Vision Of Freedom Research Articles

Imagining Freedom in Slavery’s Future: Iron City ’s Fugitive Othertime in the US Carceral Empire-State

Abstract: This essay examines Black political activism during the Korean War in publications that defined their present moment as slavery’s future and characterized slavery and antiblack racism as part of an ongoing war against Black people, connected to US empire’s wars abroad. In particular, it reads Lloyd Brown’s novel Iron City (1951), about four Black men incarcerated on trumped-up charges, alongside Paul Robeson’s Freedom newspaper (1950–55) and William Patterson’s We Charge Genocide (1951). Centering on four Black men serving time , the novel demonstrates that one tactic in the war against Black freedom is through the control of time and shows a connection between incarceration and slavery by revealing the disciplinary mechanism of time in service of US empire. Rather than acquiesce to the omnipotence of empire’s time and endless wars, however, Iron City , exemplifying the Black radical thought of the 1950s, imagines a different future, which I term fugitive othertime . Building on Saidiya Hartman’s theorization of a “fugitive elsewhere ,” “an imagined place [that] might afford you a vision of freedom,” I argue for reading Iron City for its dream of a fugitive othertime, as an imagined temporality in which that elsewhere might exist.

Indo-Pacific Strategy: Korea and the World

Abstract On December 28, 2022, the Korean version of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (“In-Tae Strategy”), which will be the foundation for Korean foreign diplomacy for decades to come, was announced. The Strategy focuses on promoting its vision of freedom, peace, and prosperity through the establishment of the following three principles: inclusivity, trust, and reciprocity. The key to the successful implementation of Korea’s Indo-Pacific Strategy is to strengthen comprehensive cooperation with neighboring countries that have shared values and establish an “inclusive approach” that does not exclude China based on the approach of mutually beneficial pragmatism. Recovery of “trust” is also essential for the improvement of relations with Japan. Management of risks arising from any United States-China conflicts is an unavoidable task for Korea. In this light, policy makers and the people of Korea need to understand that the participation in the United States-led Indo-Pacific Economic Cooperation Framework (IPEF) is not merely to take sides with the United States in the system of competition between the United States and China. While attempting to remove the legacy of ideological diplomacy under President Moon Jae-in’s administration, the current administration of Korea should not pursue another ideological diplomacy under the name of “value alliance.” The process of materializing abstract principles of Korea’s Indo-Pacific Strategy into concrete policies must be thoroughly rooted in good neighbor and practical diplomacy in the true sense.

The Inheritance and Innovation of Qian Gu Dance in Lufeng, Guangdong Province

As one of the intangible cultural heritages of Guangdong Province, "Qian Gu dance" inherits the strong hometown sentiment of Lufeng people, as well as the people's hope for a better life, and the vision of freedom and equality. 21st century, the government has increased the protection of intangible cultural heritages, so that the development of Lufeng Qian Gu dance, which is gradually slowing down, has been paid attention to once again. Since the 21st century, the government has increased its efforts to protect intangible cultural heritage, so that the Lufeng Qian Gu Dance, which has been slowing down, has once again gained importance. The author takes the inheritance and innovation of Lufeng Qian Gu Dance as the topic, compares and contrasts the Qian Gu Dance from two different aspects, namely, the folk and professional fields, and explores the new inheritance and innovation of the Qian Gu Dance in the light of the trend of the cultural development nowadays.

