Wealthy Peasants Research Articles

Projects of establishing the Peasant land bank and its organizational-legalprinciples of functioning

The purpose of the article is to characterize the process of formation and the first steps of the Peasant Land Bank (Selianskyi pozemelnyi bank), to identify and analyze various projects of the organization of a state institution for long-term crediting of the peasantry, which preceded the emergence of the Peasant Land Bank in 1882. Research methodology is based on the fundamental principles of historical research: historicism, systematicity, objectivity in the selection of facts and documents. Scientific novelty of the article lies in the analysis of projects for the formation of the Peasant Land Bank in the Russian Empire in the context of agrarian reforms of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Organizational and legal aspects and principles of functioning of this bank, its role in the implementation of the government's agrarian policy are studied. The author examines the influence of credit activity of the Peasant Land Bank on the development of agriculture and formation of a class of wealthy peasants in the context of the modernization of agriculture. Conclusions. The establishment of the Peasant Bank, to a certain extent, can be considered as an important step in the direction of public opinion at that time. The concession, which over time was tried to be significantly reduced, was the establishment of numerous restrictions, which indicated the limited effectiveness of the bank's activities. These restrictions included a five million annual transaction limit, a small maximum loan size per person, and the ability to participate in transactions only by voluntary agreement between the seller and the buyer. It was also assumed the need for significant additional payments when purchasing, which were unaffordable for poorer peasants. These restrictions significantly limited the positive influence of the bank. It was noted that the main goal of the bank was realized in a residual way, in particular, due to political reasons and commercial principles that were the basis of its activity. In addition, crediting conditions were considered absurd, as they provided for the same interest rates as in commercial banks. A prospective promise was a change in the focus of the bank's activity to credit support for peasants who intended to farm on the acquired lands, in particular by providing “ameliorative” credit.

Українське селянство 19 ст. у матеріалах повітового суду: мікроісторичний вимір у контексті повсякдення

The object of the article is to systematically highlight the materials of the court archive of one of the largest districts of Kyiv province, namely Uman district, in particular the court cases in which peasants were involved. These materials complement the concept of everyday Ukrainian peasantry in the 19th century. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific principles of historicism, objectivity and a systematic approach in the analysis of historical sources, which are used in this article. Such special historical methods as descriptive, problem-chronological, historical-systemic and heuristic ones have proven to be effective. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that for the first time the materials of the judicial and investigative practice of Uman County Court were used to highlight such an aspect of everyday Ukrainian peasantry as crimes and punishments. Chronological and thematic systematization of court cases in which peasants were involved showed a quantitative superiority of cases about abuse of peasants, peculiar forms of peasant protest in the form of escapes from serf owners and deviant acts in the pre-reform years. Dissatisfaction with the agrarian reform of 1861 created the basis for the deviant behavior of peasants in the everyday life of the post-reform years. Conclusions. During the functioning of Uman County Court (1800-1872), 1,817 cases were postponed in its archive, 269 of which are the materials of court proceedings on the claims of peasants or their prosecution. Most of the court cases date back to the pre-reform years and contain evidence of social tension in the villages. But the agrarian reform of 1861, despite its positive aspects, did not eliminate the reasons for such tension even in the post-reform era. In the everyday life of the peasantry of the first half of the 19th century, there was abuse of landowners, housekeepers and estate managers, which served as a reason for peasants to run away, commit suicide, commit crimes, and deviant behavior in everyday life. The materials of the district court’s judicial and investigative practice show that wealthy peasants appealed to the court regarding the purchase of land plots. The abolition of serfdom and the gaining of personal freedom by the peasants did not relieve social tension, and in the everyday life of the peasantry, illegal actions took place as a manifestation of despair, rudeness and violence.

