Campaign Of Violence Research Articles

Transitioning to Peace in Northern Ireland: Before and After the Belfast-Good Friday Agreement 1998

ABSTRACT The 1998 Belfast-Good Friday Agreement (GFA), credited with bringing peace to Northern Ireland, has celebrated its 25-year anniversary. The key research question in this paper is how have the changes made under the GFA impacted on the nature of terrorism in Northern Ireland? To address this question, we examine terrorist attacks before and after the Agreement using statistics from the Global Terrorism Database. The research finds: a significant reduction in both Republican and Loyalist terrorism but a residual of groups, particularly republican splinter organisations, intent on continuing their campaign of violence. Post GFA, in relative terms, there is an increase in attacks against private persons and property and a decrease in attacks against the military. Terrorists are now more likely to use explosives than firearms but with a reduced predicted likelihood of success. The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) has responded with attempts to normalise policing. Consolidating peace goes well beyond the realms of policing and involves tackling the wider issues of power sharing politics, socio-economic inequalities, and societal divisiveness.

«Без оружия»: проблема концептуализации насильственного и ненасильственного протеста в современной политической науке

The article is devoted to the analysis of the academic discussion that revolves around the problem of conceptualization of violent and nonviolent protest. After the author briefly documents the main milestones in the study of protest movements, he focuses on the main one — the emergence of the concept of Erica Chenoweth and her database of Nonviolent and Violent Campaign Outcomes (NAVCO). On the basis of this concept and database, as well as their criticism, the author demonstrates the existing conceptual chaos in defining and disentangling violent/nonviolent and armed/unarmed protests. According to his initial hypothesis, such chaos largely stems from the inattention to the extent of violence and disregard for its relativity. However, after the author elaborates an alternative hypothesis taking into account these factors, and it appears incapable of answering several questions that arise when studying protest campaigns, he had to conclude that the origins of this situation are far deeper. Having examined in detail the set of problems faced by protest researchers, the author suggests that at least some of them will be solved by returning to the context, which in turn requires abandoning methodological homogenization and including qualitative methods in the research arsenal, along with quantitative ones. At the same time, according to his conclusion, the general conceptualization of violent/nonviolent, as well as armed/unarmed, protests is impossible and meaningless. It will always encounter limitations that Political Science cannot overcome.

Journalists’ Ethical Responsibility: Tackling Hate Speech Against Women Politicians in Social Media Through Natural Language Processing Techniques

Social media has led to a redefinition of the journalist’s role. Specifically on Twitter, these professionals assume an influential position and their discourse is dominated by personal opinions. Taking into consideration that this platform has proven to be a breeding ground for polarization, digital harassment and hate speech, notably against women politicians, this research aims to analyze journalists’ involvement in this complex scenario. The investigation aims to determine whether, immersed in online and gender defamation campaigns, journalists enhance the quality of public debate or, on the contrary, they reinforce the visibility of this hostile content. To this end, we examined a sample of 63,926 tweets published from 23 to 25 November 2022 related to a campaign of political violence against the Spanish Minister of Equality using Natural Language Processing tools and qualitative content analysis. Results show that during those three days, at least half of the tweets contained hate speech and improper language. In this climate of hostility, journalists participating in the debate not only have an ability to attract likes and retweets but also exhibit polarization and use hate speech. Each ideological position—for and against the Minister—is also reflected in their own uncivil strategies. Under the umbrella of free speech and regardless of argumentative discourses, those journalists who lean towards ideological progressivism tend to insult their opponents, and those on the political right use divisive constructions, stereotyping and irony as attack techniques.

