growing ties with Asian actors affect its relationship with the EU, pondering whether these developments are competitive or complementary to Western interests within the framework of global capitalism, providing critical insights into the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Toward Pedagogies of Decoloniality: Evaluating Teaching Practice and Syllabus Design in IR Undergraduate Modules

Abstract Undergraduate teaching in international relations (IR) primarily focuses on state-centric topics of sovereignty, anarchy, and power politics, its dominant theories governed by Western interests. However, the implementation of decolonial pedagogies requires more than simply “adding” non-Western theories to curricula. The myth of Europe must be ruptured, revealing its idealized and partisan foundations, uncovering knowledges from the interstices. This article contributes to the pedagogic literature by exploring attempts to decenter the discipline, evaluating teaching practice and syllabus design in three IR undergraduate modules. Drawing on thirty-five semi-structured interviews with lecturers and students, it argues that students benefit from the introduction of decolonial pedagogies, developing broader curricula knowledge, and, crucially, epistemic criticality. Despite these benefits, implementing decolonial praxis in 12-week modules can be challenging. The article suggests starting-points for lecturers seeking to decenter their teaching, calling for pedagogies of decoloniality to be implemented at a departmental level, with faculty and institutional support.

The myth of the Others: Western representations of the Dan people and boat clusters in the island city of Guangzhou, China (1842–1900)

Abstract This article studies Western (primarily Anglophone) representations of the Dan people (boat people) and the boat clusters on which they lived, relative to the mainland, in the island city of Guangzhou, focusing on 1842–1900. A change occurred over time, as the Dan went from being in close interaction with Westerners prior to the Opium Wars to being peripheral to Western interests and activities. This shift is evident in Western writings, and negative representations of the Dan came to dominate in the late nineteenth century. This mirrored changing sociospatial power relations between Westerners and the terrestrial Chinese, as Westerners increasingly gained access to the onshore city of Guangzhou itself, in part from the colonial island enclave of Shamian. Changing crosscultural interactions affected how the Chinese Others were perceived and ultimately how the Chinese whole was intertextually constructed in Western colonial discourse.

Western Balkans: External Actors Before and During the Current Crisis

The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.

The Linguistic Modernity among Youth Culture: The Moroccan Linguistic Context

<em>This paper seeks to examine linguistic modernity within Moroccan youth culture in the context of social interactions. The study specifically focuses on the lexical and topical aspects of linguistic practices among young individuals. The research employs a combination of questionnaires and unstructured interviews to gather relevant data, which will then be subjected to a mixed-method analysis. The qualitative aspect involves analysing recorded interviews using discourse analysis, focusing on participants' interactions and examining the linguistic components of youth language, including lexicon and distinctive topics that differentiate them from older social groups. On the quantitative side, the research measured participants' utilization of innovations, code-switching, and compared gender-related aspects of youth language. This paper delved into various aspects of linguistic modernity within youth culture, particularly focusing on lexical and topical dimensions. Concerning lexicon, the results of the study revealed that young individuals forge novel collocations by creatively employing language. They incorporate slangs, both general and internet-specific, into their speech. Moreover, these youths display a propensity for inter-sentential code-switching, utilizing multiple languages in their discourse. Notably, social media and technology emerge as predominant themes in their conversations. While youth language is a distinctive facet of their linguistic behaviours, paralinguistic practices also exemplify their generational characteristics. Likewise, the quantitative findings collectively suggest that young people in Morocco are adaptable in their language usage, often incorporating new expressions from various sources, code-switching, and displaying an interest in both Western and Asian languages.</em>

Confessional Fracture in Ukraine as a Projection of the Global Geopolitical Process

The article analyzes the confessional rift in Ukraine as a projection of the global geopolitical process. The nature of the repressive policy of official Kyiv in relation to canonical Orthodoxy is considered in detail. The unprecedented pressure that the state institutions of Ukraine and the neo-nazi formations supported by them are currently exerting on Ukraine’s largest traditional confession, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, is a consequence of the gradual introduction of long-term geopolitical stratagems of the opponents of the Russian World. The author believes that the open support from the collective West of the arbitrariness of the Kyiv regime in the confessional space of Ukraine should be considered in the light of the fundamental geopolitical tasks of the Euro-Atlantic structures. The author comes to the conclusion that their goal is the final disorientation of the Ukrainian society, ensuring the unhindered colonization of a number of Ukrainian territories, turning them into a stable zone of Western interests, openly hostile to Russia. It is natural that representatives of other traditional confessions are also victims of the ethno-confessional policy of official Kyiv. Today, in the world community, all people of common sense should unite in defense of the fundamental principle of freedom of conscience, which fully meets the criteria of basic human rights, enshrined in the fundamental acts of international law.