Between Deprivation and Privilege: (Former) “Enemies of the People” in Communist and Postcommunist Romania

Communism everywhere it settled aimed to create a new society and the ‘new man’ in the shortest possible time. In order to put into practice such social engineering, it was necessary that those social categories refractory to change to be annihilated. There-fore, the former politicians, the landlords, the wealthy peasants (the kulak), the bour-geois, the intellectuals, the artists were methodically and constantly repressed. Laws, institutions and people were summoned to effect change through repressive methods. The beginning of the process of building the communist society created many ‘enemies of the people’, as the communists described them, victims of the class struggle, but also of their own ideals. Belief in the ‘Arrival of the Americans’, and in the short duration of Communism led them directly to prisons, hard labor and deportation camps. Many perished, but most escaped and returned to the society that was reconfiguring itself on new bases and with new values. The fall of communism brought their recognition as ‘victims’ of the totalitarian regim’s politics. In order to acknowledge their suffering the postcommunist Romanian state offers them compensations, granted them the label of ‘anti-communist fighter’, and eventually condemned Communism as ‘illegitimate and criminal’. My paper discusses all these issues while pointing out what was at stake in organized repression during communism as well as in recognizing the suffering of the repressed in the first postcommunist decades.

The main results of the All-Union census of the population of the South of Kazakhstan (1926-1939) in archival materials

In the article, the authors made an attempt to briefly analyze the main aspects of the socio-demographic development of the South of Kazakhstan in period 1926-1939. The cardinal political and socio-economic processes that took place in Kazakhstan (resettlement of wealthy peasants and Kazakh sharua, forced collectivization, political repressions, the famine of 1930-1931, etc.) had a direct impact on the socio-demographic development of the republic. In the South, despite all the tragic events of these years, there was a slight increase in population. The proportion and number of urban residents grew, mainly due to the capital of Kazakhstan - Almaty and regional centers. But on this indicator, the South lagged behind the population of other regions of Kazakhstan. The exception was the Almaty region. The southern region of Kazakhstan traditionally remained an area with a predominance of the Kazakhs. A significant number of representatives of the Turkic-Muslim ethnic groups, mainly Kazakh-speaking, also lived here. The growth of polyethnicity continued due to the growth in the number of Russians and Ukrainians. It led to the reduction of the Kazakhs in the urban population and industrial sectors of the economy. Southern Kazakhstan remained a predominantly agrarian region; social structure of the population was formed with a high proportion of collective farmers and a small representation of workers and employees.

DAILY OCCUPATIONS OF DAGESTAN UZDENIS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19th – EARLY 20th CENTURIES

The subject of this research is the daily activities of Dagestan freemen (commoners) – uzdenis in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. In our research, we have applied procedural and modernization approaches. The first approach considers everyday life as an ordinary, everyday human existence, focusing on the environment, social relations in society. The modernization approach considers the transition of society from the traditional to the modern type, accompanied by the breaking of traditional values, a change in mentality. The article applies historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods. The author describes for the first time the daily activitis of Dagestan uzdenis after the annexation of Dagestan to Russia. The article aims to show the changes that occured in the traditional occupation of Dagestan uzdenis under the influence of capitalist relations that came from the Russian Empire. The author concludes that the daily occupations of the Dagestan freemen comprised traditional forms of agricultural production. The basis of the labor activity of uzden farms was the economic experience of previous generations. Farming in different parts of Dagestan had its own peculiarities. It received special development in the flat and foothill parts of the region with more arable land. In the mountainous zone, the lack of arable land forced farmers to use artificial fields – terraces created and maintained by the labor of several generations. Terraces testify to a high agriculture and have a centuries-old history in Dagestan. In addition to agriculture, Dagestani uzdenis were engaged in cattle breeding, handicrafts, seasonal work, and fishing. A major role in the daily activities of Dagestanis was played by the natural and climatic factor, which dictated the timing of agricultural work. Thus, in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century, the usual way of daily life of the Dagestan peasant gradually changed. Agriculture and cattle breeding acquired a commodity character, factory-made agricultural tools appeared on the farms of wealthy peasants, and the geography of seasonal works expanded. This might be explained by the integration of Dagestan into the economic space of Russia and the modernization of its economy during the period under study.

The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)

By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.

The Polish Peasantry in Soviet Belarus: From the NEP to Collectivization (1924–1930)

This article explores the Bolsheviks’ social and economic policies towards Polish rural communities in the Belarussian Soviet Socialist Republic (the BSSR) during the transition from the New Economic Policy (NEP) to forced collectivization. The article focuses on how the Soviet apparatus and its propaganda actively promoted kolkhozes among Polish peasants. To combat so-called bourgeois classes, the Soviet authorities methodically drove out Polish landlords and wealthy peasants from all forms of social and economic life. In 1930, during mass collectivization and so-called dekulakization, Polish families were subjected to deportation from Soviet Belarus. Forced collectivization also saw attacks on the Roman Catholic Church. The authorities established a few Polish collective farms to attract Polish peasants to collectivization, but they were not popular among the peasants.