Institutional effects of nonviolent and violent revolutions

This paper conducts a systematic review and comparative analysis of the institutional impacts of nonviolent versus violent revolutions. It examines sixty-six quantitative studies across disciplines on how revolutionary tactics affect post-conflict institutions. The analysis categorizes institutional outcome variables into five groups: democracy, military/police/courts, foreign relations, ethnicity/culture, and well-being. The comparative analysis finds a preponderance of evidence that nonviolent movements have more positive institutional effects than violent ones. Civil resistance is associated with democratization, reduced repression, loyalty shifts, human rights protections, inclusion of marginalized groups, and greater well-being compared to violent campaigns. The comparative analysis contributes strong cross-disciplinary evidence on the differential institutional impacts of revolutionary tactics.

Chiefs and Pre-Election Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Precolonial Legacy of Centralized States

This article examines how African chiefs shape pre-election violence (PEV) locally. I argue that chiefs with greater capability of voter coordination, which stems from precolonial centralized states, reduce local risk of PEV. Utilizing existing and original data, I find that precolonial centralized states have a negative effect on PEV in Anglophone Africa, where precolonial institutions have been better preserved. This relationship is robust to a series of tests, including two-stage least-squares regressions. The findings contribute to our knowledge of how local political actors shape violent campaign strategies and of the diverse (pre-)colonial legacies in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Myanmar in 2023

In 2023, revolutionary forces made significant gains in an escalating war against an increasingly embattled military dictatorship. Since General Min Aung Hlaing ousted the democratically elected government in a military coup on February 1, 2021, his junta has failed to subdue the countrywide Spring Revolution resisting the military takeover. This is despite the generals’ terror campaign of atrocious violence against the population. In 2021, many outside observers gave the Spring Revolution and the thousands of young people who have taken up arms against the military regime little fighting chance. But these forces have rapidly evolved, and powerful ethnic resistance armies have joined the war against the junta. This article explains how revolutionary war has scaled up, despite a lack of international support and the diversity of revolutionary forces. It also evaluates wider implications for the society, economy, and international relations of a country on the brink of collapse.

Martyrial Memory: Imagining the Fascist Afterlife of Giovanni Berta

Abstract: Giovanni Berta, who died in Florence, in February 1921, was almost immediately declared a Fascist martyr and his memory was preserved and embellished through a variety of cultural means. This article will specifically consider how artistic representations of Berta's death contributed to reinforcing the legend of his murder and with what aims. Legitimizing and rationalizing Florentine Fascism's campaign of violence against its socialist and communist enemies, his memory also played an important and emotive role in the national party's mass mobilization campaign.

Libyan Conflict and Internationalization of Terrorism in the Sahel Region: The Case of Boko Haram Insurgency in North East, Nigeria

The paper assesses Libyan Conflict and transnationalization of terrorism in the Sahel Region with reference to Boko Haram Insurgency looking at its implications to Nigeria’s national security. The threat of transnational terrorism, represented in jihadism can be seen as insurgency on a global scale, a violent campaign aimed at influencing a worldwide audience and encouraging followers through shared ideologies. The study was based on State Fragility theory and the study adopted a qualitative method and employed a case study approach using primary and secondary data to explain transnationalization of terrorism in the Sahel Region. Key Informant Interviews (KII) were used for data collection. KIIs were conducted with twelve (12) stakeholders from different professions. The collated data were analysed using thematic analysis. The findings of the study reveal that Libyan Conflict has destabilized the region with weapons trafficking which was developed there, and has also become a safe haven for jihadi groups threatening the entire peace of the Sahel Region. It also shows that the instability and lawlessness in Libya provided the space for extremist groups to establish training camps as extremist groups have become increasingly interconnected and their cross-border activity is dramatically on the rise since 2011. The study therefore recommends that, Governments in the Sahel Region should diligently thwart the spread of weapons and eliminate the threat posed by terrorist organizations through concerted national, regional, and international cooperation to address the issue of weapons, fighter movements, human trafficking networks, and irregular migration.

