Village Mayors Research Articles

Barriers for and standpoints of key actors in the implementation of smart village projects as a tool for the development of rural areas

This paper focuses on the research of key stakeholders of village development and their standpoints for the implementation of smart projects which are bearers of new trends in village development. Smart projects such as in the field of environment, power engineering, as well as the social sphere are current challenges for the municipalities to avoid any further deepening of the difference in technological and competitive lag behind city regions. The object of the research was to find out how Smart Village ideas and projects are taken up by the local development stakeholders, in which fields the smart solutions are regarded as most desirable for the implementation, and what the barriers which occur in pursuing these projects are. To this end, the project methodology applied the stakeholder analysis through questionnaires submitted to key stakeholders for the development of the village municipalities, which included selected village mayors and experts from the ministries and regional governments, including representatives of local action groups that associate with the municipalities in the village areas. The research concluded that the smart projects pursued are most often associated with the forming of resilient communities and environments. Furthermore, the results pointed out that the mayors are more cautious about the implementation of smart projects than the experts. The mayors consider them more critically, they lack financial resources for their implementation, and they are unsure of their standpoints on smart projects, also due to poor information. The mayors would welcome improved institutional and counselling support from the state and regions facilitating the decision making process in the field of selecting suitable smart solutions and contributing to more intense use of smart solutions in the development of village municipalities.

Constitutional obligation of Ukraine to ensure freedom of entrepreneurial activity: urban planning reform

The article analyzes the urban planning reform initiated by the Law of Ukraine of December 13, 2022 «On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Reforming the Sphere of Urban Planning» and its impact on the development of freedom of entrepreneurship in Ukraine. The author establishes that the State has objectified in this Law a number of progressive novelties which significantly reduce corruption risks in the sphere of urban development and create a solid basis for Ukraine to fulfill its constitutional obligation to ensure freedom of entrepreneurship, which is in line with the idea and purpose of European integration legislation.
 It is substantiated that legislative and practical ensuring of demonopolization and regulatory transparency in the sphere of urban development is an urgent duty of Ukraine, which should make the necessary efforts to attract huge investments in order to rebuild the industrial facilities, housing, infrastructure, destroyed during the war.
 It is stated that officials performing the functions of state architectural and construction control and supervision, in fact, even without the purpose of obtaining an undue benefit from the customer, are absolutely not interested in prompt and high-quality provision of their services, since their remuneration does not depend in any way on the quantity and quality of services provided by them. At the same time, the main opponents of this Law are city, town and village mayors, who cite a number of arguments, but the author of this article has systematically and consistently refuted these arguments of local government officials, as discussed in this publication. The application of these legislative innovations should destroy the monopoly on state architectural and construction control and remove the corruption component from this activity. The new law should ensure the implementation of the «three-part» test in social reality in order to eradicate corruption from the sphere of urban development. The «three-part» test consists of the following components: reasonable regulation of urban development activities based on the principles of legality and legal certainty; ensuring a free market competitive and transparent environment for entrepreneurship in the field of urban development; and the absence of personal contact between an «official» and an «entrepreneur» through the automation of services in this area.

나가노(長野)현 시모이나(下伊那) 지역 가미사토(上郷) 청년회로 본 전시 일본의 통제경제와 좌우 갈등의 봉합

This article explores how the ideological conflict between the left and the right was compromised the lens of the Kamisato Youth Corps (kamisato seinenkai). Members of this organization declined the leadership of the village mayor and elected their representative for themselves. In the 1930s, they transformed this organization as a machine of the state for economic revitalization and war efforts, and continued to operate to support the local community after the war. In this process, youths embraced leftists who chose to work with the wartime state, such as Kitahara Kameji and Hanyū Sanshichi, as leaders of the local community, and became their supporters after 1945. To date, historians tended to portray the conversion of intellectuals mainly as a betrayal, not thoroughly considering what role they came to take through the conversion and what legacies their choice to work with the wartime state were for postwar Japan. By tracing the evolution of the Kamisato Youth Corps, I understand the conversion of leftist youth leaders not as a demise of the left but its settlement in local politics, which shaped a postwar political order. The wealth of primary sources in the Kamisato Village, such as the History of Kamisato Youth Corps, and Kamisato Chronicles makes this village an ideal vantage point to pursue this project.

