Violent Ethnic Conflict Research Articles

Public attitudes towards immigrants: A curious case of Croatia

AbstractThe Croatian population has been subjected to violent ethnic conflicts during the war in the 1990s and has more recently experienced large‐scale irregular and refugee migrations, as well as a notable increase in regular labour migration. Using data from the most recent wave of the European Social Survey, we have conducted an analysis of Croatian attitudes towards immigrants. Our study found that, despite Croatia's history of ethnic conflict and ongoing changes in its migration system, the Croatian population still exhibits relatively low levels of negative attitudes towards immigrants compared to other Eastern European countries. With regards to individual determinants of attitudes, one of the biggest surprizes is that political party preferences play a minor role in explaining attitudes towards immigrants. We discuss our findings and conclude that there is an urgent need for better theoretical and empirical framework for understanding illiberal tendencies in Eastern European societies, particularly within the current context of rapidly worsening security situation in Europe.

Institutional Coadaptation Work: How Refugees and Provisioning Institutions Coadapt in Pursuit of Consumption Adequacy

Prior research on refugee migration documents the acculturation processes through which refugees adapt to the cultural context of the host society. In this research, the authors complement the insights from prior research by uncovering how the host society's provisioning institutions coadapt in response to the consumption adequacy needs of refugees. To understand these coadaptation practices, they gather qualitative data from low-income Sri Lankan Tamil refugees who were repatriated to India in the face of violent ethnic conflict. The data aid in theorizing the concept of institutional coadaptation work, defined as the dyadic coadaptation of refugees and a host society's provisioning institutions, to serve the consumption adequacy needs of refugees. This coadaptation perspective envisages change as a collective process in which agency is distributed among multiple actors in society. More specifically, this research provides focused policy recommendations explaining how the government, market, and community can work collaboratively to address consumption adequacy needs of refugees.

Root Causes of Violent Ethnic Conflicts and Prevention Measures in Rwenzori Region in Western Uganda

The scientific research study analyzed the different root causes of violent ethnic conflicts and preclusion measures to deter the escalation of these conflicts in Rwenzori region in Western Uganda. This research study was guided by the following objectives; to analyze root causes of ethnic conflicts and to identify preclusion measures for ethnic conflicts in Rwenzori Region. A cross sectional survey design was used to collect explanatory research opinions whereby qualitative data was collected using interviews schedules, observation checklists and documentary analysis. The sampling strategy used was purposive sampling because it helped the researcher garner vital information from essential persons who possessed relevant facts for the logical study. The target population of the study comprised of the local community, representatives from the Kingdom authorities, the Local council leaders, religious and cultural leaders of the kingdoms in the area of the study. The target population was 320 people and the sample size chosen was 89 participants which was reached at by use of a Table developed by Morgan & Krejcie (1970). Data analysis was analyzed using content and thematic analysis science. Keen attention was employed to acknowledge or minimize the effect of possible bias on the interviews and on the interpretation. The study findings revealed that violent ethnic conflicts in the region were associated with the desire for an autonomous territory, Ethnicity, Radicalism, Unequal distribution of resources, cultural differences, poor conflict management strategies and effect of rebel group insurgencies. The study concluded that it is the intolerance towards all views except one’s own, and the adoption of political selfishness which disregard accepted standards of conduct, including the life, liberty and the general human rights of the populace. The academics recommended that the government of Uganda should put in place preclusion measures such as equal distribution of ....

A framework for understanding emotions in violent ethnic conflicts

A framework for understanding emotions in violent ethnic conflicts

The implications of the state’s response to the violent ethnic conflicts in Balochistan

The ethnic conflicts have severely challenged Pakistan's integrity and national security. Ethnic nationalists are entangled with the state over identity issues and their demand for a due share in power and resources. The study aims to explore the nature of the state response to these conflicts and to measure the effects of the state responses on the conflict's dynamics and social environment of Balochistan. The research questions are how the state responded to ethnic conflicts, and what are the implications of the responses on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts? The research is qualitative, descriptive, and interpretive approaches have been used to address the research questions. The material is collected from primary and secondary sources, such as government records, newspapers, books, periodicals, research papers, and websites. The study is significant because it has debated a less debated burning issue of Baloch. The research findings show that Pakistan responded with compromise and dominance, but dominance was always the paramount option. However, dominance has not been a better framework because it has further complicated the conflicts. It is recommended that reconciliation and compromise are better response options because they can positively defuse conflicts and adjust ethnic identities.