Addressing Campus Sexual Violence: A Collaborative Governance Approach to Legal Policy

Campus sexual violence is a pervasive issue affecting institutions worldwide, with a concerning upward trend in reported incidents. This article scrutinizes legal policies and the efficacy of collaborative governance in mitigating this pervasive problem. The model of collaborative governance, a globally recognized legal policy approach, is at the heart of this study. Utilizing socio-legal research methods, the article employs comparative legal and conceptual legal approaches, drawing from secondary literature sources. The study reveals that the implementation of legal policies and collaborative governance can significantly curb campus sexual violence in Indonesia. This can be achieved by actively engaging both academic community and the wider public. By drawing lessons from countries such as the United States, the Netherlands, Canada and the United Kingdom, Indonesia can replicate their success in reducing campus sexual crimes. These measures include the creation of legal policies, establishing partnerships with central and local governments, and fostering collaborative governance. Key initiatives that have proven effective in these countries include the development of service guidelines that prioritize victim and survivor protection, amplified anti-sexual violence campaigns on campuses, and the promotion of sexual violence awareness education. The establishment of a National Campus Sexual Assault Commission to evaluate the enforcement of educational ministerial regulations and religious affairs ministerial regulations in preventing and addressing campus sexual violence is also recommended. This article offers valuable insights for policymakers in their efforts to devise effective legal strategies to prevent sexual violence on campus.

SADC’s Zimbabwe Mediation in 2008 as Preservation of ZANU PF Power

The historic defeat of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in the March 2008 harmonised elections was followed by the unleashing of a violent campaign against the opposition in the run up to the June 27 2008 presidential run-off. This triggered the mediation of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Although the mediation culminated into a Government of National Unity (GNU) comprising ZANU PF and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations between 2009 and 2013, this paper argues SADC was largely complicit in the advancement of ZANU PF authoritarian consolidation. ZANU PF deployment of foreign policy within SADC was mainly designed to secure the region's solidarity whilst advancing domestic interests aimed at cementing political survival. The region became a crucial focus of attention by the government, but how this was used to consolidate ZANU PF's hold on power is yet to be unpacked in full.

Increased domestic violence during the COVID‐19 pandemic: India's response

AbstractMotivationDomestic abuse of women, despite being illegal, is common in India: on average, every 4.4 minutes a woman suffers abuse. During the pandemic, owing to curfew and lockdowns, women had additional caring responsibilities, but they lacked social support. A legal system made lethargic by lockdowns, lack of safety protocols for dealing with cases of domestic violence during the pandemic, extended delays in processing cases, and limited protection for victims—all combined to increase domestic violence nationwide.PurposeWhat was the response of the Indian government to domestic violence during the COVID‐19 pandemic? We evaluate policies and interventions through the lens of intersectional feminism and social equity.Methods and approachWe review publicly available documents and scholarly journals published between 2018 and 2022. We identify the national anti‐domestic violence and state‐specific programmes offered to women in India. We critically evaluate the country's anti‐domestic violence campaign. The policy analysis draws on the cultural knowledge and professional expertise of the authors.FindingsThe government's efforts to address domestic violence during the pandemic were limited. Pre‐existing vulnerabilities such as economic hardship, the gender‐based digital divide, and strict gender roles were exacerbated by the pandemic. Although the government tried to address domestic violence, through helplines, keeping shelters open and offering virtual court sessions, it also released convicted abusers from prison, increasing women's vulnerability. Government and non‐governmental organization interventions were not scaled up to meet demand. Many programmes had little oversight and quality control, resulting in differential results that often further victimized victims of domestic violence among vulnerable populations.Policy implicationsOur findings highlight the importance of services and policies on domestic violence being explicit and sensitive to the culture and context in disaster preparedness and public health emergency planning.