ANALISIS PENDAPATAN DESA TERHADAP ALOKASI BELANJA DESA PADA DESA MUARA KILIS KECAMATAN TENGAH ILIR KABUPATEN TEBO

This research is entitled Analysis of Village Income Against Village Expenditure Allocation in Muara Kilis Village, Tengah Ilir District, Tebo Regency. This research aims (1). To explain village income and village expenditure in Muara Kilis village in 2020. (2). To explain the Village Expenditure Allocation based on the realization of Village Income in Muara Kilis Village in 2020. The results of this study are: (1) Muara Kilis Village Revenue realized in 2020 consists of 1) State Revenue and Expenditure Budget Allocation (Village Fund) of Rp. 980,390,000. 2) Share of Regional Taxes and Regional Levies for Regency/City, amounting to Rp. 18,245,614. 3) Village Fund Allocation of Rp. 622,447,000. 4) Financial Assistance from the Provincial APBD and Regency/City APBD of Rp. 60,000,000. With a total village income of Rp. 1,681,082,614. Meanwhile, Muara Kilis Village expenditure in 2020 is allocated to five sectors, namely, 1) Village Government Implementation of Rp. 621,492,614, 2) Village Development of Rp. 293.957.300, 3) Village Community Empowerment of Rp. 59,950,700, 4) Community Development of Rp. 39,200,000, and 5) Disaster Management and Emergency Expenditure of Rp. 666,482,000. With a total village income of Rp. 1,681,082,614. (2) In Muara Kilis Village, with a total income of Rp. 1,681,082,614 has not been able to realize income from 3 other sources of income, namely from Village Original Income, Grants from third parties, and other legitimate income. As can be seen in the data above, which shows that the income from the three sources is 0% or Rp. 0 rupees. Meanwhile, Muara Kilis Village Expenditures are by Government Regulation Number 47 of 2015, which must be used with the following provisions: At least 70% (70% or more) of the village's total spending budget will be used to fund the village administration. Implementation of village development, village community development, and strengthening of rural communities (4 regions). Up to 30% (≤30%) of the village's total budget will be used for the four items. 1) bonds and allowances for village mayors and village officials, 2) village government obligations, 3) allowances and obligations, village advisory boards, and 4) incentives for Rukun's neighbors.

IMPACT OF ORGAN FAILURE TO ACT CONSTITUTING LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNITS FOR THE REMUNERATION OF VOIVODSHIP, COUNTY AND COMMUNE AUTHORITIES

The article is devoted to the legal situation in which local government unit heads find themselves with regard to remuneration due to them in the situation when, during their term of office, the Ordinance of the Council of Ministers on the remuneration of local government employees lowering the maximum rates of their remuneration in the situation of inactivity of the bodies constituting local government units with regard to the change of remuneration, its reduction to the rates determined by virtue of the above Ordinance, among others, of village heads, mayors or starosts.

Administrative-Territorial Structure of Khmelnytskyi Region according to Administrative-Territorial Reform in Ukraine in 2020