Classification of Ethnicity Using Efficient CNN Models on MORPH and FERET Datasets Based on Face Biometrics

Ethnic conflicts frequently lead to violations of human rights, such as genocide and crimes against humanity, as well as economic collapse, governmental failure, environmental problems, and massive influxes of refugees. Many innocent people suffer as a result of violent ethnic conflict. People’s ethnicity can pose a threat to their safety. There have been many studies on the topic of how to categorize people by race. Until recently, the majority of the work on face biometrics had been conducted on the problem of person recognition from a photograph. However, other softer biometrics such as a person’s age, gender, race, or emotional state are also crucial. The subject of ethnic classification has many potential uses and is developing rapidly. This study summarizes recent advances in ethnicity categorization by utilizing efficient models of convolutional neural networks (CNNs) and focusing on the central portion of the face alone. This article contrasts the results of two distinct CNN models. To put the suggested models through their paces, the study employed holdout testing on the MORPH and FERET datasets. It is essential to remember that this study’s results were generated by focusing on the face’s central region alone, which saved both time and effort. Classification into four classes was achieved with an accuracy of 85% using Model A and 86% using Model B. Consequently, classifying people according to their ethnicity as a fundamental part of the video surveillance systems used at checkpoints is an excellent concept. This categorization statement may also be helpful for picture-search queries.

Exploration of the foundations of ethnic conflicts in Balochistan: a theoretical perspective

The objective of this study is to understand the foundations of the violent ethnic conflicts of Balochistan, a federating unit of Pakistan so that the primary causes of the conflict are to be addressed. The mainstream theories of ethnic conflicts, i.e., primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism, are reviewed and applied in the context of Balochistan. This research attempt has been made because, in the past, the state responded to ethnic conflicts without understanding the actual causes. The qualitative research methodology with descriptive and interpretive approaches has been adopted to address the objectives. The article is principally based on a critical review of the literature. The arguments have been developed by juxtaposing the primary and secondary information collected through books, journals, periodicals, and electronic sources. It is argued that primordialism has limited explanatory power while constructivism has explanatory power, but its appeal is limited in Balochistan’s context. Instrumentalism explains the foundations sufficiently, while primordialism and constructivism provide the bases for instrumentalism. It is suggested that reconciliations should be adopted as the policy for ethnic conflicts so that the political and economic causes that play an instrumental role in addressing the ethnic conflicts can be resolved.

Challenges in Ethiopia’s Post-1991 Ethnic Federalism Entwined with Ethnic-based Political Parties

For about two and a half decades (1991-2018) it was propagated that Ethiopia’s ethno-linguistic federalism was primarily meant to unify the state and build the nation. However, competing perspectives on whether ethnic-based federalism would preserve unity in diversity in the country as a whole and in regional states in particular have proliferated. This article examines the outcome of post-1995 Ethiopian federalism in ethnic conflict management. It focuses on why Ethiopia has remained deeply divided and prone to ethno-cultural conflicts despite the ethno-linguistic federal political system, which was adopted as a mechanism for building unity in diversity in the context of peaceful coexistence among various ethno-linguistic groups. Although ethnic-federalism alone may not exacerbate ethnic conflicts, ethnic-federalism entwined with the existence of ethnic-based political parties and the rapid proliferation of narrow ethno-nationalist politics constitute major impediments to peaceful co-existence among the country's ethnic groups. Furthermore, the land ownership questions raised by various ethno-linguistic political elites are among the causes of violent ethnic conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Mistreatment of ethnic minorities in all regional states is also a source of ethnic conflict. I argue that the current government at the federal and regional levels should work hard to ensure that identity-based politics will incrementally dissolve like salt in water.

