Series Of Wars Research Articles

ECONOMIC-INSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS OF EUROPEAN REMILITARIZATION

This article is dedicated to the examination of the economic-institutional problems and prerequisites for the reconstruction of the European military-industrial complex. During the consideration of this issue, the following tasks were set and addressed: – to find out the economic factors determining the ability of European economies to provide the Ukrainian army with a sufficient amount of weapons and ammunition; – to identify barriers to capital involvement in the military-industrial complex; – to study the institutional prerequisites for changing motivations for investing in the military-industrial complex. On one hand, the remilitarization of Europe appears inevitable due to the formation of an anti-Western axis of evil, consisting of Moscow, Beijing, and Tehran. On the other hand, remilitarization for formerly pacifist Europeans is not an easy matter. We believe that the problem of remilitarization has at least three aspects: price, investment, and civilization. If we were to depict the problem of European remilitarization as an iceberg, the price aspect would be the most superficial, obvious part of the problem, while the civilization aspect would be its foundation. Price aspect: This has manifested, in particular, in the rapid increase in procurement prices for weapons. The anomaly is that even with a fourfold increase in prices, which apparently promises manufacturers profits in the hundreds (!) of percent, demand saturation through increased supply does not occur. Investment aspect: It is evident in the relatively insufficient investment activity in the European military-industrial complex compared to what it should be. The issue lies in the unacceptably high risks of possible investment projects in the defense sector, namely, the risk of a decrease in demand for manufactured goods. Considering the normal profitability of production assets in developed countries, successful remilitarization could involve guarantees of extensive and stable state purchases of weapons and ammunition from producers for the next ten to fifteen years. Civilization aspect: Maintaining consistently high demand for military goods for one to two decades requires a fundamentally different approach from European societies and states to issues of war and peace than is currently the case. It turns out that for the remilitarization of Europe, a series of colonial wars is needed. Colonialism, in any of its manifestations, involves the institutionalization of inequality between Europeans and those outside Europe. Remilitarization means that the “flower generation,” the people who tried to “love, not war,” must acknowledge their defeat, and more than half a century of conscious rejection of making military violence a significant political instrument, which has always been reckless, is regarded as a terrible mistake that must not be repeated. European elites see and understand the consequences of this choice. Therefore, we can argue that the million shells for Ukraine cost Europeans significantly more than a few pitiful billion euros. It costs dreams of humanism, of a bright communist future, dreams of a time when the bright, rational, human will ultimately overcome all that is dark, primitive, and bestial.

“Olen su sõbra sõber ja su vaenlase vaenlane” – Vene riigi ja Krimmi khaaniriigi diplomaatilised suhted Ivan Julma valitsemisajal

The Russo-Turkish stand-off, which began under Ivan IV the Terrible, was largely motivated by the rising imperialism and ambitions of Muscovy, which the no less ambitious Ottoman sultans, who in turn were expanding their Ottoman Empire, wished to oppose in order to maintain and extend their influence also in the Black Sea, Caspian regions and the Caucasus, where Russian troops were slowly ‘infiltrating’ and to which Moscow’s foreign policy was also increasingly turning its attention. Tsar Ivan IV conquered and destroyed all the Tatar states (including Astrakhan, Kazan, the Siberian Khanate, the Nogai Horde), with the exception of Moscow, which was increasingly subjected to the Russian occupation. Although he eventually achieved military supremacy over Crimea, Ivan IV was unable to subdue Crimean Khanate. In order for Crimea to survive, the Crimean Khan had to accept in the 1580s that Crimea, already formally a vassal of the Ottomans since 1474/1475, would become even more dependent on the Ottoman Empire. This article examines Ivan the Terrible’s eastern policy ambitions, as well as Muscovy’s relations with the khanates, especially the Khan of Crimea, and the diplomatic correspondence between the rulers (the Khan of Crimea and Ivan IV). In addition to excerpts from the letters of the various khans and the Russian tsar’s replies, we present commented translation into Estonian of a letter of 1572 from the Crimean khan Devlet-Girei to Ivan the Terrible, about a year after his raid on Moscow and just after the Battle of Molodi in the summer of 1572. More recently, the history of Russo-Tatar-Turkish relations has shown that the existence of the Crimean Khanate in the 17th and 18th centuries depended to a large extent on the support of the Turkish Sultan, and that eventually, after a series of Russo-Turkish wars (often involving Crimea), the Russian Empire absorbed the Crimean Khanate. Admittedly, this took place 200 years after the death of Ivan IV, in 1783, when the Russian Empire was ruled by Catherine II. However, it was Ivan IV who laid the foundations for the conquest of the Tatar lands, and this was only the first episode in a series of Russian-Turkish wars and the Russian-Turkish confrontation, which in fact continues to some extent to this day.