The philosophical basis of this research is the author’s perception of the state as a holistic social phenomenon in its systemic relationships. Considering the dimensional component of the state’s category, which is its territory, as one of mandatory sign of the state, the author considers the administrative-territorial structure as an external expression of the territorial organization of power. Substantiating the relevance of research, the author emphasizes that it takes place in real time during the election process and a short post-election period on the basis of the new administrative-territorial structure, which in itself proves the relevance of this work. In the absence of such scientific works to reflect the current realization of reform of the territorial organization of power, the author determines the purpose of the research as the need to obtain holistic and systematized initial information regarding reformed administrative-territorial structure and local government of Khmelnytskyi region. Reforming administrative-territorial structure of the region is considered in close connection with the administrative-territorial reform in Ukraine as a whole. The research is based on the norms of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, acts of the Verkhovna Rada, the Cabinet of Ministers, and the Central Election Commission of Ukraine. Such data are analytically generalized: created and liquidated regions; formed territorial communities with the determined administrative centres and the disbanded territorial communities; the affiliation of the disbanded territorial communities to the formed territorial communities with the determination of the districts and cities, to which the disbanded communities according to the old administrative system belonged; number of regional councils at all levels in 2020 and number and status of councils elected in 2020; number of deputies elected in 2020 to regional councils at all levels; composition of city, town and village mayors elected for the first time, re-elected, number of men and women elected to these positions. The article is illustrated by the administrative map of Khmelnytskyi region according to the new administrative-territorial structure and seven tables that benefit better perception of its content.

The ‘Kindred Circle’ of Village Mayors in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Example of Cieszyn Silesia, 1864–1918

In Cieszyn Silesia (the eastern part of the crownland of Austrian Silesia) from the time local government was introduced in 1864 until 1918 it is possible to identify 1332 village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher; Polish: wójt; Czech: starosta). Of these, at least 1006 (almost 76 per cent) had another village mayor in Cieszyn Silesia in their ‘kindred circle’, which includes second-degree relatives according to canonical computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and baptisms of their closest family (children, parents, siblings). The uninterrupted lineage of these types of relationships connected at least 875 village mayors, or 66 per cent of all those known. Thus the partial democratisation at the level of local self-government led to a kind of oligarchy, with the position of the village head being assumed by wealthy peasant families who all had connections to one another. Outside of the ‘kindred circle’, there were the factory owners and officials of archdukes and counts, who took the position of village mayor in industrialised areas, as well as a few Jewish village mayors and probably the majority of village mayors from the mountain villages. The question examined here is whether the situation looked similar in other parts of the Habsburg monarchy, or whether Cieszyn Silesia stood out in this respect. This question remains unanswered due to the lack of analogous studies on village mayors.

Factors Determining the Development of Small Farms in Central and Eastern Poland

The agrarian structure in Poland is dominated by small farms; the large share of these is a result of historical consequences. The economy has pushed small farms toward economic efficiency, which in farming often translates into increasing the scale of production. The primary objective of this research was to present the directions of the changes in the number of small farms in Central and Eastern Poland and to indicate the factors determining their functioning and development. The research was based on a random sample selection from rural municipalities, villages and small farms. The researchers collected 19 completed surveys from municipal agricultural officers, 75 surveys from village mayors and 116 surveys from small and active farms. The data from the farm surveys was analysed using k-mean cluster analyses and the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to distinguish farms into homogenous groups. Three types of farms were identified: “hobby”, “two-occupation” and “professional” farms. The research shows that in the municipalities of Central and Eastern Poland, the number of landowners (over 1 ha of arable land) paying agricultural tax increased by 9% between 2005 and 2017. A significant gap was identified between the number of “official farmers” and “active” farmers. In the farm category surveyed, “active” farmers numbered only 33% of all farming entities. The surveys confirmed that the development of small farms is particularly influenced by external factors (EU funding; national benefits), rather than internal (entrepreneurial) factors. An in-depth survey of farmers, municipal agricultural officers and village mayors shows that “professional” farmers (Cluster 0) are expected to invest, develop and innovate. Farmers managing “hobby” and “two-occupation” farms have a reserved attitude towards investment and their objective is to maximise the benefits related to the arming status. In the authors’ opinions, “professional” farms have the highest probability of being economically viable, while others tend to focus on the provision of public goods related to financial support.