Ethno-Religious Conflict, Human Security and Peacebuilding in Contemporary Lagos

Lagos, the most populous city in Nigeria and economic hub of the country, is a mirror of complex ethnic and religious configuration of the Nigerian federation. This diverse ethnic and religious character, among other factors, makes Lagos a hotbed of violent ethnic conflicts. This condition is exacerbated by mutual fear and anxiety among various ethnic groups, particularly Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo, about domination, coupled with the pervasive feeling by some groups that other groups are the cause of their socio-economic and political misfortunes. In this setting, hopes and aspirations that antagonism and possible triumph may guarantee socio-economic benefits have often turned minor disagreements into violent conflicts, in which ordinary people are foot soldiers and greatest victims. The core problematic of this research is to investigate the fundamental causative factors and implications of ethno-religious conflict in modern Lagos, Southwest Nigeria. Thus, this paper is a historical inquiry into the basis and impact of Yoruba-Hausa inter-ethnic violence on human security in contemporary Lagos society. The study also explores the opportunities for the attainment of sustainable peace and security within Nigeria. This study posits that the ethno-religious emotion and conviction that continuous antagonism and ultimate triumph against a particular ethnic group(s) assures socio-economic progress is false. The paper concludes that the best recipe for sustainable human well-being, peace and security for Nigerians is to collectively launch a sustained legitimate advocacy against corruption and abuse of public office rather than wasting precious human and material resources on divisive and counter-productive violent ethno-religious conflicts. The study adopts the historical method of data collection and analysis.

Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History

Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History

Review: Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History, by Gary Clayton Anderson

Review: <i>Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History</i>, by Gary Clayton Anderson

Migration and its Impact on Political Scenario:The Case of Karachi

&#x0D; &#x0D; The impact of population growth is felt on every wake of life. Themovement of population from one country to another or within a countryhas its own consequences. Goldstone et al (2012) have thus argued, thatthe world’s population is changing in ways that are historicallyunprecedented, having its own political consequences such as, theperformance of the government due to increasing demand for services andthe distribution of political power at intra-state level. Thus, internalmigration, which is from high fertility rural zones to urban centers -indeveloping countries like Pakistan- in search of livelihood andemployment, results in concentration of population in slums and squattersettlements on the one hand and a youth bulge in urban areas, furthercontributing to this phenomenon and unprecedented urbanization. State’sinability to address this demographic change effectively results in strainsresources and poor governance. In turn, it creates xenophobia, wherenative populations blame the new migrants for deteriorating civicamenities; and generates various conflicts of critical nature. Pakistan,since its inception as an independent country, has experienced bothinternational and internal migration that resulted in socio-economiccrisis, political agitation and violent ethnic conflicts. In this backdrop, this paper takes into account the migration patterns in Pakistan since 1947 and focuses on Karachi for it being the most affected city. It theorizes that the conflict matrix of Karachi is fairly indicative of fault lines and argues that these fault lines will turn into gaping holes if timely actions are not taken.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

Gary Clayton Anderson. Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History.

G<scp>ary</scp> C<scp>layton</scp> A<scp>nderson</scp>. <i>Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History</i>.

Massacre in Minnesota

Review of: Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History, Gary Clayton Anderson

The rehabilitation zone: Living with lemons and elephants in Assam

Lemon farming promoted as rehabilitation programs in western Assam has generated income for villages that were deeply affected by ethnic conflict in the 1990s. Rehabilitation is tied to an economic logic linked with the market and a profit-driven measure of development. In the absence of an official reconciliation process on the ground, these economic initiatives have become an ambitious and attractive model for the Indian state to rebuild societies that have witnessed violent ethnic conflicts in Northeast India. Drawing from fieldwork carried out between 2016 and 2019 around Manas National Park, an area within the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Districts in western Assam, this article examines the experiences and impacts of lemon farming and focuses on practices of rehabilitation on the ground. The process of restoration includes communities living in the villages and the animals inside the park simultaneously. We show how communities are seeking to create connections with the land and their surroundings to overcome trauma and rebuild their lives. Specifically, we focus on lemon farming and the experiences of human–elephants relationships in Manas to highlight how these accounts produce an integrative account of rehabilitation in post-conflict societies. In the backdrop of militarization and structural violence, rehabilitating communities and animals is not a straightforward story. It entails proposing new theoretical frameworks to understand how reconstructing lives and the land is also about transforming relationships between humans and animals under circumstances that are often challenging. Ongoing lemon farming practices and living with elephants in Assam requires envisioning ways of belonging and living on the land and at the same time recognizing the boundaries.