Confrontation between the Government, Manor, and Village after the Abolition of Serfdom: Events of 1861–1862 in the Governorates of Vilnius, Kaunas, and Hrodna

The abolition of serfdom was one of the most important of the great reforms of the Russian Empire carried out in the second half of the nineteenth century that sought to modernise its social and economic system. Its implementation was complicated due to social, cultural, and mental differences in different parts of the empire, although the reformers tried to take those differences into account by issuing local regulations.
 The proclamation of the Manifesto of 19 February 1861 provoked a strong reaction of the liberated serfs, but the government was expecting that and preparing for the unrest. The military, police, and bureaucratic cross-communication was strengthened in all the governorates where landlords had serfs (in 43 governorates out of 51), and institutions for administering the peasants were established. After the proclamation of the Manifesto and other acts regulating the reform, issues related to the linguistic variety of the peasantry were urgently addressed (at the Governorates of Vilnius, Kaunas, and Hrodna, the legislative acts were translated into Lithuanian and Polish). Serfs of the private manors took the reform as a deceit because it went against their own vision of freedom. Transferring them to the status of temporary tenants was the main reason that provoked the unrest almost throughout the entire empire. Peasants of larger manors resisted the corvée and other labour duties inherited from the old order. The next wave of rebellion, which was weaker, came during the establishment of self-government institutions: the peasants feared the ‘new order’, which meant that their taxes increased and they were forced to submit to the village and rural district (volost) authorities that they themselves maintained.
 Flashpoints of peasantry mutinies occurred in large manors and spread to the neighbouring ones. The protests spread most widely in the manors of the Kaunas Governorate, especially in the ones located near the Prussian border (Raseiniai County) and Courland; as for the Hrodna Governorate, the same happened along the border with the Kingdom of Poland. The longest munity took place at the Biržai Manor. The peasantry carried out collective actions mostly within their manors; the only exception was the town of Iwye (Ashmyany County, Vilnius Governorate) where a thousand-strong crowd gathered from several manors. When protesting against the provisions of the reform, peasants pursued the imperative of moral justice. Leaders – the authorities called them instigators – emerged, but the reasoning behind their rise often remains ambiguous. A noticeable part was played by literate peasants, and the role of former sergeants and soldiers from that stratum can also be clearly seen.
 The actions of the government during the first years of the abolition of serfdom were characterised by a moderate use of force. The governorate authorities were instructed to avoid confrontation and restrict their actions to the use of explanatory measures. Government officials employed the army when words failed to work, but these military interferences were non-violent: so far, no information on the cases of using arms in the process of supressing mutinies of the former serfs in the governorates of Vilnius, Kaunas and Hrodna has been discovered. The peasants were supposed to be scared by the so-called military execution meaning that the household was to be subjected to the obligation of providing material provision to the army. The government believed that isolation (arrest, detention and sometimes temporary deportation) of the most active mutineers or application of disciplinary measures (public whipping) were sufficient to restore order in the countryside.
 The position of the landowners during the first years after the abolition of serfdom remained ambiguous until the uprising of 1863–1864. They could not force the peasants to work for their manors without the help of the authorities. Leaders of the nobility and peace mediators elected from among the landowners participated in the events as officials responsible for the implementation of the reforms, and manor owners relied on the government.

Art activism: Art of dissent

Moviment Graffitti has, for the last 25 years, been active against the oppression and exploitation of people, animals and the environment with a vision of freedom, justice and radical democracy. Traversing different media, genres and styles, Moviment Graffitti has a dynamic, symbiotic and powerful relationship with art. This article will look at Graffitti’s passionate use of art as a pedagogical tool to create awareness and bring forth social change through the aesthetics of activism and the art of dissent. It explores the role, meaning and paradox of political art through the movement’s artistic sub-groups and the main artistic initiatives embarked upon. Deliberately eschewing the elitism of the art establishment, the commodification of education and culture and depoliticized notions of sustainability and development through art edu/activism (eduvism), Graffitti reappropriates art to agitate educators in revolutionary pedagogy to become pivotal actors in the promotion of progressive social change.