明末清初宣府镇蒙古归附武官颇氏家族事迹考

In the late Ming Dynasty, a family of the Po, who was a Mongolian military officer, emerged in Xuanfu. At first, they served as “Yi Ding(Tatar Soliders)” in Jiubian(nine-frontier fortification system of the Ming Dynasty). Unlike the Mongolians who joined the Wei Suo system in the early Ming Dynasty, the Po family served as private armed servants of Ming Dynasty border defense generals. They not only serve as frontline soldiers for border defense generals, but also serve as Mongolian language translators for them. In short, they have a lot of effectiveness.At the same time, they were incorporated into the military status of the garrison in Xuanfu, and became officials in the camp step by step from the positions of garrison and guerrilla.Its members took part in a series of eastern expeditions and western wars in the late Ming Empire, such as the Imjin War, and participated in the battles of Jigsan and Ulsan to expel the Japanese army, while the father and son of Pou Tingxiang participated in the war between the Ming Dynasty and the Later Jin Dynasty and sacrificed their lives on the battlefield. After the change of Dynasties in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the members of the Po family chose to become officials in the Qing Dynasty for the sake of family interests, and tried to let the next generation continue to engage in the army and maintain their glory. However, due to the collapse of the former Ming Dynasty’s military officer system, the Qing Dynasty’s vigilance against the former Ming Dynasty’s generals, and the characteristics of the Qing Dynasty’s military system and military officer system itself, the Po family did not get the same position of power as the former Ming.In the end, like other generals on the Jiubian(nine-frontier), the former Ming generals, who were born as adherents, gradually withered away in the Qing Dynasty.

Pembangunan Tamadun melalui Wakaf Keluarga: Analisis dari Perspektif Sejarah Islam Civilizational Development through Family Waqf: An Analysis from Islamic Historical Perspectives

Islam menganjurkan amalan berwakaf sebagai satu bentuk tuntutan yang digalakkan terutama bagi membantu golongan yang kurang berkemampuan. Dalam sejarah Islam, praktis perwakafan bukanlah sesuatu yang asing dalam kalangan para sahabat dan pemerintah kerajaan Islam termasuk pelaksanaan wakaf ahli/wakaf zurri yang juga dikenali sebagai wakaf keluarga. Wakaf keluarga adalah satu bentuk wakaf yang dibuat oleh pewakaf (waqif) kepada benefisiari (mawquf ‘alaih) yang terdiri daripada seorang atau lebih ahli keluarga bagi tujuan kebajikan. Artikel ini meneliti perkembangan sejarah praktis wakaf keluarga daripada perspektif sejarah Islam. Penelitian artikel ini menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan teks tematik dimana setiap perbincangan akan dibuat secara bertema menerusi sub-sub tajuk yang berkaitan dan sesuai dengan tajuk artikel. Dapatan artikel ini menunjukkan bahawa wakaf keluarga adalah salah satu bentuk wakaf yang telah diterima dan dipraktiskan dalam sejarah dunia Islam. Namun, pelaksanaan wakaf keluarga di beberapa buah negara termasuk Malaysia telah mengalami pelbagai perkembangan yang berbeza selaras dengan keadaan serta keperluan tempatan dan undang-undang di setiap negara.

Maladaptive Coping Mechanisms of Sring Venka in Response to Sexual Trauma and PTSD in The Poppy War Series by R.F. Kuang

The purpose of this article is to validate the thesis that Sring Venka, a character of Rebecca F. Kuang’s The Poppy War, a grim-fantasy series based on historical events of the 20th century China, uses maladaptive coping mechanisms (also known as immature defences) due to suffering from sexual trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after rape. Nevertheless, although the series is popular in the mainstream media, the character of Venka is often overlooked or grossly misunderstood. This article opens with a brief synopsis of the series and current critical commentary with the emphasis on Venka. Second, I outline the theoretical aspects in order to understand the reasoning behind Venka’s trauma, PTSD, and, resulting from both, maladaptive coping mechanisms. In what follows, I expand on how Venka’s trauma, PTSD, and maladaptive coping mechanisms are presented in the series and how they affect her. Lastly, I utilise the results of the analysis in the concluding section in order to explore several of its implications.

