Violence In Countries Research Articles

The ethnographic crime scene: Tracing the violence within market relations on the Thai‐Myanmar border

AbstractIn a world of proliferating displacement crises and restricted mobility pathways, low‐wage labor migration has become, for many, a more feasible refuge than formal asylum. The refugee‐as‐displaced‐migrant has thus become emblematic of our time. But how do contemporary displacement crises, and violent ones at that, shape the predicament of the migrant‐refugee in countries of arrival? And how might the particularities of the displaced migrant's vulnerable condition be read as clues, both to violence committed abroad and to the profitable leveraging of said violence in countries of arrival? In this article, I engage these questions through an investigation into how displacement‐inducing violence lingers, as traces, in the lives of Myanmar migrant‐refugees in Thailand. Unfreedom, I find, is internal to ostensibly free market relations. Advancing this claim, I turn to a growing anthropology of borders to grasp the nation's geopolitical perimeter as a social relation that border crossers cannot easily discard—a relation that conditions social life, even at sites far from a given country's territorial margins. I show, in sum, how employers and other regulatory actors in countries of arrival internalize, across borders, displacement‐inducing violence perpetrated elsewhere.

Assessing the US foreign assistance activities impact on violent conflicts

The Global Fragility Act, H.R.2116 116th Congress, directs the Department of State to establish an interagency initiative to stabilize conflict-affected areas and prevent violence globally. We propose and demonstrate an approach to evaluate the success of funding these initiatives. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has identified deteriorating economies, weak, or illegitimate political institutions, and competition over natural resources as causes of violence, extremism, and instability. The agency prioritizes mitigating the causes and consequences of violent conflicts, instability, and extremism and funds corresponding programs. Focused on military aid, we quantitatively assess these programs effectiveness at preventing or deescalating conflicts during 2010 to 2020. Our statistical analysis shows the funds during that period did not have an immediate impact on countries prone to violence. However, cumulative long-term relationships exist between some funds and the global conflict levels. As the total amount of 5 years cumulative Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) implemented funds increases, the total number of countries not-in-conflict increases while the total number of the most violent countries decreases. Those funds also correlate to the decline in total conflict levels during that timeframe. This quantitative approach assesses the aggregate effectiveness of aid across various countries.

Borders Start With Numbers: How Migration Data Create “Fake Illegals”

Sudden rises in migration across the borders of the Global North have persistently attracted substantial media attention and fueled hostility toward “irregular migrants” and “bogus refugees.” While existing qualitative studies have extensively criticized the migrant-refugee distinction, we offer unique quantitative evidence of how migration numbers and labels construct impressions of increased irregular migration while in fact creating “fake illegals.” We conduct a two-stage mixed-method analysis, demonstrating first that data on “irregular/illegal border crossings” (IBCs) published by Frontex have become an authoritative source of information on migration flows cited in a corpus of mainstream news media articles. We then posit that, while persecutions and violence in countries of origin may trigger migration, it is policies in destination states that determine who “is” and “isn’t” a refugee. In turn, we develop a novel method to divide IBCs into those who would likely obtain asylum in 31 European destination states (“likely refugees”) and those who would not (“likely irregular migrants”) across time given asylum acceptance rates by nationality. We estimate that between 2009 and 2021 most border crossers labeled as “irregular/illegal” (55.4%) were actually “likely refugees,” a proportion we estimate to be 75.5% at the peak of arrivals in 2015. Thus, we find that sudden and large increases in border crossings concentrated in space likely concern forced rather than irregular migrants. Altogether, our constructivist approach reveals how migration data and categories both influence and are influenced by securitized border policies and that, in this respect, borders start with numbers.

