Village Neighbors Research Articles

PENERAPAN MEKANISME MEDIASI DALAM PROSES PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA KEWENANGAN BADAN PERMUSYARAWATAN DESA DAN KEPALA DESA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 6 TAHUN 2014 TENTANG DESA (STUDI KASUS DI DESA JENGGALA, KECAMATAN TANJUNG KABUPATEN LOMBOK UTARA)

That the potential for overlap in the authority of the BPD and the Head as a form of normative application of Law Number 6 of 2014 is very large, especially if we look at aspects of implementing the functions of the BPD Institution which will coincide with the function of the village head as executor of government in the village. The formulation of the problem in this research is first, How is the Mediation Mechanism Implemented in the Dispute Resolution Process over the Authority of the Village Consultative Body and the Village Head Based on Law Number 6 of 2014 on Village Neighborhoods? And secondly, what are the alternative forms of mediation that can be implemented in the Dispute Resolution Process over the Authority of the Village Consultative Body and the Village Head Based on Law Number 6 of 2014 on Village Neighbors (Case Study in Jenggala Village, Tanjung District, North Lombok Regency) The results of the research conducted by the author show that firstly, the application of a mediation mechanism in resolving authority disputes between the BPD and the Village Head can be carried out on a normative basis contained in the provisions of Article 112 in Article 115 of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Second, alternative forms of mediation in resolving disputes between the Village Head and BPD in Jenggala Village can be implemented in 2 (two) forms, namely, formal mediation and informal mediation. Formal mediation is mediation carried out by the KLU DP2KBPMD Service who acts as the mediator. Meanwhile, informal mediation can be carried out through, firstly, the Village Inter-Institutional Communication Forum (FKAKD), the formation of which was initiated by the BPD based on the provisions of Article 62 of North Lombok Regency Regional Regulation Number 3 of 2019 concerning BPD, and secondly through the Village Krama Council based on North Lombok Regent Regulation Number 20 2017 concerning MKD Guidelines.

Bodyland

ABSTRACTThe Angolan village of Cusseque, established during the country's civil war, lost its military purpose when the conflict ended in 2002. The village's neighbors assumed that Cusseque's remaining residents would leave; most stayed. They have since fought to legitimize their presence. Fieldwork with Cusseque residents helps illuminate why they assert their merging with the land—a merging that I call bodyland—through the agency of honeybees. These men and women exert a compelling body politics, one that is subject to the more‐than‐human agencies that dissolve the contours of the human. Moreover, Cusseque's residents contribute to anthropological discussions about human‐land relations by blending the question of the human with that of the land. They defy pervasive humanist regimes in which the legitimacy of human presence is dissociated from the interdependence between body and land. [human‐land relationship, legitimacy, transcorporeality, honey, honeybees, postwar, body politics, Angola]

Presenting self and aligning as a team through narratives of victimhood among Kazakh-speaking village neighbors

Abstract This study illustrates how personal narratives of victimized self serve two Kazakh-speaking village neighbors to accomplish self-presentation during a mealtime interaction. Integrating Goffman’s (1959) theorization of self-presentation with narrative positioning (Bamberg, 1997; Schiffrin, 1996) and Muslim cultural practices (e.g., Al Zidjaly, 2006), this study conceptualizes mealtime conversations as frontstage and examines two victimhood narratives after providing the sequential overview of the twelve narratives occurred in the interaction. The analysis illustrates how linguistic construction of agentive and epistemic selves of the narrators position them as victims (whose personal items are stolen) in relation to other neighbors (who do the act of stealing) in the story world. This juxtaposition of “I” vs. “Others” in the story world allows the neighbor-tellers to present an idealized self (morally superior neighbors) and function as a team by getting lower hand and aligning with one another against a third party (morally wrong neighbors) in the interaction.