'A 'good death': the life and times of an experimental Neolithic house and its reception in the village of Nebelivka, Co. Kirovograd, Ukraine

Thousands of archaeological fieldwork projects must have stories about the interactions between their host village and the Project, although such accounts rarely make it to publication. The Anglo-Ukrainian Trypillia Megasites Project differs from many others in that we developed a closer relationship than usual with the villagers of Nebelivka, Ukraine, largely because of an experimental house-building and -burning operation that involved a number of villagers, from young reed- and hazel withy-collectors to the village Mayor. In this article, we weave together the different threads of actions, decisions, agendas and attitudes of the different stakeholders (team, villagers, politicians, journalists, other villagers, conference delegates etc.) in respect of the Project's experimental programme, focussing on the day of the house-burning, with its spectacular multi-sensory results. In conclusion, we reflect upon the application of the question 'what is a good death?' to a prehistoric house, taking into consideration the varied views of the participants on this question.

Can a Neighbour be a Recipient of a Procedural Document in the Judicial Practice of the Service of Documents in Civil Cases in the Perspective of the Code of Civil Procedure? Comments for the Law as it Should Stand

The action of service of documents, as one of the crucial institutions in the process of communication, is to primarily ensure the procedural subject a genuine possibility for being informed on actions taken during civil proceedings by the court and other participants, thereby allowing the actual participation in the creation of the course of proceedings and affect its outcome. In subjective terms, the relationship on which the service is based is, as a rule, tripartite in nature. This arrangement is composed of the following entities: “the active entity,” “the serving entity” and “the passive entity” – “addressee of the document,” who in cases provided for by special provisions is also substitutable by the “recipient of the document.” Currently, pursuant to Art. 138, para. 1 of the Code of Civil Procedure, if the deliverer does not find the addressee at home, he may serve the court paper to an adult household member, or if there is no such person, to the estate manager, caretaker or village mayor, if these persons are not the addressee’s opponents in the case and have offered to hand over the document to the addressee. A substitute service of a document may be performed only personally to strictly defined third parties, enumerated in the content of the analysed provision, and in an appropriate order. As a proposal for the law as it should stand, despite the lack of appropriate regulation, the author hereof proposes to consider extending the circle of recipients identified in the procedural law to an additional category of entities – a “neighbour” of the addressee. That entity, as another potential document recipient, due to significant attributes (constant contact with the addressee resulting from keeping neighbourly relations, primarily during the actual use of the apartment, especially during rest) could, through his participation in the delivery in civil matters, guarantee the assumed effectiveness in respect of the action of handing over the document.

ГОЛОВА ОБ’ЄДНАНОЇ ТЕРИТОРІАЛЬНОЇ ГРОМАДИ, ЯК ПРЕДСТАВНИК ОРГАНУ МІСЦЕВОГО САМОВРЯДУВАННЯ НА СЕЛІ

В статті розглядаються результати аналізу демографічних та майнових характеристик голів об’єднаних територіальних громад на прикладі деяких східних областей України. Стверджується, що переважна більшість голів ОТГ були обрані зі складу колишніх голів сільських та селищних рад і інших керівників органів місцевої влади. Робиться висновок, що у процесі децентралізації оновлення влади в сільських громадах не відбулося і місцева еліта завдяки виборам в ОТГ закріпила свої керівні позиції.

Сільський, селищний, міський голова: статус посадової особи за Конституцією України та повноваженнями, наданими йому законом

У статті проаналізовано статус сільського, селищного, міського голови за Конституцією України, за повноваженнями, наданими йому Законом України «Про місцеве самоврядування в Україні» та за сукупністю усіх повноважень цієї посадової особи місцевого самоврядування. Зроблено порівняльний аналіз статусу сільського, селищного, міського голови з відповідними посадовими особами місцевого самоврядування зарубіжних країн на прикладі Естонії та Франції.