Still Searching: A Black Family’s Quest for Equality and Recognition during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era

AbstractHistorians have correctly interpreted the Gilded Age and Progressive Era as periods in which African Americans faced unpreceded violence, a significant decline in franchise, and the loss of many civil rights. These years however, were far more complex when viewed from the vantage point of African American families who attempted to empower themselves through education, securing employment in white-collar occupations, such as teaching, and working to advance themselves through race betterment groups, including women’s clubs and civil rights organizations. Yet some middle-class Black families like the Stewarts not only rejected white society’s widely held belief of Blacks as racially inferior and incapable of progress. They also embraced migration as a constructive strategy to advance their individual careers and to elevate the race. In an era when the majority of Black workers had minimal literacy and worked unskilled menial jobs, T. McCants Stewart and his children each graduated from college or professional school, worked in white-collar or professional jobs, and paved the way for the next generation. Yet each also understood that migration outside of the Jim Crow South, including to Africa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the territory of Hawaii, held the key to their success. Thus, the Stewarts constructed a new vision of freedom and opportunity and believed that even despite the repressive conditions imposed upon Blacks during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era that there was room for growth and an opportunity to advance their careers. Migration, therefore, should be reconsidered as a viable strategy that some Black families adopted to find their place in American society.

At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. by Tamika Y. Nunley

Reviewed by: At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. by Tamika Y. Nunley Elizabeth Wood At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. By Tamika Y. Nunley. The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. Pp. xvi, 254. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-6222-0; cloth, $95.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-6221-3.) Scholars studying African American women before the Civil War have long documented their resistance to slavery and racism but have found it more difficult to elucidate their intimate and interior worlds. In this first study of African American women living in Washington, D.C., from the city's founding through the Civil War, Tamika Y. Nunley draws on a rich body of evidence to reveal clues about how they envisioned their lives beyond slavery and circumscribed freedom. Nunley uses the concept of self-making to examine ways these individuals sought to "define and preserve a sense of self in a society that supported a narrow definition of what it meant to be a black woman" (p. 2). [End Page 378] She argues that navigation was critical to processes of self-making, as women made calculated as well as improvised choices to traverse the sometimes vast physical and ideological distances between their circumstances and their imagined selves. African American women did not achieve equality, even after emancipation, but Nunley demonstrates how their ceaseless claims to liberty in the nation's capital challenge what we know about enslaved women's resistance and laid the foundations for continued self-fashioning and activism after the Civil War. Nunley uncovers an impressive array of women's experiences as she carefully examines federal and municipal records, financial transactions, newspaper articles and advertisements, diaries and private correspondence, and even the words of Black schoolgirls. Though the city was founded to govern a nation shaped by the highest ideals of liberty, African American women's labor was crucial to Washington's early growth; and the nature of urban slavery there, along with a burgeoning slave market, created immense unpredictability through kidnapping, sale, and hiring practices. Nevertheless, enslaved women made the District of Columbia contested terrain as they "carved out pathways of escape" and asserted their identities through practices such as self-naming (p. 42). Other women turned to the courts to pursue their visions of freedom, demonstrating their understandings of kin and community, even as navigating the courts became increasingly complicated. Free African American communities emphasized educating girls to understand moral virtue as a weapon against stereotypes assigned to Black women and as an "expression of racial progress" (p. 106). Outside the middling classes, women turned to economic self-making in the street by more openly engaging in prostitution and leisure culture during the chaos of the Civil War—a practice both lucrative and perilous. Throughout, Nunley reminds readers that claiming liberty was no easy feat, even as emancipation laws were passed, but that Black women articulated their understanding of rights as they transitioned from enslavement to citizenship. Nunley provides nuance and correction to existing scholarship on antebellum Black women and girls. She carefully outlines the parameters of enslavement in the district and cautions us not to overstate the flexibility of urban slavery, since Black women's work as domestics placed them in the intimate spaces of white control. Nunley challenges the understanding that kin obligations prevented enslaved women from taking flight by showing how networks of relatives and friends inspired and facilitated running away. Her chapter on education for African American girls in a slaveholding city adds to a growing body of work on antebellum Black childhood and demonstrates an early community commitment to racial uplift that both shaped girls' self-understandings and prepared them for white hostility to their achievement. Finally, Nunley emphasizes that just as restrictive laws could have limited scope, so could beneficial ones. In the face of enormous obstacles, African American women claimed citizenship and challenged "the notion that liberty stopped at legal emancipation" by growing their institutions and building new ones dedicated to the expansion of freedom (p. 187). At the Threshold...