On Our Hands

When is “reasonable discussion” no longer an option? Under what conditions are we no longer required to listen and consider the opinions of others? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, the elderly narrator has two children who are no longer speaking to each other because of the upcoming election. One child supports liberal, open immigration policies, while the other supports the populist, emotional, and charismatic leader who believes in shutting down borders. There is a rally, and a counter-rally. The two protesting groups begin to merge for a pending street conflict. To stop the conflict, the narrator walks into the street with a bag of groceries, intentionally slips, and injures herself. She is helped up by her nursing aid, Asael, and members of the two conflicting groups. The video of the groups working together goes viral, making both seem like reasonable people. The populist candidate wins the election by a narrow margin and passes his anti-immigration laws. Shortly thereafter, Asael is in a car accident, and it deported to the violent country of his birth while his legal wife and family stay in the United States. Asael is tortured and killed in his home country. The narrator regrets ever having tried to stay moderate in the discussion, and regrets her role in making the populist candidate seem reasonable.

Dysfunctional Social Systems, Experiential Traits and Sheer Wickedness: Interrogating the Vicissitudes of Criminal Violence in South Africa

The daily incidents of violent crimes are rampant in South Africa. This incident of violent attacks has placed the country in a bad light in the global ranking of violent countries. Not only has this fact not changed, but it has worsened with recent incidents occasioned by the COVID-19 lockdown. From its description as the world’s ‘murder capital’ and rape capital due to the prevalence of criminal activities, criminal violence in South Africa has grown in intensity. This paper argued that the scourge of criminal violence in South Africa is, partly, a manifestation of a dysfunctional social system that has entrenched the culture of violence as an instrument of interaction in a society characterised by individualistic instinct and consciousness. Exacerbated by the lived experiential traits imbued with wickedness, violent criminal activities have created a society living in fear of instant death and degradation. The research used an interpretivism method from several South African studies, including the culture of violence, criminal violence, and the justice system, to discuss the criminal justice system. This paper submits that a deliberate and conscientious approach, through a reformed criminal justice system as well as societal re-orientation, would be necessary to recalibrate the subconsciousness of citizens to be attuned to the appropriate social order stimulated by responsive and responsible governance structures.

New wine into old wineskins: A theological reflection on police brutality in South Africa

South Africa is one of the most violent countries in the world with different types of violence associated with crime, gender-based violence, and sexual violence amongst others. While the South African Police Service (SAPS) is supposed to protect the most vulnerable victims of violence in communities, they are also the perpetrators of violence in various forms of police brutality such as using excessive force and torture which leads to death in some cases. Police brutality is not a new phenomenon in South Africa; the South African Police (SAP) during apartheid was para-military and known for its brutality. It was transformed into SAPS in democratic South Africa to regard human dignity in policing. However, police brutality is still a major problem, especially towards the poor in society. This was also evident during the COVID-19 lockdown as South Africa was one of the top countries that had the most brutal lockdown enforcement in the world. This article provides a theological reflection on police brutality from the biblical text Mark 2:18-22 ‘…no one pours new wine into old wineskins…’ This article argues that the SAPS has not transformed regarding policing that upholds human dignity. It argues that SAPS is losing confidence in communities as wounds of the past are re-emerging. This article proposes Ubuntu in the SAPS for its transformation and emphasises collaborative efforts to combat police brutality, heal wounds, and restore human dignity.

Introducing the Philippine Electoral Violence (PEV) data set: Uncovering trends, targets, and perpetrators of election‐related violence during the 2013–2019 elections

AbstractElection‐related violence (ERV) is a recurring concern in the Philippines—considered to be one of the most violent countries in Asia. National and midterm elections which happen every 3 years are the most violent. As such, a thorough analysis on the nature of ERVs in the country is necessary to address the causes facilitating electoral violence. While there have been several ERV studies in the Philippines after the post‐1986 democratization period, this article is the first that looks at electoral violence data at both the individual and aggregate levels. This study examines incidences of ERV in the Philippines from 2013 to 2019 by creating a novel incident‐level data set, the Philippine Electoral Violence data set, constructed from online media reports. A total of 394 incidents were found over the three election periods covered in the data set, which includes at least one incident in 65 out of the 81 provinces in the country.

A global assessment of the impact of violence on lifetime uncertainty.