Assessing conditional volatility due to trade war in the G-7 stock markets

We investigate dynamic conditional correlations between Trade War on the stock markets of G-7 Countries using DCC Garch Modeling evidencing that strong market efficiency has an inverse relationship with stock market volatility. However, as the Trade War is between China and USA, there is probability that the stock markets of other countries may react differently to this situation. For this purpose, the Trade War series was created to capture multidimensional aspects of the event. The study's findings reveal that past residual shocks exist for all series. However, time-varying correlations do not exist for America, France, Japan and UK. The study has implications for policymakers and investors in the financial markets.

South Korean Labor and Infrastructure in Saudi Arabia during the Late Cold War

This article focuses on the geopolitical backdrop and the dynamics of state-private partnerships that shaped the migrations of hundreds of thousands of Korean workers who sojourned for two to three years in infrastructural construction sites across Saudi Arabia between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s. It argues that the mobility channels between the two countries took shape not through oil and state governance alone, but also through US military complexes formed through a series of wars across East, Southeast, and West Asia following the Second World War; acute interest from the Saudi elite in finding alternative non-Western partners and in leveraging oil to promote the Palestinian cause in East Asia; and the preexisting ties between Korean business actors and their Saudi counterparts. Such migration infrastructure included direct transplantation of militarized organizational structures and residential camps from Korea to Saudi Arabia, lives behind which remained hidden from public view.

The Battle of Waterloo in the Duke of Wellington’s dispatch to the Earl of Bathurst: «confession» of an accidental winner

The article is devoted to the analysis of an important historical document – the Duke of Wellington’s dispatch to the State Secretary for War and Colonies of the United Kingdom Earl of Bathurst, June 19, 1815 (in English tradition it is usually called The Waterloo Dispatch) in which the Iron Duke presented his account of the Battle of Waterloo (June 18, 1815) which ended the long series of so-called Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, which lasted almost a quarter of a century. The author cites the opinions of Russian and foreign historians, who to one degree or another, tried to assess the Waterloo Dispatch, paying special attention to the characterization of this document by modern British researcher Andrew Roberts, given in his monograph «Napoleon and Wellington». Edith Saunders, who wrote a separate monograph on «Napoleon’s Hundred Days», categorically characterized the dispatch of the Iron Duke calling it «a joyful account of the battle». However based on the above mentioned assessments and based on his own analysis of the dispatch of June 19, the author came to the conclusion that the Waterloo Dispatch was an attempt to give an English interpretation of the events of the famous battle – a kind of «British Myth» and chronologically was predecessor to the «Napoleonic Myth» created by the defeated Emperor on the Island St. Helena about the fateful 19th century for Europe, battle.

Life Trajectories of the Yubi Zhiguolun: From Qing Dynasty to British Exhibitory Space

Since the later stage of the Qing Dynasty, many imperial objects have been moved to Europe due to a series of Sino-European wars. Perceived as having less material value, Qing imperial books, manuscripts, and scrolls are studied less by contemporary scholars. The Yubi Zhiguolun (‘禦筆知過論’) is one example. The Qianlong Emperor wrote this introspective essay at the age of 71 (1781). Subsequently, it was reproduced as a scroll, carved in jade, presented in paper copies, and shared as a lacquered album. The lacquer album was originally stored in the Yuanmingyuan. It was brought to Europe after the Second Opium War. It is currently preserved in the British Library. To understand the Zhiguolun’s history, the author uses the concept of the ‘social life of things’. Travelling over time and space, its aesthetic value, social meaning, and emotional efficacy changed, corresponding to changes in its social relations. Here, the framework of the ‘social life of things’ will be mobilized to follow the Zhiguolun’s life trajectories over three phases: an indigenous life in the Qing context; the moment of rupture, as it departs from China; and its subsequent life in Europe.

A Study on World Peace through Global Citizenship Education in a Multicultural Society

The purpose of this study is to suggest that global citizenship education can be an important alternative in a multicultural society. Human history is a series of conflicts and wars, and these conflicts are the biggest enemies of human happiness. However, education plays a key role in changing people's perceptions of conflict or prejudices. This study compares citizenship education, multicultural education, and global citizenship education First, citizenship education traditionally emphasized citizenship in a country and reduces conflict with others only within the territory. Second, multicultural education has a weakness to distinguish the majority from the minority and to unintentionally make prejudice and conflict based on the classification. Third, global citizenship education moves just from international understanding education and emphasizes universal values or virtues in the global society such as human rights, peace, equality, and tolerance and contributes to solving global problems. In this regard, this study discusses on the progress from citizenship education to multicultural education and finally to global citizenship education.