Make Good the Promises: Reconstruction and Its Legacies, Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture, Washington, DC

<i>Make Good the Promises: Reconstruction and Its Legacies</i>, Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture, Washington, DC

Financial professionals and the formation of proprietarian ideology

Financial professionals and the formation of proprietarian ideology

Immigrant Children in a Pol(ICE) State

Guided by the following questions: (1) What are the experiences of immigrant children attending schools in communities experiencing police brutality and anti-immigrant sentiments? (2) How do middle school children of immigrants visually represent their experiences with legal violence? and (3) What are children’s visions of freedom and community safety in this context?, this article highlights the understudied preadolescent children of immigrants through a 2-year study of a multidisciplinary theater class at a local elementary school in South Central Los Angeles. Data includes child interviews, class observations, artwork, and performance videos, from recently arrived Mexican and Central American children aged 10 to 13 years. Findings reveal how children come to understand policing, reinforcing concepts like “good cop/bad cop,” conflating local police and ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) agents, but also imagining alternatives for community safety outside of police systems. This work contributes to the fields of immigration, abolitionist education, and ethnic studies, among others, offering new ways of supporting immigrant children through the use of arts-based tools.

Introduction: African American Migration to Smaller Midwestern Cities

IntroductionAfrican American Migration to Smaller Midwestern Cities Brie Swenson Arnold (bio) In recognition of the centennial of the Great Migration, this special issue of Middle West Review highlights the prevalence and significance of African American migration to smaller midwestern cities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In focusing on the cities of Beloit, Wisconsin; Parsons, Kansas; Burlington, Iowa; and Saginaw, Michigan, the four central essays in this volume recover experiences of migration and community-building in lesser-known midwestern cities and examine the contours of racial discrimination in the region as a whole. Through these community studies, we explore why Black men and women relocated to the Midwest and how they moved within predominantly White communities while simultaneously building up Black "communities within communities" across the region.1 Like other works in this expanding field, the essays in this volume speak to broader questions about the African diaspora, the many phases of the Great Migration, struggles for Black freedom and civil rights, the importance of place in addition to race, the diversity and multiplicity of midwestern people, places, and experiences, and the development and distinctiveness of the Midwest as a region.2 While the story of post-World War I migration to larger midwestern cities like Chicago, Detroit, and Cleveland is well known, Black settlement, community formation, and activism in the region's smaller cities have been largely overlooked, as have earlier migrations.3 Yet, from the forced relocations of slavery to self-liberations during enslavement to post-emancipation migrations, the Midwest has long been an important destination for Black people. At many points, it was the region to which a majority of African Americans relocated.4 Those migrations and the communities formed by millions of Black men and women across the nineteenth- and twentieth-century Midwest decisively shaped migrants' lives, the midwestern region, [End Page ix] and the nation. African Americans who chose the region—the nation's fastest growing, most influential region between the Civil War and World War I—often saw it as a still-malleable place capable of offering alternatives in education, employment, personal safety, political participation, and other dimensions of their own visions of freedom.5 They established the homes, businesses, churches, clubs, and civic groups that became core to the region's communities. At the same time, Black Midwesterners continually faced racial discrimination, segregation, and economic inequality. They confronted such conditions by pressing their communities to live up to the Midwest's potential to be the nation's most egalitarian, pluralistic, prosperous-for-all region.6 Individually and collectively, the essays in this volume show how Black men and women have been fundamental to the creation, character, and vibrancy of midwestern communities and the entire region for generations, as have the anti-Black hostility, discrimination, and assertions of unbelonging they faced there. In Francis Gourrier's study of Beloit, we see how visions of the Midwest as a "promised land" were tempered by midwestern racism and how influential chain migration and Black women were in combatting segregation and expanding civil rights activism in midwestern places. Bryan Jack then explores migration to rural towns like Parsons and the continuity of Black society and activism, as well as segregation, there from Reconstruction to the present. Dwain Coleman's survey of Burlington takes the story farther back, tracing experiences of Black freedom and unfreedom in that Mississippi River town from the 1830s to 1920s. Michelle S. Johnson continues considerations of freedom struggles by highlighting the enduring ways African Americans in antebellum-era through present-day Saginaw were connected to broader networks of emancipation commemoration. Additionally, in this issue, William Green offers a special essay on anti-Black police violence in nineteenth-century Minnesota that extends reflection on the long history of hostile and contradictory actions toward Black residents of supposedly progressive midwestern places. Such explorations of the presence and influence of Black people and anti-Black racism in the Midwest have taken on renewed salience in the wake of recent events in cities like Minneapolis, Ferguson, Flint, Cleveland, and Kenosha, which have pulled into sharp focus the ways centuries of White supremacy and systemic inequality—as well as Black activism and community building—have shaped...