Rescued from Oblivion: The Leyb Koniuchowsky Papers and the Holocaust in Provincial Lithuania

Much of our knowledge of the Holocaust in Lithuania is based on experiences in or near Vilnius and Kaunas. In the smaller towns, where tens of thousands of Jews lived before the war, so few survived that first-hand accounts are rare; all the less do official German sources offer a window onto events, recording little more than overall numbers. The present contribution draws attention to a lesser-known collection of survivor testimonies gathered after the war by Leyb Koniuchowsky, primarily in Germany’s Feldafing displaced persons camp. Case studies of ritual humiliation of Jews by their small-town and village neighbors, experiences in a minor camp complex, and the pursuit of vengeance by one survivor who gained temporary employment in the postwar Soviet security services, point toward the place of oral testimony in elucidating events in hard-to-document places. They raise questions about whether events in better-known localities were “typical” or not.

Banking on the Poor

Sociologist Dwight Haase explores how one man’s efforts to help his village neighbors evolved into a global corporate market—with unintended consequences. Haase provides insight into how the microfinance movement turned into an industry.

Exhaustion and Exclusion in the African Village: The Non-State Social Welfare of Informal Reciprocity in Rural Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire

This paper examines the consequences for equity of different patterns of non-state social welfare provision, specifically the informal institutions of reciprocity among families, friends, and village neighbors in rural West Africa. Based on over 18 months of fieldwork in similar regions on either side of the Ghana-Cote d’Ivoire border, this paper challenges many existing assumptions in the literature, revealing that the informal institutions of reciprocity were not only less vibrant overall, but also differed strikingly in terms of who was helping who and how in particular localities. The paper argues that the informal institutions of reciprocity were more exhausted in the Ghanaian villages and more exclusive in the Ivoirian ones. The study highlights that the informal system of non-state social welfare provided by the family, friends, and neighborhood did not simply expand to fill the functional gaps left by the neoliberal retrenchment of the state. The paper concludes that when policies are designed based on an overly romanticized image of kinship and communal reciprocity in Africa, it is the very poor that increasingly fall through the gaps of the state and non-state system of social welfare.

Economic Differentiation and the Divided Responses of Spanish Galician Farmers to Reforestation of the Commons under Franco

Shortly after the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), the Franco dictatorship forcibly converted nearly half a million hectares of village commons in the region of Galicia into centrally managed forests. Consistent with their long history of using litigation to resist state intervention in the use of their commons, rural Galicians inundated regional courts with lawsuits that opposed mandated reforestation. Prevailing accounts of these events are based on comprehensive definitions of state domination and peasant resistance that minimize local variations in the implementation of reforestation projects and ignore the differing stakes of village residents in the projects. This article casts the politics of reforestation and villagers' defense of the commons in a different light and suggests that ongoing changes in farm production, growing economic disparities among village neighbors, and the evolving nature of the state's reforestation plan promoted complex, fluid, and divided local responses to reforestation that belie the solidarity of interests expressed in written petitions against reforestation.

Infants, Ancestors, and the Afterlife: Fieldwork's Family Values in Rural West Africa

When Nathaniel, a six‐year‐old Euro‐American boy, was assigned the identity ofDenju, a revered village ancestor in a rural Beng village in Cote d'lvoire, what did it mean ‐ for the child, for his parents, for his village friends, for the conduct of his mother's anthropological research? Likewise, when Nathaniel's father, Philip Graham, learned in the village the news of his own father's passing, what did it mean to Graham ‐ and for the writing of his novel‐in‐progress ‐ to discover that his village neighbors were certain that the soul of his deceased father had entered the Beng afterlife and become friends with Denju, the ancestor for whom his son had been named? How did such family sagas combine in unexpected ways to shape Alma Gottlieb's field research project on the cultural construction of infancy? Making use of the three distinct voices of mother I anthropologist, father/writer, and son/student, this article explores how a range of cultural, literary, political, and psychological issues intersected in unexpected ways during fieldwork, recasting the experiences of one North American family of three people living in a rural village in West Africa.

Risk and Insurance in Village India

The full insurance model is tested using data from three poor, high risk villages in the semi-arid tropics of southern India. The model presented here incorporates a number of salient features of the actual village economies. Although the model is rejected statistically, it does provide a surprisingly good benchmark. Household consumptions comove with village average consumption. More clearly, household consumptions are not much influenced by contemporaneous own income, sickness, unemployment, or other idiosyncratic shocks, controlling for village consumption (i.e. for village level risk). There is evidence that the landless are less well insured than their village neighbors in one of the three villages.