Uncertainty around age at death, or lifetime uncertainty, is a key public health indicator and a marker of inequality in survival. How does the extent of violence affect lifetime uncertainty? We address this question by quantifying the impact of violence on dispersion in the ages at death, the metric most used to measure lifetime uncertainty. Using mortality data from the Global Burden of Disease Study and the Internal Peace Index between 2008 and 2017, we find that the most violent countries are also those with the highest lifetime uncertainty. In the Middle East, conflict-related deaths are the largest contributor to lifetime uncertainty. In Latin America, a similar pattern is attributable to homicides. The effects are larger in magnitude for men, but the consequences remain considerable for women. Our study points to a double burden of violence on longevity: Not only does violence shorten individual lives, but it also makes the length of life less predictable.

The protective role of caretakers in the delinquency of detained youth in São Paulo, Brazil

BackgroundBrazil is one of the world’s most violent countries, and much of that violence is perpetrated by juveniles. A common judicial sanction for the riskiest delinquents is commitment to facilities which perform the dual role of caring for and incapacitating these youth. ObjectiveOur study describes the disadvantages to which detained youths are exposed and investigates the association between these youth’s household configuration and their prior delinquency history. Participants and SettingWe analyze novel survey data of 281 juveniles who are detained in facilities throughout São Paulo—the most populous state of Brazil. MethodsWe use negative binomial regression models to estimate the association between youth’s household configuration and the (1) frequency, (2) severity, and (3) duration of their delinquency history. ResultsThe presence of any caretaker is a key protective factor against delinquency. Fathers are a rare element in delinquents’ households, but their presence has a strong negative effect on delinquency. We also found similar effects for the presence of extended family and of configurations that do not involve a family member. However, single mothers and stepparents are less protective for reasons described in the literature. ConclusionsFindings highlight the importance of the presence of a caretaker, but show that the specific configuration through which this guardianship operates (whether by a parent, grandparent, or other) carries less importance. Implications are discussed.

Predicting mortality in penetrating cardiac trauma in developing countries through a new classification: Validation of the Bogotá classification.

Penetrating chest trauma (PCT) represents 10% of worldwide mortality, with developing countries counting as some of the most affected by high mortality rates due to cardiac trauma. Colombia is considered one of the most violent countries due to the high mortality rate associated with war and crime, hence the validation of an own classification for penetrating cardiac injuries (PCI) is mandatory. Retrospective cross-sectional study which included adult patients with PCIs at a level 4 trauma center in Colombia, between January 2018 and April 2020. We used our own system (Bogotá Classification) and compared it with traditional systems (e.g., Ivatury's, OIS-AAST), by analyzing the mechanism of injury (MOI), the hemodynamic status of the patient at admission, the inpatient management, the individual outcomes, and some demographic variables. Bivariate statistical analysis, spearman correlation, and logistic regression were performed. Four hundred and ninety-ninepatients were included. Bivariate analysis demonstrated a significant relationship between mortality and hemodynamic state, MOI, its location and degree of lesion, cardiac/vessel injury, cardiac tamponade, time between injury and medical care, fluid reanimation, as well as the Ivatury's classification and the new classification (p < 0.005). The adequate correlation between Ivatury's and Bogotá classification supports the latter's clinical utility for patients presenting with PCI. Likewise, logistic regression showed a statistically significant association among mortality rates (p < 0.005). The Bogotá classification showed similar performance to the Ivatury's classification, correlating most strongly with mortality. This scale could be replicated in countries with similar social and economic contexts.

Exploring subjectivities of peace, violence, and power among the youth in Brazil

AbstractBrazil is one of the most violent countries in the world, and the vast majority of victims of lethal violence are under 30 years of age. Given this context, it seems important to understand what the perceptions and experiences of young people are regarding peace, violence, and power. This article does this through a study of the views of 153 high school students in nine public institutions in three municipalities. Engaging with the debates on the “local turn” and on youth in peacebuilding, we show that young people, while embracing some values intrinsic to the influential “liberal peace discourse,” also express views that are critical of important assumptions that shape such discourse. Students also criticized entrenched dynamics of symbolic violence, such as machismo and racism, factors which affect their subjectivities of empowerment and agency. To reduce violence, participants reiterated the need to change values through critical (peace) education.