Achievers of Freedom in the Select Novels of Rabindranath Tagore

My article analyses the achievers of freedom in the select novels of Tagore who dedicate themselves to the higher ideals of love, self-knowledge and truth. They represent Tagore’s vision of freedom where man-made shackles fail to trap the Universal Man. Tagore’s idea of freedom begins with the personal and ends with the universal. The different characters in his novels reach different levels of freedom in their search. They struggle as they are faced with challenges, but they all grow. The true achievers analyzed in the select novels of Tagore are the emancipated characters who possess the innate strength to confront the outward challenges of the society and achieve ultimate freedom by transcending from the lower self through love, knowledge and creativity.

“Es de suponer que los maestros sean de la misma clase”: What a Nineteenth-Century Teaching Application Reveals about Race, Power, and Education in Colonial Cuba

In 1856, a former black militiaman named José Moreno applied for a teaching license from the Spanish colonial government in Cuba. His application touched off a firestorm of debate among white government officials over the issue of racial segregation in the nascent public school system. In the aftermath of a wave of antislavery and anticolonial rebellions, the official correspondence about the application reveals an interest in using segregationist educational policies to address growing white concerns about the place of people of color in Cuban society. Using as a case study the correspondence and paperwork generated by Moreno’s application, this article argues that the educational endeavors of people of color and the reactions from white officials reveal much about not only the emerging preoccupations of colonial functionaries but also about black people’s own vision of freedom and of Cuba’s future. After the devastating repression of the Escalera era, teaching gave people of color a way to recover social standing visà-vis Cuban society. In a newly established segregated public school system, teaching also became for them a way to articulate a racialized identity and to extend the benefits of literacy and knowledge to other people of color. José Moreno’s application to become a licensed schoolteacher thus challenged the trend toward the segregation and marginalization of free people of color.

Соотношение свободы и независимости в христианстве и светской рациональной философии