The image of the enemy in textbooks on the history of the USSR in the 1930s

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation of the image of the enemy in the textbook of Andrei Shestakov "A Short Course in the History of the USSR." Also, the historiography of the issue is analyzed. It applies to both the Soviet era and the present. Despite the modest attention to this topic by foreign experts, the works that directly affect the issue are highlighted. The main changes in the then system of school education, which led to its unification and formed the requirements for the history lesson in general and the need to develop a textbook in particular, are outlined. The role of Andrei Shestakov, who was one of the first to develop an "ideal" history textbook for the Soviet government, is revealed. His career growth and work with Marxist-Leninist ideology are shown, which in turn helped to achieve this goal.The process of modification of negative connotations concerning those forces against which the Bolsheviks fought is traced. Thus considering the period of ancient history, the author criticized rich people. The negative image deepened when it came to religion in the Middle Ages. Priests and monks, compared to the wealthy, were perceived not as something "foreign" but more negative as something "hostile." Wealthy peasants received a special color, the term "kulaks" was used for them. The closer A. Shestakov approached the twentieth century in his presentation of historical material, the clearer the formation of the image of the enemy, not only internal but also external. Thus, the first was personified by all the forces against which the Bolsheviks fought. To define such "enemies" used the definition - "counter-revolutionary". The second category was represented by the Entente and the Nazis, who came to power primarily in Germany and Italy.

ТАК СУДЬБА СТУЧИТСЯ В ДВЕРЬ: “ЖИРНАЯ И БЕДНАЯ КУХНИ” ПИТЕРА БРЕЙГЕЛЯ СТАРШЕГО КАК МЕТАФОРА СОЦИАЛЬНОЙ МОБИЛЬНОСТИ

The engravings "The Fat Kitchen" and "The Thin Kitchen" (1563), based on drawings by Pieter Bruegel the Elder (circa 1525-1569), immediately became very popular in the Netherlands and remained popular throughout the second half of the 16th and the first half of the 17th centuries. They were copied and served as a source of inspiration; their composition and individual motives were borrowed both in graphics and in painting. The secret of their success was a combination of an original and vivid artistic program with already known motives, tackling urgent problems of society alongside with scenes from the everyday life of peasants and ordinary townspeople that were growing ever more popular then. In this article, I show that the iconographic analysis of engravings based on drawings by Pieter Bruegel the Elder enables us to interpret them as a metaphor for social mobility. The artist shows us how a person's actions affect his social status. The engravings were designed both for those who could identify themselves with those depicted (wealthy peasants or artisans), and for those who belonged to the new bourgeois elite of the Netherlands. By placing “The Fat Kitchen” and “The Thin Kitchen” in the context of the contemporary and subsequent visual tradition and identifying iconographic borrowings, allusions and innovations, it is possible to clarify the form in which the the mid-16th century Netherlandish art expressed the values and norms of the emerging middle class.

Derzhavnyi teror u zakhidnoukrainskykh zemliakh yak metod vstanovlennia radianskoi vlady