Youth Cohort Size, Structural Socioeconomic Conditions, and Youth Protest Behavior in Democratic Societies (1995–2014)

Conventional literature associates large youth cohort size (YCS) with increased risk of political violence in countries with such demographic profiles. Key questions which remain unanswered, however, are whether YCS is also associated with young people’s proclivities toward more peaceful forms of protests, and whether structural socioeconomic conditions influence such a relationship? Using multilevel binary logistic regression techniques on pooled individual level data for 51 democratic countries purposively sampled from World Values Survey Waves 3 to 6, and country level data from World Bank, and UN Population Division, I show that YCS demonstrates a positive relationship with young people’s participation in peaceful demonstrations. This relationship is, however, moderated by structural factors such as education and unemployment, which end up reducing young people’s likelihood of participation. I argue that resource limitation, as predicted by the Civic Voluntarism Model, better explains the relationship between YCS and individual youth protest behavior in democratic societies, more than socioeconomic grievance, as suggested by grievance theory. An important implication of this finding is that participation in elite-challenging behaviors such as peaceful protests, can be expected to be more common among young people in affluent democratic societies, than their peers elsewhere in the democratic world.

Caught in the Middle: Internal and External Pressures on the Coverage of Organized Crime in Mexico

With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protection apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country’s capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts).

The relationship between level of education and household income in the justification of political violence in the EU. the moderating effect of poverty at the country level

ABSTRACT Several studies show that political violence justification (PVJ) is associated with unfavourable social and economic characteristics such as poor education, low income, and poverty at the national level. However, the mechanisms by which these factors interact remain unclear. This study aims to find out whether poverty at the country level (contextual poverty) moderates the relationship between individuals’ educational level and household income, and PVJ in the European Union (EU). We perform an analysis using a dataset of 15.347 individuals from twelve EU countries who participated in the European Values Survey, 2017. Logistic regressions models with interaction terms were used to analyze factors related to PVJ. Our findings are twofold. First, we find no evidence of educational level and PVJ's relationship in countries with medium levels of contextual poverty. In contrast, in countries with low levels of contextual poverty, individuals with medium educational level were associated with higher PVJ. Second, individuals living in countries with lower levels of contextual poverty and higher household income were associated with higher PVJ. We conclude that more individuals tend to justify political violence in countries with lower contextual poverty levels—individuals with medium educational level and higher household income. To our knowledge, this is the first study to find evidence that education and socioeconomic status may amplify PVJ in the EU.

Effects of age, period, and birth cohort on homicide mortality in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, from 1996 to 2015.

Although São Paulo is the most populous city in Brazil - one of the world's most violent countries - a significant reduction in its homicide mortality rate (HMR) has been detected. This study aims to estimate the effects of age, period, and birth cohort on the trend of homicide mortality according to sex in the city of São Paulo, from 1996 to 2015. An ecological study was undertaken with data on deaths by homicide for both sexes, in all age brackets, in the city of São Paulo. Poisson models were adjusted for each sex to estimate the age-period-cohort effects. In total, 61,833 deaths by homicide were recorded among males and 5,109 among females. Regardless of the period, the highest HMR occurred in the 20-24 age bracket. Higher HMRs were found in those born in the 1970s and 1980s. The complete model, with age-period-cohort effects, were the best fit to the data. The risk of death by homicide declined over the periods, with lower intensity in the final five years (2011-2015), for both males (RR = 0.48; 95%CI: 0.46; 0.49) and females (RR = 0.52; 95%CI: 0.47; 0.57). A reduction was found in the risk of homicide, regardless of the sex or age bracket, and also in recent cohorts. However, the intensity of such reductions has been decreasing over time, which suggests that the public policies adopted have limited potential to maintain these achievements.