Julie V. Gottlieb, Daniel Hucker, and Richard Toye, eds. The Munich Crisis, Politics and the People: International, Transnational and Comparative Perspectives. Cultural History of Modern War Series. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2021. Pp. 312. $140.00 (cloth).

Julie V. Gottlieb, Daniel Hucker, and Richard Toye, eds. The Munich Crisis, Politics and the People: International, Transnational and Comparative Perspectives. Cultural History of Modern War Series. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2021. Pp. 312. $140.00 (cloth). - Volume 62 Issue 2

A Military History of Texas by Loyd Uglow

Reviewed by: A Military History of Texas by Loyd Uglow Christopher M. Rein A Military History of Texas. By Loyd Uglow. War and the Southwest Series. (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2022. Pp. xiv, 433. $34.95, ISBN 978-1-57441-865-1.) While the state flag of Nevada bears the phrase “Battle Born,” Loyd Uglow’s A Military History of Texas demonstrates that the appellation applies equally to the Lone Star State. Long a contested borderland between various Indigenous peoples and European colonizers, the modern state of Texas is very much a creation of the series of nineteenth-century wars and irregular conflicts that defined its modern borders, privileged certain groups of immigrants, and determined its current form of government. The author clearly demonstrates that Texas’s history is military history, and that military conflict has been instrumental in the formation of modern Texas. Uglow organizes his work chronologically, moving from pre-Columbian warfare to Texas’s involvement in current conflicts, and he relies almost exclusively on secondary sources, as is necessary for a work of this breadth. With a few exceptions, these sources are well chosen and represent the most current literature in the field. The nineteenth century dominates the work, reflecting both the author’s interests and the role the various wars of that period had in carving the Republic of Texas out of Mexico, attaching it to the United States, [End Page 165] and depopulating the state of the Indigenous peoples who had lived there for centuries. Uglow provides a straightforward accounting of events, with some bias shown toward the declared wars and set-piece battles that dominate traditional military history, though there is some attention in later chapters to irregular warfare and the home front. A too-brief conclusion of just eleven pages (with one page devoted to the 2009 Fort Hood shootings) covers the entire period since World War II, and it delivers an at times celebratory accounting of the manpower and resources that Texas contributed to the growth of militarism in the United States and the nation’s various military adventures of the past eighty years. By providing a strict narration of mostly well known events, Uglow misses a number of opportunities to provide more in-depth analysis, especially analysis reflecting the “war and society” turn in military history. Other than brief mentions of “racially motivated” violence during Reconstruction and the violence that erupted between white residents of Houston and Black soldiers stationed there during World War I (which the author labels a “mutiny”), there is little attention paid to the impact of military conflict on the state’s troubled history of race relations (pp. 243, 307). Similarly, despite the long history of violence along the state’s southern border, with armed incursions emanating from both Mexico and the United States, and notable episodes of brutality committed by the state-authorized Texas Rangers, the author offers a spare analysis of how this legacy impacts current views of border security both within the state and across the nation, or of the lingering hostility and mistrust among the state’s Anglo and Hispanic residents. There is little discussion of how Texas’s violent past, including the frequent incursions by both Comanche and Mexican raiders, continues to influence both racial views and positions on issues such as gun rights in the modern state. However, Uglow does point out that the Texas Revolution began with an attempted confiscation of firearms by Mexican officials. Citing works such as Susannah J. Ural’s Hood’s Texas Brigade: The Soldiers and Families of the Confederacy’s Most Celebrated Unit (Baton Rouge, 2017), which fully explores the connections between military forces and the societies that raise and sustain them, might have helped the author move past the detailed accounting of well-chronicled events to offer some explanation of how military history shaped modern Texas society, and how that culture continues to influence larger events and movements in the nation as a whole. Thus, the book fully achieves its limited aim of recounting Texas’s military past but misses an opportunity to highlight its broader significance and, thereby, to make a larger contribution to the existing literature. Christopher M. Rein Air...