Sąd wyższy prawa niemieckiego na zamku w Lublinie w pierwszej połowie XV w. – skład osobowy

<p class="Tekstpodstawowywcity1">Sądy wyższe prawa niemieckiego obradujące na zamkach królewskich, powoływane przez monarchę lub jego starostów dla rozstrzygania sporów odnoszących się do sołectw i wójtostw, tworzyło osiem osób: przewodniczący temu gremium landwójt i siedmiu ławników, rekrutujących się spośród sołtysów i wójtów okolicznych miejscowości lokowanych na prawie niemieckim. Skład takiego sądu zasiadającego na zamku lubelskim znamy z zapisek z lat 1415–1416 oraz 1445–1448. Wynika z nich, że zmianie uległy wówczas zasady powoływania wspomnianych ławników – zniknęły osoby sprawujące urzędy sołeckie w dobrach prywatnych oraz ograniczono gremium sądzące wyłącznie do zarządców królewszczyzn, co można uznać za przejaw słabnięcia pozycji sołtysów i wójtów w dobrach szlacheckich i kościelnych, ale też może za ślad ograniczenia kompetencji sądu, zawężenia jego właściwości do funkcji sądu leńskiego dla majątków królewskich. Sąd zamkowy w Lublinie tworzyli głównie przedstawiciele drobnej szlachty, często zaliczający się do klienteli lokalnych urzędników; tylko jeden zasiadający w nim sołtys był kmieciem. W przypadku ubogich szlachciców posiadanie sołectw – a zwłaszcza wyróżnienie, jakim było powołanie w skład omawianego sądu – zabezpieczało przed dalszą pauperyzacją, a nawet w kilku przypadkach prowadziło do osiągnięcia niższych urzędów (zarządcy młynów królewskich, burgrabiego, komornika i podpiska sądu ziemskiego, podpiska sądu grodzkiego), kmieciowi zaś umożliwiło awans do stanu szlacheckiego.</p>

Opportunities and Barriers for Smart Rural Development in Poland in Light of Field Studies

Summary Subject and purpose of work: The paper focuses on identifying and assessing selected conditions and limitations of smart rural development in Poland. The concepts of smart development pointed out in the literature were used to analyse the results of field studies carried out in 2011 and 2016 in ten purposefully selected villages located in various regions of the country. Materials and methods: The conclusions were drawn on the basis of empirical material which took a form of quantitative data and qualitative information gathered from the interviews with village mayors (sołtys) and observations of the interviewers. For the purpose of the paper the statistical methods were used and the analysis of the content of responses was performed. Results and conclusions: The results of the surveys indicated a presence of both the potential of smart development in the surveyed villages and the barriers to it. The important determinants to activate local economic progress based on knowledge, education and new technologies were connected mainly with a convenient location and the environmental and cultural resources available. As for an insufficient level of valorisation of the aforementioned elements, it proved to be an obstacle to this process, which was largely due to the limited accumulation of human and social capital.

Vom unwilligen, unfähigen Schulzen zum kompetenten Bürgermeister?

Abstract This article considers the role of the local village mayors in East Elbian Prussia and Bavaria during the second half of the 19th century. These actors played an important part in the process of state expansion, but it is still unclear how the unpaid mayors were able to meet the challenges of everyday action between the local community and the state. This problem is explored in this paper on the basis of administrative and local sources as well as different kinds of contemporary instructions. It is shown that long-term learning processes as well as the growing autonomy of local communities made it more likely that village mayors became experienced ›players‹ in meeting the everyday administrative and political demands.

Wójtowa Góra w Sieciechowie

The history of Sieciechow and located monuments on its area for over 140 years are the subject of intensive research by historians, architectural historians and archaeologists. Particular attention is drawn primarily researchers station called Mountain village mayors – a small (now almost totally destroyed) hill situated west of the center of today’s settlement, considered by some researchers for the location of the well-known from written sources castrum Sieciech. This article discusses how far unpublished materials relating to this position, which is a collection of 399 pieces of pottery derived from within two archaeological sites located in the southern part Wojtowa Mountains. Analysis of these artifakts has allowed the protrusion of a new and different about the current interpretation of the functional position. Now, as a result of the analysis of these materials, and correlating the information obtained in this way with the data on the stratigraphy of the hill, the view of past defensive been denied a Wojtowa Mountains. In the light of the development of this material in position to function only of an open settlement, and the chronology based on the analysis of the ceramic material, can be determined by the age XIII, XIV or early age. Presumably, discussed the settlement was destroyed by the Tartar invasion.