Effects of awareness campaigns against domestic violence: perceived efficacy, adopted behavior and word of mouth

PurposeDomestic violence is a global social and public health problem for which several awareness campaigns have been conducted. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the impact of these campaigns on the population and the process of perception of the messages. In this context, this study aims to analyze the attitudes of individuals toward domestic violence campaigns.Design/methodology/approachConducted in Brazil, this research adopted a quantitative approach, using a questionnaire survey with a convenience sample. The conceptual model incorporated three dimensions, namely, the perceived efficacy of the subjects regarding the campaigns, the adopted behavior as a consequence of exposure to the messages and finally, the word of mouth, the recommendation of conduct advised in the campaigns to family and friends. These dimensions were translated into a set of items that integrated the data collection instrument. In the questionnaire, it was intended that the interviewees answered the questions having in mind the campaigns addressed to the Brazilian population with the purpose of prevention for domestic violence, recently released in Brazil.FindingsIn a first descriptive analysis, all dimensions obtained positive values. The conceptual model was analyzed, and the hypotheses under study were tested using the partial least squares method. As for convergent and discriminant validity, it was found that each dimension presented adequate internal consistency and, simultaneously, was distinct from the others. The structural model explained 69.2% of the variance of “word of mouth” and 28.5% of the variance of “adopted behavior.” H1 was confirmed, showing a positive influence between perceived efficacy and adopted behavior. H2 was also accepted, and a positive impact of adopted behavior and the intention to recommend to others (word of mouth) was verified.Practical implicationsAs a practical contribution, this research allows outlining recommendations for social marketing and communication professionals responsible for awareness campaigns. The results can alert professionals responsible for these campaigns to give visibility to the campaign itself, broadcasting it through mass media, if possible, but also through digital media, such as social networks. In terms of message content, the campaigns should seek behavioral change, leading, on the one hand, the recipients to adopt new behaviors and, on the other hand, to recommend these same behaviors to family and friends, thus multiplying the effect and effectiveness of the campaign.Originality/valueThis study makes an academic contribution, as it directly explores the impact of domestic violence prevention campaigns on the population and can be adapted to campaigns for other social causes. In addition, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is one of the first studies on domestic violence campaigns in Brazil, one of the main countries affected by this problem. As a practical contribution, this research allows outlining recommendations for social marketing and communication professionals responsible for awareness campaigns.

“There Should Be No Life”: Environmental Perspectives on Genocide in Northern Iraq

ABSTRACT This article examines the natural environment during the Kurdish genocide in northern Iraq. The genocide killed between 50,000 and 180,000 people and destroyed some 4,500 Kurdish villages from the 1960s to 1980s, reach peak violence during the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88). The paper uses American, British, and Iraqi archival documents to analyse how the violence affected the natural landscape and how ecological conditions constrained the violence. Iraqi leaders regarded dams and other modes of environmental engineering as levers to facilitate agricultural modernization and social integration. Protecting and projecting hydraulic power justified greater military exertion. Iraqi leaders, frustrated by the lack of progress in development and hostile to the claims of Kurdish nationalism, resorted to more coercive options to combat guerrillas. But the inadequacies of military exertion prompted the government to redouble efforts to tame unruly nature and those who dwelled in it. This escalation contributed significantly to the lethal violence against rural Kurdish society. At a theoretical level, these findings highlight the troubling ways in which policies aimed to improve environmental conditions fold into campaigns of mass violence. The article also adds to understanding of violence in Iraq, showing how Iraq’s attempts to use environmental engineering for development intersected with security concerns and ethnic marginalization to create more intensive repression.

Sexual Violence Disclosure in #Notokay: Disclosure Goals, Disclosure-Facilitating Resources, and Overall Disclosure Trajectory.

This study investigated the disclosure goals, disclosure-facilitating resources, and overall disclosure trajectory of 16 women who participated in the 2016 #notokay antisexual violence campaign. Findings indicate that most participants' disclosure goals were approach focused. Factors that facilitated disclosure were social media affordances and psychological, professional, and financial resources. Participants' overall disclosure trajectory was upward, but not linear, and disclosure outcomes included self-growth and awareness of the intersectional nature of violence. The findings suggest that the disclosure processes model can be strengthened by considering goal-relevant resources as a structural or environmental factor that influences the choice of approach versus avoidance goals, and consequently, beneficial or harmful disclosure outcomes. Further, by investigating how participants' #notokay disclosure was situated in their other online and offline disclosure episodes, this study provides a contextualized perspective of online hashtagged disclosures of sexual violence.