Pocahontas and the English Boys: Caught between Cultures in Early Virginia

In a deeply nuanced study, Kupperman deftly crafts a narrative based on her decades of study into the early Virginia colony and the Atlantic world, of the important role of captive children and the exchange of peoples in the settlement process. By highlighting the experiences of Pocahontas, Thomas Savage, Henry Spelman, and Robert Poole, Kupperman creates a model for insight into the fraught relationships these youths would have with both their communities of origin and their adoptive kin. The exchange of children in Virginia allowed for language acquisition, as child intermediaries learned the customs and languages of their communities, which in turn allowed them to become interpreters at a young age. This important tool in settlement, however, also placed enormous pressure on these four youths who were still malleable in their adolescence. The desires to please disparate masters led to fraught and tense situations for all involved. For the boys, Kupperman argues that “they were so young themselves that they might not necessarily understand everything about their own cultures and the deeper meanings attached to words and concepts,” leaving spaces for ambiguity that both the Algonquian and English leaders could make use of and manipulate (p. 12).While Pocahontas's story is a focus of some of the book, the greater contribution to the scholarship of early Virginia and the Atlantic World here is Kupperman's focus on Thomas, Henry, and Robert, providing a well-researched and illuminating understanding of their lives in the colony and the pressures they faced. Throughout seven chapters, Kupperman traces not only the history of the Virginia Company (and its failure) but the rise and fall of relationships and alliances, and the interpersonal public and private socio-politics of the era. Interweaving familiar parts of the narrative, including the infamous “rescue” of John Smith, with a close read of archival sources, Kupperman shares the story of the exchange of children caught in a series of wars, disease, trade, and colonial expansion. Within these stories are details of life and interaction; Kupperman asks, for example, about Thomas Savage, “Did he find it liberating to switch to Powhatan clothing, which was so much freer than the English? Or did he find it hard to adjust to being so exposed?” (p. 31).For Pocahontas, Kupperman shares what life was like in London at the time of her visit, describing the drastic change in dress for the young woman, including a “high-bodied” gown with a “large starched collar that was supported by a network of wires. So your clothes poked and scratched you throughout the day, not to mention how heavy it all was” (p. 114). These detailed analyses of the day-to-day experiences and the challenges these children faced provide scholars with excellent materials with which to inform classroom discussions as well as further research. Kupperman suggests the larger trauma that Pocahontas faced under English expectations that she act as an intermediary to convert her people to Christianity, opining that “inner turmoil over what would happen once they were back in Virginia must have been intolerable” (p. 139). Sadly missing from the story are some of the deeper Indigenous perspectives and analyses of the story of her abduction and conversion, a story that many view as one of the first missing and murdered Indigenous women.The last two chapters expand upon the rising tobacco economy and the failure of the Virginia Company as well as the role of young English and Native boys as interpreters, some of whom fared well and others who became casualties of the system as “manipulation and double dealing using young go-betweens happened everywhere in the Atlantic” (p. 173). By focusing on the children involved, their experiences, their losses, and the potential psychological impact of their captivity and exchange, Kupperman has produced an important synthesis of this era that allows a glimpse into a terrifying aspect of the colonial era and brings to life their circumstances and hardships.

Pulwama Attack: Implications on the India and Pakistan Bilateral Issue of the Indian Kashmir

Since the division of the subcontinent into two separate states, Kashmir remains a highly volatile region between the two nuclear powers of south Asia, constantly both powers involved in a series of tragic wars on Kashmir. Diplomatic efforts failed and pave way for war and the Pulwama attack was one of their expression. This study explores the bilateral relations between the two states in the wake of the Pulwama attack and its implications on bilateral relations and the region as a whole.

Incommensurable worlds, irreparable wounds: Transitional justice politics and personal violent pasts in postconflict Peru

Reparation programmes in transitional justice processes imply that there are ways to repair social bonds, to dignify victims of violence, to reconstitute what is lost. But how does losing a relative translate into the twists and turns of a state social programme? Based on ethnographic research in the Peruvian Andes and the life history of a daughter of a Shining Path leader, this article explores the ways in which transitional justice discourses get translated into specific national reparation policies embedded in a series of mnemonic wars. These mnemonic wars imply different levels of confrontation, and invisibilization of subjects and citizenships.