THE DISPUTE RESOLUTION MODEL OF VILLAGE HEAD ELECTION THROUGH NON LITIGATION

Article Number 6 of 2014 clauses 37 verses (5) and (6) provides that the regent in the district must resolve the dispute over the election result of the village head within 30 days. At the district level, the Regional Regulations governing the settlement of village head election disputes and regulations are effective in the dispute profession.However, the laws and regulations at the local / district level have not yet clearly defined the form / format of the outcome of the dispute over the election of the village mayors. The specific purpose of this research is to formulate the model form in the effort to solve the disputes of Village mayors Election by doing syncretism of existing strategy. The Urgency of this research that is (a) need to build juridical system in handling dispute of village head election; (b) the synchronization of district regulations governing the handling of village head election disputes both vertically and horizontally (c) needs a dispute resolution strategy by developing a model of settlement that provides protection of constitutional rights and ensures that government agenda.Research activities in Jember, Bondowoso and Lumajang districts, with a total sample of 150 people. Data collection techniques use Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Focus Group Discussion (FGD) methods. The Data analysis technique using qualitative analysis.The result of this research is the policy of settlement of disputes of village head election is set forth in juridical instrument at local level, result of settlement stated in peace agreement.This Agreement is then submitted to the Court for the issuance of the Deed of Peace in order to ensure the validity of the legal force for the parties.

Belgrade episcopate between Orthodoxy and Catholicism (XI - the first decade of the XIV century)

After two centuries of Bulgarian domination, Belgrade came under Byzantum empire rule in 1018. Together with other fifteen cities, Belgrade was mentioned as a bishop centre in a thorough act of the Ohrid Archbishopric, the first sigilion of Tzar Vasilije II Macedonian, from 1019. Belgrade episcopate also comprised Church centres in Gradac, Uzice, Bela Crkva and Glavetin with 40 clergymen and 40 village mayors, which means that it was one of the richest diocese of the Ohrid Archbisopric. Since Belgrade came under Byzantium rule, there have not been any big changes in the character of Church authorities as the Ohrid Archdiocese was established on the spiritual and cultural traditions of The first Bulgaran empire and Samuil`s state, its head was called an archbishop of Bulgaria and in terms of jurisdiction, it was completely independent of Contantinople patriarch. Short reign of Hungarian king Salomon in Belgrade (1071/72) did not lead to any changes in Church organistaion, although certain bishop Franco was mentioned by the King`s counselors. The consolidation of the Catholic Church organisation was enabled only from the fourth decade of the XIII century when Belgrade belonged to the Hungarian king. No later than the beginning of March 1232, according to the decision of the Pope Gregory IX of the Orthodox Eparchy, Belgrade and Branicevo were united with the newly established Episcopate of Syrmia which was founded as a missionary one with the clearly defined aim of the spread of Catholicism among the population of the other part of Syrmia (the regions on the south of the Sava, between the rivers of Drina and Kolubara) which, not long time ago, had been a part of the Diocese of Syrmia under the jurisdiction of the Ohrid Archbishopric. In the period of 1284-1389, Belgrade was under Serbian rule. King Dragutin built the Temple, the headquarters of the bishop of Macva of Serbian Church with the famous Icon of the Most Holy Mother of God, a well-known relic from the period of Byzantium rule, and some other churches, so there were many Orthodox priests in Belgrade and its surroundings. Episcopate of Macva Serbian Church was established in the period of 1284-1290, and it was situated on the country of Macva, i.e. Syrmia. The river Sava was on its northern border, the river of Drina was on the western one, while the Kolubara and the slopes of Avala and Kosmaj were on the eastern border, and the territory reached Crna Gora and Rudnik on the south. Its territory covered the regional unit of Macva only partially. On the basis of the data written down by the Archbishop Danilo II, an expert in Church issues of the time, it is quite uncertain whether there was a metropolitan`s residence in Belgrade. In order to solve the puzzle, some hypotheses were outlined in the reference to the political circumstances and Church practices. The firmly established organisation of the Serbian Church endangered the rights of Belgrade Diocese of the Roman Church; that is why the pope Nicholas IV (1288-1292) and John XXII (1316-1334) reacted in order to establish the Catholic jurisdiction. Although Belgrade bishops Martin and Benedict were mentioned in Latin sources from the nineties of the XIV century, Albensis capitulum, Magister Theodor Albensis Ecclesie Prepositus, Magister Demetrius Canonicus Albensis, those were only titlings. The moment of the formal establishment of the already founded clerical organisation was patiently awaited for. It happened after Belgrade had fallen under Hungarian rule again. Hungarian king Charles Robert was active in the strengthening of the position of the Roman Church. After 1319, the headquarters of the Macva bishop was relocated from Belgrade, but the Episcopate of Macva of the Serbian Church seemed to have continued its activities. The counties of Ub, Nepricava, Rabas, Pepeljevac, Ljig, Toplica, Upper and Lower Obna and the region of Crna Gora and Rudnik were under its jurisdiction, undoubtedly under the authority of the Serbian King. Most likely the Serbian bishop of Macva also had jurisdiction over the Orthodox clergy and the religious people in the regional units of Macva which were returned to Hungary in 1319.