Counterintelligence, Policy Recommendation and Military Convergence in Dealing with Current and Emerging Regional Implications of Jemaah Islamiyyah

This study was conducted to seek reemerging threats of JI in recent years, counterintelligence taken by police and military convergence. Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) is an Islamist extremist group in Indonesia that seeks to overthrow the government and create a pan-Islamic state in Southeast Asia. It has ideological origins in the Darul Islam (DI) movement of the 1950s and 1960s, in which insurgents of West Javanese descent carried out a violent campaign that attempted to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. Despite the arrest of more than 100 Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) members in the last two years, the militant organization appears resilient, partly due to its hierarchical organizational structure. Such a structure has enabled JI to have a strong agenda-setting capacity and exercise accountability and specialization within its hierarchy. This study is qualitative in nature. I conducted in-depth library and fieldwork research with former JI operatives and Police (POLRI & DENSUS 88, PDRM) officers. My findings show the survival patterns JI in the context of operations, which includes personal, political, economic, and community structure within their circle. To curb the threat of JI, I would like to suggest the Government of Indonesia and regional members devise an action plan to address the terrorist-related issues

Research Note Civil Resistance in the Streetlight: Replicating and Assessing Evidence on Nonviolent Effectiveness

Does civil resistance work? Research emphasizes the effectiveness of nonviolent resistance over violent resistance in achieving campaign goals, with the seminal study Why Civil Resistance Works (WCRW) by Chenoweth and Stephan being the main point of reference to date. I revisit this pivotal finding in three steps. First, I reproduce WCRW's results on nonviolent effectiveness. Second, I discuss how cases may have been over-looked due to a streetlight effect. Third, I quantify the results' sensitivity using simulations. I find that WCRW's main findings on nonviolent effectiveness are highly sensitive to variable selection, under-coverage bias, bootstrapping, and omitted variable bias. As a routine reference in scholarship and the public discourse, assessing the robustness of WCRW's findings is relevant to practitioners and researchers

State Terror and Long-Run Development: The Persistence of the Khmer Rouge

Does mass repression have a long-term economic legacy, and if so, what explains persistence? I argue repression can undermine development by delimiting human capital. I study the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The regime implemented a campaign of violence to reorganize society, yet governing elites varied across the communist ideological spectrum. I exploit an arbitrary border that allocated villages to either the loyalist Mok or the relatively moderate Sy in Kampong Speu province. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find villages in the more extremist Southwest zone are poorer today compared with villages in the adjacent West zone, and had lower human capital immediately after the regime. Exposure to more intense repression shapes labor markets and child health, explaining intergenerational persistence. I find no conclusive evidence for other persistence channels. My findings add a novel pathway to the library of mechanisms which explain why historical coercion undermines development.