Slovakia as a Safe Country – The Perspective of the Slovak Community Members of Vojvodina

Abstract This article explores the current migration of the Slovak community members of Serbia to Slovakia, focusing on their perception of safety and risk, in the period since 1990 when the post-Communist transition began both in Serbia and Slovakia. The authors attempt to analyse how the members of the given community, who migrated to Slovakia during the reference period, perceive Slovakia today from the point of view of their safety, understood as the search for freedom from threats. They focus on individual safety factors (life, health, status, wealth and freedom). After 1990, Slovakia became not only a country left by migrants, but also a country of destination for migrants. One such migrant group is the members of Slovak communities abroad, in particular Serbia, Romania and Ukraine. The first wave of migration of Slovaks from Serbia took place in the early 1990s in connection with the violent ethnic conflicts in former Yugoslavia, and the next one as a result of the global financial crisis in 2008, which intensified after 2015. The main push factors of the migration of Vojvodina Slovaks to Slovakia in the 1990s included attempts to avoid mobilisation and participation in combat operations; after 2008, the key role was played primarily by material issues which they perceived as an existential threat to themselves and to their families. The main pull factor in favour of choosing Slovakia comprise of the relatively small administrative barriers and linguistic proximity. While our interlocutors regarded their concerns about the impacts of the 1990s war conflicts as short-term threats, they perceived the social impacts of the economic transition and uncontrolled global financial crisis after 2008 as long-term or even permanent threats. In this context, they consider Slovakia a safe country. The article is based on extensive multi-sited fieldwork – in-depth interviews with the members of the community – and on other available sources (legal documents, statistical data, media, etc.).

Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History. By Gary Clayton Anderson

Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History. By Gary Clayton Anderson

The Essence of Analogy: Conflict Termination and State-building Lessons from Bosnia-Herzegovina to Syria

Abstract From the perspective of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) today, the legacy of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) remains mixed. The dominant view is that the DPA is the origin of its political impasse, economic stagnation, and failed nation-building. Yet, it is indisputable that DPA has been successful in preventing the recurrence of a major violent ethnic conflict in BiH. More recently, the failures of Syrian peace talks to yield a durable settlement have evoked the lessons from the DPA. However, most analyses have concluded the parallels with the Bosnian war and its resolution are misplaced given the complexity and severity of the war in Syria. This article argues for a more nuanced approach to distilling the Dayton legacy, particularly when it is employed as a historical analogy. It highlights the usefulness of the DPA as an analogy for successful conflict termination, while offering lessons about the pitfalls of externally imposed consociational arrangements.

Institutions, contexts, and ethnic violence in comparative perspective

Which combinations of government structures and electoral systems create better frameworks for addressing ethnic violence? Is there any one-size-fits-all institutional solution to violent ethnic conflict? Why or why not? These questions are of substantial importance to scholars and policymakers alike, but the extant literature does not provide a systematic and thorough exploration. In this article, we argue that the effects of political institutions on ethnic violence are moderated by parameters of ethnic configurations. Through a large comparative study, we find that institutions are relevant when ethnic groups are not geographically dispersed, and whether ethnic minorities face a majority group also matters. For concentrated minorities facing a majority, semi-presidential-proportional and presidential-proportional systems are more effective in reducing violence. In cases involving concentrated minorities facing no majority, parliamentary-non-proportional systems are associated with the most intense violence. We conclude that states seeking to alleviate ethnic violence by institutional engineering must take contexts seriously.

The international mediation of power-sharing settlements

Power sharing is largely accepted among scholars and policy-makers as a potentially effective mechanism for building peace in the aftermath of violent ethnic conflicts and self-determination disputes. Although the operation of power sharing may be prone to ongoing challenges and even political crises arising from the legacy of the conflict, international actors continue to promote power-sharing arrangements to manage self-determination and other ethnopolitical conflicts. This article investigates the normative and instrumental reasons why third-party mediators (on behalf of international organizations and/or states) turn to power-sharing strategies during peace negotiations. It considers the reasons why third-party mediators promote power sharing when its maintenance is likely to depend on their ongoing commitment and governance involvement. We argue that mediators draw from four different perspectives in their support of power-sharing settlements: international law, regional and internal security, democracy and minority rights, and a technical approach where mediators focus on the mechanics of power-sharing designs. The article draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with officials from the United Nations and the European Union working for the organizations’ respective mediation units as well as documentary analysis of official mediation documents.