Freedom and independence are among those phenomena, the study of which never loses its relevance. We believe that in modern conditions, clarifying the relationship of the corresponding categories can significantly help people in their spiritual growth, identifying ways to freedom and independence. It is these circumstances that determine the purpose of the work, which is to study the relationship between freedom and independence in Christianity and social rational philosophy. The extensive use of extrapolation, analysis, comparison, and synthesis methods was used to achieve this goal. An appeal to the spiritual heritage of Augustine the Blessed, Thomas Aquinas, Abbot Filaret, A. I. Osipova, I. A. Ilyina and others allowed the authors to once again make sure that Christianity, which has its origins in social relations, does not form imaginary values in a person, does not lead him into a world of illusions. The work shows that, according to Christian ideas, freedom is based on faith and the inner spiritual life of a person, which he must strengthen, constantly appealing to divine essences. It is pointed out that the essence of the Christian understanding of freedom lies in «the ability to spontaneously begin a state» and the independence of the will from compulsion by impulses of sensuality; this circumstance, referring to I. Kant, is noted by Osipov. Independence, being a derivative of freedom, is formed, like it, on the basis of Christian values and manifests itself in a person’s desire to protect himself from the devil, evil and everything else that destroys his spirit and flesh. Considering the peculiarities of ideas about freedom and independence in social rational philosophy, the authors turn first of all to the Marxist philosophical heritage, to the views of Kant, G. V. F. Hegel and D. V. Pivovarova. Emphasis is placed on the features characteristic of these approaches. The Marxist vision of the problem under discussion is revealed through the analysis of a critical attitude to religion, belief in the proletariat, communism and the future kingdom of freedom, characteristic of the creators and supporters of the corresponding teaching. When studying the Kantian approach, attention is focused on the ideas about the relationship between man and God, on the moral side of human life. In Hegel’s dialectical views, through the analysis of true and untrue alienation and assimilation, the key aspects of the relationship between freedom and independence are revealed. Pivovarov’s definition of freedom, which contains a statement about the unhindered manifestation of the nature of anything, traces the idea of independence, characteristic of all representatives of rationalism, as a necessary condition for freedom. The idea of independence as a necessary condition for freedom, characteristic all representatives of rationalism, is traced in Pivovarov’s definition of freedom. The results of the authors’ philosophical search made it possible to verify the multidimensionality of the categories under study and the high significance of their understanding in relation to the search for ways to freedom and independence. The idea that unites the considered versions of the vision of freedom and independence is the belief in the power of the human mind, rejection of arbitrariness, orientation to higher spiritual values. The content of the article also shows that the comprehended pair of categories works well for both philosophical and non-philosophical comprehension of the essences of various fragments of being.

Subjective Universality of Great Novelists as an Artistic Measure of History’s Advance towards Actualising Kant’s Vision of Freedom

The main idea behind this article is that in order to understand themeaning that Kant’s political philosophy is rendered to by the givensocio-historical context of a community we need to turn for help toartistic genius whose subjective “I” holds a general feeling of the worldand life. It is in this sense that authors of great novels can help us in twoways. First, their works summarise for our imagination artistic truth aboutman’s capacity for humanity, the very thing that Kant considers to bethe scientifically improvable “fact of reason”. Second, works of greatwriters offer for our insight destinies of individuals who decide to pursuemoral dictate in a society, thus actualising the potential that lies hiddenin all of us, making us worthy of respect. As we lack objective scientificstandard of measurement, artist’s universal feeling of the world is impressedupon us through a narrative about a man who, in a given society and ina given moment, decides to exercise his autonomy and seek the divinein himself. Contemporary social scientists’ attempts to prove historicalprogress is characterised by the very lack of humbleness. Referring tothe great novelists’ works in this article is aimed to remind scientists ofrestraint and self-control demanded from them by the citizen of Konigsberg.

Human Development Optimism and Political Pitfalls in Ethiopia

Guided by a freedom-based assessment of human development, this paper questions the compatibility of knowledge economy optimism and the authoritarian political order that prevailed in Ethiopia since the mid-2000s. It shows how the knowledge economy discourse has played a positive role in widening access to higher education; briefly summarizes assumptions of the ‘developmental state’ orientation endorsed by the ruling elite; and explains why the repressive political order has undermined the nation’s human development agenda. Synthesizing empirical policy accounts and normative arguments, the paper highlights intricate relationships between knowledge, freedom and development. It concludes that both the neoliberal vision of freedom and the developmental state account of democracy do not fully appreciate the importance of substantive freedom as an essence of a democratic political order.