Risk and Insurance In Village India

The full insurance model is tested using data from three poor, high risk villages in the semi-arid tropics of southern India. The model presented here incorporates a number of salient features of the actual village economies. Although the model is rejected statistically, it does provide a surprisingly good benchmark. Household consumptions comove with village average consumption. More clearly, household consumptions are not much influenced by contemporaneous own income, sickness, unemployment, or other idiosyncratic shocks, controlling for village consumption (i.e. for village level risk). There is evidence that the landless are less well insured than their village neighbors in one of the three villages.

Returning "Home": Portuguese Migrant Notions of Temporariness, Permanence, and Commitment

Portuguese migrants' preparations for the future dominate the landscape of rural Portugal. Along every road one sees ornate, imposing new single-family dwellings; construction sites dot the countryside; in the remotest of villages, modern twostory structures stand among the traditional modest stone houses. These casas de emigrantes, or migrant houses, are the future homes of people currently working in France, Germany, and the other countries of Western Europe. They are the manifestations of the dreams of those migrants who were lucky enough to have reaped some benefits from Western Europe's surge of economic prosperity. Many of these houses come to life only during the summer months, when Portugal's migrants return for holidays. The rest of the year they lie vacant while their owners work abroad to pay for the next load of bricks or the new living room couch. Occupied or empty, they stand as visible reminders of the rewards of emigration and of the migrants' continuing commitment to return home. These houses are also the symbolic foci of a dialogue between migrants, their village neighbors, and their compatriots in Germany about the meaning of residence, success, and commitment. The other side of this story lies in the industrial centers of Western

Godparents and Social Networks in Tzintzuntzan

Quantitative baptismal data (N=944) are used to explore the strategy of building social networks via compadrazgo ties. Godparents of a couple's children most frequently are of the same social status as the parents (75%), friends rather than relatives (67%), village neighbors rather than outsiders (87%). Choice of friends versus relatives as godparents varies with birth order of children within families: early children are more likely than later children to have family friends rather than relatives as godparents. This pattern is explained by a family developmental cycle hypothesis, which postulates that new couples, especially if still living with the parents of husband or wife, wish to expand their social networks rapidly beyond family boundaries, but that when optimum network size is approached, double loading of kinship ties with new compadrazgo ties reduces expenses and obligations by slowing network expansion.

Eichendorff's Taugenichts and Romanticism

IN a comparatively recent article1 an attempt was made to prove that Eichendorff's Taugenichts is essentially satirical and parodistic in its treatment of romanticism. It was pointed out that the author is always secretly poking fun at his hero, ironizing the naive unawareness of this blessed child of nature. But after all, is not irony a proof rather than a disproof of romanticism? Romanticism is not sentimentalism; neither is it unchecked indulgence in fantasy. Its very essence is that it can take its own sentiments and fancies seriously (absolutely seriously on a certain level) and non-seriously at the same time. And thus the good-natured ironization of the Taugenichts represents an element without which, in truth, we should not have a genuinely romantic work at all. The adventurous hero is contrasted with a number of workaday or philistine types. There is, in the beginning, the father who has been busy in the mill since daybreak and berates his lazy son; the gardener who introduces him to his job at the castle with a wholesome sermon on thrift and efficiency; the doorman who has no use for the noble art of hunting because wet feet and colds are the only results to be gained therefrom. There is the farmer in the orchard who shows so little appreciation of the hero's craving for the sunny south. There is, finally, the Taugenichts himself during the period when he is a tollkeeper at the castle lodge. He has inherited the dressing-gown, nightcap, and long-stemmed pipe of his predecessor. He sits on his bench, watching the passers-by and hoping that one or the other of his former village neighbors may be among them to witness his prosperity; . .. und faBte heimlich den Entschlu8, nunmehr alles Reisen zu lassen, auch Geld zu sparen wie die andern, und es mit der Zeit gewiB zu etwas GroBem in der Welt zu bringen (ch. II). But even now he has not really fallen from romantic grace, for the above passage continues: Inzwischen vergaB ich iiber meinen Entschliissen, Sorgen und Geschiiften die allerschbnste Frau