AYAM BATINO LAH BAKUKUAK: OTONOMI DAERAH DAN KETERLIBATAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PEMERINTAHAN NAGARI DI SUMATERA BARAT

This paperdiscuss the local autonomy process in West Sumatra, especially regarding the “babaliak ka nagari” (return tunagari) process and the role of women in the new nagari formation. The existence of nagari has been influence by several external forces including colonialism, Islam and the modern state. The absence of woman in the nagari government reflects the strength of Islamic and colonial influences and policy of central government on Minangkabau adat and nagari. The local autonomy process give chances and opportunities for women to participate and become involve in the local governance. In the new provincial and regency regulations women are one component of village representative council,then,thedirect local election system makes it possible for women to become a village mayor. Keywords : Local autonomy, role of women and nagari government Copyright © 2011 by Kafa`ah All right reserved DOI : 10.15548/jk.v1i2.73

Revising Eastern Europe: Memory and the Nation in Recent Historiography

“National consciousness matured slowly,” observed Jan Slomka, a village mayor in Habsburg Galicia, in 1912. “Up to our own day there were still those who only got angry and cursed when the name of Poland was mentioned” (Stauter-Halsted, 243). Slomka’s observation, cited in Keely Stauter-Halsted’s book on national identity among Polish peasants in Galicia, might be juxtaposed with the famous anthem of the Polish nation, “Poland has not yet perished” (Jeszcze Polska nie zginela), created in 1797 after the last Polish partition and passionately sung in the Napoleonic period and ever after. The nineteenth century, which has always been considered the crucial century for the development of nationalism in Europe, could thus be bracketed by the intersecting sentiments that Poland was not yet dead, but Polish national identity was not yet established. Peasants may have been cursing the Polish name as late as 1912, on the verge of the reestablishment of national independence during World War I. Every Slavicist who has studied the Polish language will recall the grammatical lesson on the distinction between jeszcze nie and juz nie (“not yet” and “no longer”), and the most recent historical studies on Eastern Europe have brought this distinction to bear with keen analytical rigor upon the phenomenon of national identity. Stauter-Halsted, writing about Habsburg Poland, and Jeremy King, writing about Habsburg Bohemia, chart the maturation of national consciousness as something very slow indeed, belonging perhaps as much to the twentieth century as to the nineteenth, while Timothy Snyder has written about the lengthily protracted