The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading

After the collapse of the second Venezuelan Republic project and various other military failures elsewhere, Simon Bolivar managed to seize the region of Guayana in 1817, and set in Angostura as his base for guerilla operations against the Spanish. Despite the fact that he did not control the whole of Venezuela, he assembled a Congress in Angostura and delivered there his inaugural speech on February 15th, 1819. This speech, now known as the Angostura Address, is a prime document in the Bolivarian canon. Unfortunately, the Bolivar-hero cult rampant in Venezuela and Colombia (and to a lesser extent in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia), has promoted an extremely uncritical reading of this very important document. In occasion of its 200th Anniversary, this article offers a critical -yet ultimately sympathetic- reading of the Angostura Address. In this speech, Bolivar laid out his Enlightenment vision of freedom, yet he also displayed an authoritarian tendency.

Digital storytelling and audience engagement in cultural heritage management: A collaborative model based on the Digital City of Thessaloniki

Abstract Cities are complex, networked and continuously changing social ecosystems, shaped and transformed through the interaction of different interests and ambitions. They are linked to places, where various aspects of past events are projected and expressed by means of personal memories and narrations (urban memory), representing a promise for future: a vision of freedom, creativity, opportunity and prosperity. At the same time, technology is currently promoting unprecedented changes in urban areas, which are often marked as smart city developments. This paper studies the history of cultural and creative industries, bringing forward the dedicated digital storytelling strategies that promote active audience engagement in urban cultural heritage. A collaborative model is proposed and analyzed (in multiple perspectives), aiming at providing an integrated manner for heritage documentation, management and dissemination. The development deals with the Digital City of Thessaloniki, Greece, a big city, not a boundless one, rich in culture, but with rather poor heritage management mechanisms. The research focuses on theoretical and practical aspects for the citizens’ collection and interpretation of “digital heritage” documents (artifacts, places, etc.), resulting in a model that fuels audience engagement and collaboration of cultural organizations. Model-design is validated through state-of-the-art review and formative evaluation processes (both qualitative and quantitative), with an associated SWOT analysis that points out strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. Although the proposed methodology has been adapted to the needs of a particular (digital) city, the current paper goes beyond a case study, as it brings forward novel technological and methodological guidelines, which could be successfully deployed in districts with similar cultural, geographical, and technical features.

Libertades subterráneas: rastros y herencias en El túnel y The Collector

El propósito de este artículo es establecer las posibles conexiones literarias y filosóficas entre El túnel de Ernesto Sábato (1948) y The Collector de John Fowles (1963). Para lograr esto se estudiarán motivos y situaciones comunes en ambas novelas a través del marco filosófico del existencialismo de Jean Paul Sartre. Los puntos principales que se consideran serán las visiones sartrianas de libertad, amor y poder. Para lograr un concepto más o menos claro de dichas ideas, se tendrán en cuenta obras tanto filosóficas como literarias del intelectual francés, y se procederá a investigar hasta qué punto la influencia de Sartre se presenta evidentemente en las novelas objeto de este estudio, ya sea a través de referencias directas al filósofo, o a leitmotifs recurrentes en las obras.

Subjective universality of great novelists as an artistic measure of history’s advance towards actualising Kant’s vision of freedom

The main idea behind this article is that in order to understand the meaning that Kant?s political philosophy is rendered to by the given socio-historical context of a community we need to turn for help to artistic genius whose subjective ?I? holds a general feeling of the world and life. It is in this sense that authors of great novels can help us in two ways. First, their works summarise for our imagination artistic truth about man?s capacity for humanity, the very thing that Kant considers to be the scientifically improvable ?fact of reason?. Second, works of great writers offer for our insight destinies of individuals who decide to pursue moral dictate in a society, thus actualising the potential that lies hidden in all of us, making us worthy of respect. As we lack objective scientific standard of measurement, artist?s universal feeling of the world is impressed upon us through a narrative about a man who, in a given society and in a given moment, decides to exercise his autonomy and seek the divine in himself. Contemporary social scientists? attempts to prove historical progress is characterised by the very lack of humbleness. Referring to the great novelists? works in this article is aimed to remind scientists of restraint and self-control demanded from them by the citizen of Konigsberg.