Decolonizing Language Resources in The Human-Machine Era

This essay engages with the issue of future developing language technologies. In recent policy publications that attempt to predict and document an increasingly technologized linguistic future, we see a set of assumptions and presuppositions at work that we approach from a decolonial perspective. We use a sociolinguistically inspired lens of critical engagement with colonialist premises underlying these ideologies and beliefs in universal technological progress in the arena of language and communication. Based on decolonial insights, we make a critical reading of, and an allegorical comparison to, these premises, and ask whether a pluralistic, decolonial view of the role of language/language resources in society could aid in counteracting potential automatic reproductions of existing macro- and micro-sociolinguistic inequalities embodied in future language devices as described and forecast in the LITHME (Languages in the Human-Machine Era) report, Microsoft Corporation’s Responsible Artificial Intelligence Principles and the Digital Language Vitality Scale, three examples of recent publications on this topic. We frame critical rejoinders, from the theoretical perspectives of linguistic imperialism, the sociolinguistics of globalization, and languaging theory, with the aim to address future linguistic and sociolinguistic outcomes in the human-machine era in a decoloniality-inspired manner. We conclude that persistent beliefs in the inevitability of technological progress will continue to underpin and drive dominant Western interests in a digital future, and, unless radical reappraisal and reprioritization take place, these will continue to systematically disadvantage speakers in many locales across the globe. We end by encouraging continued critical linguistic reflection in this area in the future.

A Violent Nexus: Ethnonationalism, Religious Fundamentalism, and the Taliban

The Taliban is a prime example of a movement that combines a fundamentalist interpretation of religion with a particular form of exclusionary Pashtun ethnonationalism among the jihadist groups. The existing literature on jihadist groups recognizes this trend in so far as a distinction is made between groups that focus on local objectives and others that pursue global objectives such as attacking Western interests. However, there are important gaps in understanding the mechanisms and implications of the interpenetration of religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism. This article aims to address this gap by unpacking the mechanisms that link religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism as hybrid ideological underpinnings of the Taliban. It argues that a more nuanced understanding of the entanglement of these ideologies is necessary for developing effective strategies for building peace and inclusive societies.

استعجال آرمجدون: مستقبل المسجد الأقصى في "صفقة القرن" في إطار الصهيونية المسيحية

Al-Aqsa Mosque, Bayt al-Maqdis, and the fate of Palestine have emerged as central topics in the Deal of the Century (DoC), presenting a one-sided viewpoint deeply loaded with a biased political, historical and religious narrative. This paper examines the visions of Christian Zionists concerning the future of al-Aqsa Mosque as outlined in the ‘deal’. Primarily, it is concluded that the Deal proposes a major change in the status quo of al-Aqsa Mosque by temporally dividing and allocating it only to Jews and Christians on their respective holidays. Secondly, it lays the foundation for spatial division giving Jews exclusive use of parts of al-Aqsa Mosque, as implemented in the Ibrahim Mosque in Hebron. The third phase, implied but not explicitly stated, revolves around the Zionist ideology of the construction of a ‘Jewish Temple’ over the site of al-Aqsa Mosque. This inference is drawn from the impact of Christian Zionism on American politics and the anticipation of Christ's Second Coming. Furthermore, the inclusion of the entire area of al-Aqsa Mosque within the target of the ‘Jewish Temple’ plan, in accordance with the idea that Jesus Christ would enter the site and particularly from an unsealed Bab al-Rahma or the Golden Gate. As a result, the DoC proposes the division of time, space and the sharing of the mosque as a starting point, in line with evangelical plans; the successful completion of which will see the construction of a ‘Jewish Temple’ to hasten the advent of the apocalypse. This endeavour reflects Christian Zionists’ fervent efforts to reshape the world order by forcing the ‘Hand of God’, and bringing about their long-held desire for Armageddon, through the instrumentalisation of Jews for the fulfilment of their scheme.

The Obama Administration and Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood (2010-2016): Ally or Predicament?