The course of historical events is studied with regard to the reunification of Western Ukraine with Soviet Ukraine. The formation of the foundations of the new state-political and territorial system with the formation of new regions of Western Ukraine is shown. The characteristics of the most important regulations on the formation of law enforcement agencies of the Soviet government and their repressive actions on the territory of the region are given. The first repressive actions were directed against the Polish servicemen and the members of counter-revolutionary, espionage organizations, the former landowners, the manufacturers, the Polish officers, the officials, and the defectors, who were at the prisons in the western regions of Ukraine. The activities of Ukrainian political parties were banned. The activity of «Prosvita», Taras Shevchenko Scientific Society was stopped and the work of cultural and educational institutions, theaters, philharmonics, museums was reorganized. The policy of forced collectivization, nationalization of the industrial enterprises, the banks was tracked on the basis of the research materials. There were four waves of deportations during the 1939–1940 years, when not only the Polish settlers and Polish civil servants of local self-government but also a group of Ukrainian foresters, members of public, political, nationalist organizations, entrepreneurs, merchants, wealthy peasants were deported. The priests of various denominations, members of the OUN underground did not escape deportation and repression. It is stated that the victorious conclusion of the war with Germany promoted realization of administrative measures to restore the Soviet power in the western Ukrainian lands. The edge of mass repression is directed against the Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists. The mass inspections were introduced under the guise of registration and population censuses. The repressive politics aims to fight the Greek Catholic clergy of the region. Strengthening the struggle against politically unreliable intelligentsia, students, Western Ukrainian literary and artistic elite, and members of Lviv organization of the Union of Soviet Writers of Ukraine is substantiated. Repressive bodies had a special attention to the assessment of the political views of the scientific and pedagogical workers of Lviv universities and the pupils of M. Hrushevskyi.

ВИНОКУРІННЯ У КИЇВСЬКІЙ ГУБЕРНІЇ НАПРИКІНЦІ ХІХ – НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХ ст.

The attention of the author is focused on the problem of the development of distillation production in Kyiv Governorate at the end of the XIX – the beginning of the XX century. The legal foundations regulating the activities in this sphere of the noble entrepreneurship are considered. Distilling provided significant profits to private owners and consistently high contributions to the state. It fueled the system of local suppliers of raw materials and helped orient local farms to service distilleries. On the basis of archival materials and cases it is proved that distillation remained an extremely profitable kind of economic activity not only among nobles, but also among different society class at the end of the XIX – the beginning of the XX century. Distilleries were kept the bourgeoisie and wealthy peasants. A significant percentage of the owners were Jews, as well as Russians and Ukrainians in terms of ethnic composition. The article deals with the social problems in the development of distillation in Kyiv Governorate in addition to economic problems at the period after reforms. The specifics of distillation, sources of raw materials and social position of workers are described in Kyiv Governorate. Kyiv Governorate’s distillery became a progressive type of processing industry at that time - the vast majority of distilleries were located in stone buildings, had various devices and equipment perfect for that time, used self-employed workers in the enterprise. Despite significant savings in labor, the distillery owners neglected to work safely, which remained at a low level.

ПРОДОВОЛЬЧА ДИКТАТУРА БІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОГО РЕЖИМУ – ЗАСІБ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЇ ГОЛОДУ В УКРАЇНІ (1921–1923 рр.)

The article examines the process of establishing a food dictatorship by the Bolshevik authorities against the Ukrainian rural population, which led to the starvation of millions of Ukrainians in 1921–1923. But the most vulnerable were the Bolsheviks’ procurement and export of peasant bread and food to Russia. Using coercive harsh methods, the procurement campaign was carried out in the drought-stricken southern regions of Ukraine. This criminal action was led by O. Shlichter and M. Vladimirov sent by the Russian government in accordance with numerous government orders and directives involving the poorest sections of the peasantry and specially trained military units. In the spring of 1921, wealthy peasants had almost no grain left, and the need for a solution to the food problem by the Bolshevik government only grew. In order to eliminate the resistance of the peasants, which the Bolsheviks regarded as political banditry, the idea of the so-called stratification of the village into separate classes (poor semi-proletarians, middle peasants, kulaks) was introduced by mobilizing tens of thousands of workers in industrial centers. The People’s Commissar for Land Affairs of the USSR D. Manuilskii consciously pursued a predatory policy of destroying productive farms. Attempts by the Ukrainian leadership to stop harvesting bread in Ukraine have failed several times at a time when about 4 million people are on hunger strike in the country. The actions of the Bolshevik government contradicted the realities of peasant life at the time, as did the entire population, which suffered from famine and crop failure, backed by numerous taxes, the forcible confiscation of the last peasant food supplies, and military aggression. After the official recognition of the critical state of agriculture and famine in Ukraine, no assistance was provided by the government other than permission to appeal to the international community.