미육군 6･25전쟁 공식전사 서술의 특징과 한계 — Ebb and Flow의 1951년 춘계전역 관련 내용을 중심으로 —

The U.S. Army’s Official History of the Korean War, United States Arm y in the Korean War series is a standard work on the military operations of the U. S. Army and its allies during the Korean War. This 4 volumes study has great prestige in the English speaking world. But these studies have so me problems. One of the problems is that this work didn''t pay enough atten tion to the operations of the Army of the Republic of Korea. Ebb and Flo w, the work of Billy C. Mossman and the last book of this series, also hav e the same problem. In Mossman’s work, the South Korean Army is depicte d as an inexperienced and incapable organization. Of course, this kind of na rrative has enough historical basis. But during the Korean War, the South K orean Army carried out some successful military operations. So it is very un righteous to only focus on the negative aspect of the South Korean Army. There is a need for more balanced works about the Korean War.

When a King of Norway Became a King of Russia

When a King of Norway Became a King of Russia

George A. Bournoutian. From the Kur to Aras: A Military History of Russia’s Move into the South Caucasus and the First Russo-Iranian War

George A. Bournoutian. <i>From the Kur to Aras: A Military History of Russia’s Move into the South Caucasus and the First Russo-Iranian War</i>

¡Vamos a Avanzar! The Chaco War and Bolivia's Political Transformation, 1899–1952

It all goes back to the Chaco War. It seems in studying recent Bolivian history that the bulk of that history is refracted through the lens of that very important war from 1932 to 1935, in which Bolivia lost to its neighbor Paraguay. Arguably, only the 1879–83 War of the Pacific, in which Bolivia lost its coastline to Chile, and the 1952 Bolivian Revolution possibly cast longer shadows on that history.At the time that the Chaco War was fought the nations of the world, mired in the Great Depression, were not paying much attention. But that lack of attention does not diminish the war's importance. First, there is the tremendous number of casualties and loss of life. Although estimates vary, on the Paraguayan side between 35,000 and 50,000 were killed; on the Bolivian side between 50,000 and 80,000 were killed. These were significant numbers as a percentage of the countries' total populations (2.3 percent of Paraguay's, and 3.5 percent of Bolivia's). In Latin America, only the 1864–70 War of the Triple Alliance was deadlier. Second, the Chaco War capped a series of border wars, dating back to the nineteenth century, in which Bolivia lost more than half its territory. Third, and most important, the Bolivia that emerged from the Chaco War proved unrecognizable to the country that had entered the conflict. As Robert Niebuhr discusses in his engaging and excellent new book, Bolivia was modernizing before the war. But after the war, many in Bolivia concluded that reorganization of the nation's economy, society, and military would prevent future catastrophes. Thus modernization accelerated.The Gran Chaco, the borderlands between Bolivia and Paraguay where the war was fought, does not have a lot of resources, but it does have a key one: oil. Although some argue that foreign oil companies manipulated both Bolivia and Paraguay into fighting the war to obtain potentially lucrative oil fields, few careful analysts of the war think that this was the case. Instead, a simmering border conflict facilitated the war. A desperate Bolivian leadership initiated the war thinking that victory would unify the country, which was experiencing a great deal of political conflict. Bolivian military incompetence then laid the groundwork for the loss to Paraguay.Niebuhr refreshingly shows how we can better understand the Chaco War by putting it in comparative, international context. He also shows how the war accelerated the desire for modernization in Bolivia. In addition, Niebuhr discusses the Indigenous voice in the war's history, which is very important because most of the soldiers who died in the war were of Indigenous background. Having sacrificed more than other sectors, the country's Indigenous population intensely questioned the fairness of Bolivian society after the war. This led to Indigenous people more consistently demanding equal rights in Bolivian society. A good example of this political activism was the first truly nationwide conference of Indigenous peoples, in 1945. More broadly, Bolivia's loss galvanized a reformist spirit among veterans, who skillfully and assiduously organized after the war; in the end it was this group that fomented the 1952 revolution. The country's new leadership, at least rhetorically if not in reality, systematically addressed the problems, struggles, and dreams of the nonelite, or popular sectors, for the first time in Bolivian history.Niebuhr could have perhaps sought out more sources to directly capture the Indigenous reaction to the war. As noted above, Indigenous people sacrificed the most in the Chaco War; the war, by raising their consciousness, probably had the biggest impact on this very important group, which indeed comprised the majority in Bolivia. But this criticism does not detract from the important contribution that this book makes to our understanding of not only the Chaco War but modernization in twentieth-century Bolivia. I would recommend this book for students and indeed anyone interested in the Chaco War.

Establishing Zion in the Heat of Battle

Establishing Zion in the Heat of Battle