The Muslim Brotherhood has always been very controversial. Since its creation in the late 1920s, it has been at the heart of Egypt’s most important upheavals and struggles. As a Pan-Islamist religious and social movement, its self-stated aim is “Islam is the solution”. During the early days of the so-called “Arab Spring,” the movement was the readiest political power to go through the electoral process and achieve victory far more than any other party. This was due to its long history in charity and social services and the well-organized preachers who are deeply rooted in Egyptian society. The sharp victory in the 2011 Legislative Elections was not enough for the movement. Backed by his Islamist allies and most of the youth who participated in the “Revolution,” Mohamed Morsi ran for president and won in 2012. One year later, he was ousted after a “second uprising” in the streets of Cairo and many other Egyptian cities. Another crackdown was inevitable and the movement went back to clandestinity. Amidst all these events, the United States under President Obama could not distance itself from what was going on. In the beginning, the US administration was divided over the popular uprisings in the whole region and in Egypt in particular. In Egypt, the Obama administration backed Morsi during his presidency although his movement was known to be traditionally against Western interests in the region. Many Egyptian politicians were into the idea that the cabinet was compromised and officials with connections to the Muslim Brotherhood were influencing the decision-making process. When it was time, the US government has leaned into the army which is the only institution that guarantees the peace treaty with Israel. The aim of this paper is to provide an understanding to the blur in the US stance before and during the period when the army took over. It explains the major interests which did not make the issue of democracy a priority and led to the disposal from the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Position of the AU and its Member States in the Global Condemnation of the Russia-Ukraine War

International crises such as the war in Ukraine bring about significant changes not only in paradigms, but also in alliance systems. The return of war as a means of regulating international relations has greatly aggravated the interests of Western powers and the African continent, which is at the geopolitical forefront of the war in Ukraine. This study aims to identify the position of the African Union (AU) and its member states on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It highlights the AU’s institutional position at the outset of the conflict, before analyzing the positions of its member states, sometimes in contradiction with the principles of the AU and the United Nations (UN), calling for the immediate cessation of the war initiated by Russia. Similarly, the study shows that African countries, in their mixed positions have a more cynical view of a world order whose rules seem to be determined by the West and it is this difference in perspective that may explain the indulgence of some African states towards Russia.

From Black Zionism to Black Nasserism: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Foundations of Black Anti-Zionist Discourse

This article explores the transformation of W.E.B. Du Bois’ viewpoint on Israel between the early and mid-20th century. It highlights historical and political forces that compelled him to support the Zionist project, especially Black Orientalism, and the connections between Black Nationalism and Zionism, connections between Black and Jewish diasporic experiences. Finally, the article reveals how Gamal Abdel Nasser and the connections between Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism he forged, and the Suez Canal crisis propelled a new era in the Black discourse on Israel, envisioning Israel as a neo-colonial state set to protect Western interests in the Middle East.

REGIMUL CEAUȘESCU ÎN RAPOARTELE DIPLOMAȚIEI BRUXELLES-ULUI

This article analyses proposes new considerations on the Romania’s neo-Stalinist regime as reflected in the diplomatic documents from the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belgium. In 1982-1983 the regime started to pay the country’s external debt, exporting agricultural products at dumping prices, imposing huge sacrifices and burden on country’s economic profit and on citizens standard of life. The Romanian stores ran out of food for years. The Ceausescu regime has forbidden the citizens to leave the country. Belgium, France, USA, and other Western countries started to criticize the regime, harsher and harsher. Romania’s foreign policies of independence towards Moscow were still important for the Western interests, but their value decreased. USA even retired the highly symbolic Most-Favored-Nation Status. The Ceausescu regime became more and more isolated between 1982-1989.

Decolonising spaces of knowledge production: Mpala research centre in Laikipia County, Kenya

In this article we discuss Mpala Research Centre in Laikipia County, Kenya as a distinctly colonial space. Drawing on historical materials, fieldwork observations and in-depth interviews, we build an account of British colonial expropriation of land, European and American modes of enclosure, and the development of a prominent site of knowledge production in the fields of ecology, conservation and evolutionary biology. Mpala is product and productive of colonial relations, ones where land use serves mainly Western interests in ways that sustain and entrench categories of coloniser/colonised. We support this claim by identifying three ways in which colonial legacies endure at Mpala in terms of (i) ontology, or the particular ways in which land is made landscape; (ii) race and the organisation of space and labour and (iii) silence (and silencing) as a mechanism that sustains colonial power relations. We further argue that turning to such a nameable site of contemporary academic extraction enables a shift from postcolonial critique to decolonial praxis. By naming Mpala in specific terms, the possibility of politics opens out from critical analysis towards a project of undoing the epistemological and material legacies of colonialism.