Утвердження більшовицького тоталітарного режиму в подільському селі наприкінці 1920-х – початку 1930-х рр.: причини, технології та наслідки (на прикладі села Мельниківець на Вінниччині)

Метою статті є, на основі джерел, з урахуванням мікроісторичного підходу, простежити процес остаточного утвердження більшовицького тоталітарного режиму в подільському селі наприкінці 1920-х – початку 1930-х рр. через аналіз причин, технологій та наслідків. Методологія дослідження базується на поєднанні загальнонаукових, спеціально-історичних та міждисциплінарних методів мікроісторичного дослідження з урахуванням принципів історизму, системності, науковості та верифікації. Наукова новизна полягає у спробі автора, на основі аналізу широкої репрезентативної джерельної бази, з позицій конкретного мікроісторичного дослідження, проаналізувати процес насадження більшовицького тоталітарного режиму на Поділлі в умовах другого військово-комуністичного штурму. Висновки. Аналіз різнопланових джерел, що відображають процес насадження більшовицького тоталітарного режиму в селі Мельниківцях на Вінниччині, дає змогу стверджувати, що активізація діяльності місцевих органів щодо усуспільнення селянських господарств на Поділлі розпочалася ще з весни 1928 р. Якщо на початку об’єднання селян у колективи відбувалося здебільш добровільно, то із взяттям партією курсу на суцільну колективізацію, у листопаді 1929 р., переважають силові методи залучення до колективів. Придушення опору заможних селян пропонувалося здійснювати через експропріацію їх власності та висилки за межі постійного проживання. Відповіддю подільського селянства на безчинства влади стала активізація відкритого опору, унаслідок чого на весну 1930 р. в частині населених пунктів Поділля на короткий час навіть було повалено радянську владу. Появу статті Й. Сталіна «Запаморочення від успіхів» частина селянства сприйняла як відверту критику вождем насильницьких методів органів влади на місцях, тому, в результаті так званих «волинок», до травня 1930 р. із колективів вийшли майже 1/3 усіх членів колективних господарств. Під час другого етапу суцільної колективізації, що розпочався у вересні 1930 р., основним «аргументом», який мав переконати селян вступати до колективів, був податковий тиск. Вплив на селянство здійснювався і через систему хлібозаготівель. Встановлюючи непосильні норми здачі хліба для одноосібних господарств, влада таким чином змушувала їх вступати до колгоспів. Насильницька колективізація, що супроводжувалася експропріацією власності заможних селян, непосильні плани хлібозаготівель та примусове вилучення продовольчих запасів призвели до масового голодування частини подільського селянства вже навесні 1932 р. Унаслідок штучно спланованого Голодомору 1932–1933 рр., за підрахунками істориків, кількість населення тогочасної Вінницької області зменшилася більш як на 1 млн осіб. За задумом влади, геноцид голодом мав остаточно упокорити українське селянство. Знищуючи селян-власників, більшовицька влада свідомо та цілеспрямовано знищувала також соціальну базу українського націоналізму.

Power and collective ownership: the experience of land reform

The main reason for the implementation of the next agrarian reform was the profound changes that have taken place in the field of socio-economic relations. The economy of the Russian Empire, after series of crisis and internal political upheavals, found itself in a state of prolonged depression. The economic lag behind Western European countries has led to dependence on foreign investment. The tasks set before the reform of February 19, 1861, were never realized. Starting the agrarian reform, the government headed by P. Stolypin set the task of comprehensively addressing the following issues: increase efficiency, marketability of agricultural production, strengthen the social resistance of the government in the countryside by destroying the community and transferring land to private ownership. It was believed that the appearance of the peasant’s sense of ownership would automatically remove the problem of dissatisfaction with the policy of the authorities in the countryside. The Peasant Land Bank was the main lever for reform. Pre-designed legislation expanded its powers. Of all the hamlets and cuttings, the highest were the share of those that appeared on the lands of the Peasant Land Bank. On the other hand, the State Noble Land Bank actually preserved the existence of the feudal in the form of the creation of aristocratic land tenure, credit support hindered the development of capitalist relations. The Peasant Land Bank, with the aim of lending to peasant land tenure, stimulated the growth of land prices, which indirectly helped the noble land tenure. The reform significantly accelerated the development of capitalist relations in the countryside: as a result of the destruction of the community, capitalist land ownership was created, strips were eliminated, the process of land concentration in the hands of wealthy peasants intensified, and the marketability of agriculture increased. However, in general, P. Stolypin’s reform did not achieve its goal – it did not ensure the creation of a strong capitalist system in the countryside, as aristocratic land tenure was preserved. During its implementation, there were no cardinal changes in land tenure and land use in the provinces of the Right Bank of Ukraine. The main reason was the predominant farmland ownership of peasants. The creation of farms and cuts contributed to a partial solution to the problem across the strip.