The War after the War: A New History of Reconstruction by John Patrick Daly

Reviewed by: The War after the War: A New History of Reconstruction by John Patrick Daly Lorien Foote The War after the War: A New History of Reconstruction. By John Patrick Daly. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. Pp. 200. Illustrations, notes, index.) The War after the War is a concise, bold synthesis of the recent scholarship on Reconstruction. "Reconstruction was a war," John Patrick Daly asserts (4). When Union and Confederate armies demobilized in 1865, there was no clear peace settlement. Ex-Confederate extremists thus initiated what Daly terms "the Southern Civil War of 1865–1877" (2), a campaign of violence to control local and state governments and defeat a biracial southern coalition composed of White Unionists and Black freedpeople. Daly identifies three phases to the Southern Civil War. The first was the terror phase. Ex-Confederates remained in power throughout the South from 1865 to 1867, and they massacred thousands of African Americans and their White allies. In the second phase (1868–1872), after the United States government divided the South into military districts and organized new southern state governments that enfranchised Black voters, ex-Confederate extremists used guerrilla tactics that attempted to overthrow these biracial governments. Events in Texas take center stage in this portion of Daly's narrative, with excellent coverage of Governor Edmund Davis's use of martial law and biracial state forces to battle the insurgents. In the third phase (1872–77), ex-Confederate extremists created paramilitary armies that fought and won open battles against state forces, exemplified by the Battle of Liberty Place on the streets of New Orleans in 1874. Confederates lost their bid for independence and national power in the American Civil War, but ex-Confederate extremists won the Southern Civil War and reclaimed local political, social, and economic power. Daly argues that the types of violence and number of deaths that occurred in these three phases meet the criteria that some political scientists have established for a conflict to be defined as a civil war. His conclusion juxtaposes the Southern Civil War with the Irish Civil War of 1922–23 to bolster his categorization of violence in the American South as civil war. The identification and description of the three phases of violence in the South from 1865 to 1877 is very useful. But Daly does not define "war" in the opening of the book, and this absence is not just a matter of semantics. As a political scientist quoted in the conclusion points out, war involves organized violence, and Daly writes in the final few pages of the book that civil war is "two armed and organized factions (148)." Daly's discussion of the terror that ex-Confederates inflicted from 1865 to 1867 is a litany of massacres, assassinations, and torture; there is rarely mention of Black people and White Unionists fighting back. In the streets of Memphis and New Orleans in 1866, the vast majority of Black people were not armed. Is it war if one side is not organized for the purpose and is not fighting back? It is convincing that a Southern civil war evolved, but if there was a [End Page 587] shift from a one-sided terror campaign to civil war after Black men gained political power in 1868, that timing needs further exploration. John Patrick Daly does not mince words in this short and easily read book. He boldly calls on all Americans to discard false narratives of Reconstruction that remain dominant in popular understanding and to memorialize the true heroes of the period, the Black and White southerners who gave their lives fighting the losing battle to establish a biracial democracy in the South. After reading this book, it will be hard for anyone to maintain the traditional textbook view of Reconstruction. Lorien Foote Texas A&M University Copyright © 2022 The Texas State Historical Association

Ocean Justice

AbstractThe continued campaign of violence by extractivists against multibeing relations, embodied beings, and ecological living is bewildering. Coded by mastery, and as a carrier of its values, international laws of the sea facilitate these campaigns by legitimating ecological abuse. As such, responding to the ocean's declining conditions with more laws and regulations alone misses how underlying cultural values contribute to the production of ecological harm. This article considers how the imaginary of mastery underpinning dominant ocean governance regimes enables the production and distribution of vulnerability. Thinking with the ocean reveals how anthropogenic harms manifest and proliferate both materially and through the discursive networks of ocean governance. Though material vulnerability is a condition that brings us into being interconnectedly with other worlds, it also (unevenly) implicates us in ocean harm. This article draws on feminist posthumanist, legal, and marine scientific work to examine these issues in the context of an emerging concept of ocean justice, in which the conditions for cohabiting well with the seas might be imagined and activated.

From doctrine to detonation: Ideology, competition, and terrorism in campaigns of mass resistance

This study proposes an organizational mechanism that links ideology to the use of terrorism in mass dissident campaigns. Ideology affects the level of competition among factions within mass dissident campaigns by shaping whether actors see their interactions as a positive- or zero-sum game. We identify ideological diversity within a campaign and the degree to which ideologies embrace the principle of pluralism as key factors affecting the intensity of factional competition and, consequently, the occurrence of terrorism. We introduce new data on the ideologies of campaigns from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes 2.0 dataset and use causal mediation analysis to test our proposed mechanism. We find that greater ideological diversity within a campaign increases the likelihood of terrorism by increasing factional competition. We also find that the presence of a pluralist ideology is associated with a lower likelihood of terrorism by the lowering of factional competition. By shedding light on the mechanisms that link ideology to terrorism, this study helps advance our understanding of why dissident groups might decide to use terrorism tactics within the context of a campaign of mass resistance.