How Precarious Public Jobs Are Even More Precarious for Women: The Case of Mexican Police Forces

This article works to understand what happens to women working in the public sector, especially women in traditionally male occupations, such as the police. Moreover, in Latin America and in most developing countries, it is crucial to examine the interaction between precarious jobs and gender discrimination. The article finds that gender discrimination is accentuated in organizations with precarious labor conditions. To illustrate this problem, it examines the police force in Mexico. This is a crucial case study for understanding the phenomena: Mexico is an extremely violent country, but conditions in the police force are highly precarious for workers. Moreover, this labor precariousness has an even greater impact on female police officers. In addition to working in a profession characterized by instability, they also face structural barriers to the performance of their duties and greater obstacles to entry and promotion within the organization. Furthermore, women face the glass ceiling as well as a hostile work culture that expresses itself through discrimination.

Accompaniment as Psychoanalysis in the Community

We live in a violent country; yet violence is rarely acknowledged as emerging from our own psychic lives. Instead, it is split off and enacted in the wars we fund, and the historic, structural, and...

Constraints and military coordination: How ICTs shape the intensity of rebel violence

ABSTRACT Why and how do information and communication technologies (ICTs) shape the intensity of rebel violence? Recent studies find that ICTs can both increase and decrease such violence. We argue that, during civil wars, this effect depends on the type of ICTs. Mobile phones give rebels better military coordination to organize violence. In contrast, the internet increases the constraints of rebel groups to use violence. On the one hand, the internet increases the visibility of rebel groups forcing them to moderate their levels of violence. On the other hand, the internet gives rebels’ opponents better tools to limit the levels of rebel violence. We test these two arguments empirically with panel data of rebel violence in countries experiencing a civil war from 1989 to 2007. Through a series of negative binomial regressions, we find general support for our hypotheses. For the case of the internet, we specifically find that its effects are concentrated in more recent periods when social media became more widespread.

On Our Hands

When is “reasonable discussion” no longer an option? Under what conditions are we no longer required to listen and consider the opinions of others? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, the elderly narrator has two children who are no longer speaking to each other because of the upcoming election. One child supports liberal, open immigration policies, while the other supports the populist, emotional, and charismatic leader who believes in shutting down borders. There is a rally, and a counter-rally. The two protesting groups begin to merge for a pending street conflict. To stop the conflict, the narrator walks into the street with a bag of groceries, intentionally slips, and injures herself. She is helped up by her nursing aid, Asael, and members of the two conflicting groups. The video of the groups working together goes viral, making both seem like reasonable people. The populist candidate wins the election by a narrow margin and passes his anti-immigration laws. Shortly thereafter, Asael is in a car accident, and it deported to the violent country of his birth while his legal wife and family stay in the United States. Asael is tortured and killed in his home country. The narrator regrets ever having tried to stay moderate in the discussion, and regrets her role in making the populist candidate seem reasonable.

The Prevalence and Nature of Terrorist Attacks in Nigeria during the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan

During the administration of Nigerian President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, there was a marked increase in the country's violence and frequency of terrorist attacks. The purpose of this study is to provide a descriptive analysis of terrorist incidents during the Jonathan administration. Using the START dataset, the study analyzed data over 84 months to examine the effect of Jonathan's presidency on terrorism in Nigeria. The study found a wide variation in the number of terrorist attacks between 2009 and 2015. The full presidency phase experienced a markedly more significant number of terrorist attacks than the post-presidency, acting presidency, and pre-presidency phases. On average, the full presidency and post-presidency phases experienced significantly greater rates of terrorist attacks per month than the acting presidency and pre-presidency phases. The casualty rates were consistent with this variation except that post-presidency appeared the bloodiest of all four phases. The study also revealed that Boko Haram was responsible for most terrorist attacks and casualties during the administration. Implications for these findings and recommendations for further research are discussed.