LAND USE OF THE NALCHIK DISTRICT IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY

This article discusses the relevance of the problems of formation of land relations and land use in the Nalchik district at the beginning of the 20th century. Issues related to the distribution of land plots and their use in the land structure of the region are touched upon. The article analyzes all the land plots of Nalchik, and provides their differentiation by the quality of each of the lands. The author also reveals the importance and role of the factor of pasture economy in the context of land relations. The conclusion is made that the penetration of commercial capital in the period under review played a decisive role in changing land use, radically changing socio-economic relations in the village. In turn, the penetration of capital caused serious problems in the sphere of private land ownership, the reason for this was the inability of the privileged classes to switch to new market relations. Having received the land “on the basis of private property”, many of them found it difficult to effectively organize the landlord economy using hired labor, agricultural machinery, which led to leasing of landowners to wealthy peasants, as a result, most of the land in the district was distributed between large landowners and wealthy peasants.

Қазақстанда кеңестік-сталиндік кезеңде жүргізілген саясатты тарихи тұрғыдан пайымдау

The main aspects in historical development of the Republic of Kazakhstan were Stalin’s s policy in the 20 – 30s of the twentieth century which was famous as “the Great Repression”. The article was written on the basis of different researches and the historical record. It provides information on eliminating the traditional structure in Kazakhstan by the Soviet government in Stalin’s time, measures to weaken the social and economic forms of the traditional agriculture of the Kazakh people, the country’s industrialization policy, mass collectivization and creation of collective and State farms, the policy on confiscation of the wealthy peasants’ property and challenges related to the population decline. To establish the socialist structure based on the ideology of economy, the political structure and the culture in the Soviet time was carried out with unprecedented extent in the mentality of Kazakh society and consequences of ambiguity which have not occurred in the past .It is significant to realize general trends in the social transformations of the Eurasian multicultural space, the modernization and the culture in order to study this unique experience. The current situation analysis of the scientific knowledge requires understanding Kazakh history from a conceptual viewpoint and clarifying a number of events of selected period. Kazakhstan passed the difficult path in restructuring of a new policy, the economy and the social culture as part of the Soviet Union.

Situation and Activity of Tatar Muslim Community in Kazan Province after the 1917 February Revolution (February — October 1917)

The article deals with events related to the situation and activities of the Muslim Tatars of Russia after the February 1917 revolution. The revolution divided the Muslim Tatars of Russia of all strata and views into the opposing groups and movements that actively pursued their policies. Socio-political organizations and institutions were created, some of which supported the Provisional Government, while the others supported the Bolshevik Party. Initially, the Muslim clergy, headed by Mufti of Orenburg Spiritual assembly Muhammad-Safa Bayazitov, did not support the February revolution, that is why the assembly was dissolved by leaders of the Tatar bourgeoisie and nobility of Ufa. In May 1917, the First all-Russian Muslim Congress took place in Moscow, at which a number of important decisions were made, including the recognizing of equality of women and the land commodification. In contrast to the Kazan Muslim Committee supporting the Provisional Government, the Kazan Bolshevik Party in early April 1917 organized the Muslim Socialist Committee, headed by the revolutionary Bolshevik Mullanur Vakhitov, led his work among the working Muslims of the Tatars. The Kazan Muslim Committee relied on the intellectuals, the wealthy peasants, the clergy, the Tatar-Muslim bourgeoisie, and the Muslim Socialist Committee did more stakes on the Tatar workers. The October Revolution led to the victory of the Bolsheviks, who were supported by Muslim left socialists.

“COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY CRIMES” IN AGRICULTURE OF UDMURTIA IN THE 1930s

The article is devoted to one of the tragic periods in the history of Udmurtia and the whole country. The repressions of the 1930s affected many people in one way or another. Of particular importance was the law enforcement of state crimes, especially the so-called counter-revolutionary crimes. The actual material of that time showed a violation of human rights. Everyone could be declared and condemned as a counter-revolutionary, regardless of his or her position. As a result of repressions, first of all wealthy peasants suffered. They were declared counter-revolutionaries, the main opponents of all actions of the Soviet power in the village. The failures of the collective and state economy were attributed to the enemies of the people, the activities of counter-revolutionary organizations. Protection from mythical criminals turned into punitive actions, into organized Big Terror. The Udmurt regional material shows that repressions against rural residents and other segments of the population on counter-revolutionary crimes did not differ from other regions of the country.

Lieutenant-Colonel Constantin Apostol, A Glory of the Romanian Military Sport

Abstract Lieutenant Colonel Constantin Apostol (1903-1995) was born in a family of wealthy peasants from Săgeata commune, Buzău County. His studies were: primary school in his native town, high school in Buzău, followed by military studies, namely The Cavalry Officers School from Târgoviște, The Special Cavalry School and The Equestrian School in Sibiu. His military career evolved as follows: from a high school student (1924) to being a caporal, a sergeant and a plutonier (1925), a sub-lieutenant (1927), a lieutenant (1930), a captain (1938), a major (1943) and, at the end of his activity, a colonel lieutenant (1946). Constantin Apostol was considered one of the most prestigious representatives of the Romanian horse riding. He was an instructor and a teacher at the Equestrian School in Sibiu and at the Superior School of War. In the interwar period, Constantin Apostol represented Romania at numerous international equestrian contests, winning many awards, including the first prize in tournements such as those from Aachen (The Great Trophy), Brussels, Belgrade, Berlin, Duseldorf, London, Munich, Naples, Nice, Paris, Rome, Warsaw, Vienna, etc. For such results, his name was mentioned several times in the Day Order. Constantin Apostol remained active even after his retirement, when, while in reserve, he prepared the Romanian national team for the Olympics in Helsinki and Stockholm (1952, 1956) and was also the coach of Petrolul Ploiești Sports Club.

Correction of the object of social experiments D. A. Stolypin

The publication deals with the problem of correction of an object that occurred during the social experiment carried out by one of the first Russian sociologists, a follower of Auguste Comte, Dmitry Arkadievich Stolypin (1818 – 1893). In accordance with the level of development of sociological science of the last quarter of the XIX century the definition of the concept of «social experiment» was formulated. The reasons for the social experiment, conducted by D.A. Stolypin during 1874 – 1893 in Mordvinovka Village of Berdyansk District of Taurida Governorate (present Mordvinovka Village in Melitopol District of Zaporozhye Region) were identified. Among them, as the main ones, are indicated the crisis of landlord economy and peasant land shortage, in the conditions of the development of agrarian capitalism in the south of Ukraine. It is proved that the goal of the social experiment completely coincided with the direction of the search for social support in the village by the imperial top. The analysis of historical sources allowed the authors to establish that its essence was to create rental farms on landowner lands increasing the profitability of the latter and to popularize among the local peasantry the leading forms of intensive local economic management. Research revealed that in accordance with the sociological concept of D.A. Stolypin local peasants were the object of the experiment, who were asked to break economic ties with the rural community and get the farm in the medium-term lease. The formulation of criteria for comparative analysis made it possible to distinguish three stages in the course of the experiment – 1874-1877 years, 1878-1888 years, 1889-1893 years. The main argument in favor of such approach was not the fact of introducing changes in lease agreements with farmers as much as the involvement of peasants from different social strata in the experiment. Authors found that at the first stage farmers were the representatives of the kulak and prosperous strata of the peasantry, at the second – among the wealthy tenants there were peasants of medium welfare, and at the third – the wealthy and middle peasants were equally divided. The intermediate results of the social experiments by D.A. Stolypin, which were researched in terms of improvements of material facilities, increasing the area of cultivated land and monetary incomes, including farmers in the channels of upward vertical social mobility and changing their social status. At the same time, the article emphasizes that scientific heritage of O. Comte, A. Smith, G. Spencer, as well as the foreign experience of agrarian transformations and knowledge of local economic traditions which were used by sociologist-amateur betrayed the ideas of the formed farm settlement. Social experiment D.A. Stolypin is described in the publication as the longest in the history of national sociology.