View Of International Relations Research Articles

Okinawa Beyond the Hub-and-spoke Alliance System: A Reappraisal

Okinawa is a cornerstone of the US–Japan alliance. However, it has been marginalised in East Asian international relations whereby a state-centric view of international relations predominates. In an era of power transitions and increasing importance of non-traditional security concerns, Washington and Tokyo need to recognise Okinawa’s contribution as a non-state actor in upholding human security values for the alliance to stay attuned to shifting regional and global needs.

Right of cooperation between States: The search for solutions to the internal interests of immigration

The research proposal is based on analyzing whether the most different forms of Cooperation between States occur, the sovereignty of one or the other may be at risk, from the point of view of international relations with the independent treatment of immigrants. In this context, we seek to evaluate the assumptions and consequences of this cooperative model among the Constitutional States as a form of articulation and condition of this cooperative, guaranteeing the so-called fundamental rights to this portion of individuals.

Projekti večnog mira u kasnom srednjem veku

Projects on the establishment of world peace in the late Middle Ages were initially marked by religious views on the world. Christian church was the subject of war and peace and it did not make differences among peoples. It had universal aspirations. This dogmatic comprehension will be abandoned by the appearance of national states where the state becomes subject of war and peace. A division among nations appears and the possibility of their mutual recognition. In that way relations among states are being regulated from the point of view of international relations. His basic principle becomes the one of sovereign equality, this could happen after the termination of religious wars which got its peak by Westphalia peace. Starting from Dubois, Podjebrady, Penn, Duke of Silly, via Hobbes, Grotius end Puffendorf, it will be possible to determine how changes in society political systems and way of production influenced the developments of ideas on perpetual peace. The achievements of these thinkers were revolutionary and were still valid. It is worth mentioning the principles of sovereign equality of states, the presence of realism in international relations and the existence of judicial institutions such as the International Court of Justice.

India and Emerging Challenges in International Relations and Area Studies

This article captures a bird’s eye view of International Relations and Area Studies by offering a range of ideas and arguments from diverse phases including the current phase of globalisation. After exploring the nature of links between the two fields, it reflects on globalisation, looks at the prominent theories in international relations critically before moving on to discuss areas such as Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa. Further, by shedding light on inter-area relations, it grapples to find a way to define an area. By treating India as an area in its own right, it relates India to different regions of Asia. It essentially argues that scholars in India need to evolve innovative concepts and theories by doing inter-disciplinary research that are useful for knowledge building exercises as well as policy think tanks.

La política cultural exterior y la cooperación entre Rusia y España en la esfera de la Educación

Hoy en día la Educación no puede ser estudiada solamente en el marco de la política interior de un país, porque, cruzando las fronteras nacionales, la Educación, igual que todas las esferas de la actividad humana, tiende a ser global. Y así se va convirtiendo en uno de los recursos de la política exterior de los estados, recursos potentes y perspectivos a largo plazo. Últimamente, muchos estados apuestan por el desarrollo de la política del poder blando, y la Educación, desde luego, forma parte de esta estrategia como uno de los instrumentos principales de la creación de la imagen positiva del país en el extranjero. Debido a esto, la colaboración internacional en la esfera de la Educación forma parte de la esfera de los intereses geopolíticos del estado. Consideramos muy actual no solamente hacer el estudio de la importancia de la colaboración internacional educativa en el marco de la política social del país, sino analizarla desde el punto de vista de las perspectivas de relaciones internacionales. En el artículo se investiga y se hace el análisis comparativo de la política cultural exterior de Rusia y España; se estudia la experiencia de la creación de los primeros programas de Doble Titulación entre Rusia y España en el contexto de las estrategias del desarrollo de la Educación de los dos países. Se analizan los primeros resultados del funcionamiento de dichos programas, que supusieron un avance muy importante en la colaboración internacional de los dos países.

Coming of age in academia: Canadian International Relations and the “optimistic interregnum” of the 1990s

Taking the view of International Relations (IR) as a socio-intellectual space conditioned by historical circumstances, and drawing on my personal reflections on international politics in the 1990s as a particularly important influence on my own professional and intellectual path in IR, this paper explores the 1990s as an exceptional period that shaped the decline of Canadian Foreign Policy as a field of study in Canadian IR. Bookended by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, at the beginning, and the start of the War on Terror at its finale, the 1990s can be read as an “optimistic interregnum” during which new possibilities arose for an inclusive, global transnationalism and the global governance of important problems. New ideas and new ways of conceptualizing IR through a global lens emerged. For Canadian students of IR in the 1990s, outward-looking globalism, transnationalism, cosmopolitanism, and theoretical eclecticism fit with the hopeful optimism of the times. In contrast, CFP—with its attendant requisite of policy relevance in service of Canadian national priorities—seemed inward-looking, parochial, and on the sidelines of important new intellectual currents and analyses.

Heterodox Autonomy Doctrine: realism and purposes, and its relevance

The Autonomy Doctrine, elaborated by Juan Carlos Puig, is a realist point of view of International Relations. It is an analysis, from the periphery, about the structure of world power, and a roadmap (from a theoretical point of view) for the longing process of autonomization-regarding hegemonic power-for a country whose ruling class would decide to overcome dependency. The elements its author took into account when analyzing its own context are explained in this text and, afterwards, are reflected over its relevance nowadays. For that purpose, it is necessary to answer certain questions, such as which are the concepts and categories that may explain its relevance, its applicability to regional integration and cooperation models and projects, and what would be the analytical method to compare reality versus ideas, among others. The methodological proposal to analyze the relevance of Puig's doctrine is to compare it to different visions of regionalism that are currently in effect in Latin America.

Arndt´ s Story: The Life of an Australian Economist

Arndt's Story: Life of an Economist. By Peter Coleman, Selwyn Cornish and Peter Drake. Canberra: Asia Pacific Press, National University. 2007. Pp. 338. Professor Heinz Wolfgang Arndt, who passed away on 6 May 2002, was a towering figure in the establishment of the National University's (ANU's) study of Southeast Asian economies. He either directly supervised, or had substantial influence on, a large number of Southeast Asianist academic careers spawned at ANU. He established the Bulletin of Indonesian Studies (BIES), which remains the standard journal in the field on the Indonesian economy. book concludes that it was ANU's provision for student fieldwork in Indonesia (and other Asian countries) and BIES, under Arndt's leadership, that gave the institution an edge (p. 266). Arndt's contribution to understanding Indonesia's political economy is profound, and lives on with those whom he mentored. He also had some experience of the rest of Asia, including Afghanistan, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, Singapore, South Korea, Soviet Central Asia, the Philippines and also Papua New Guinea. Arndt, described in this volume as a German by birth and an Australian by choice (p. xiii), went on a difficult journey before finding his place as one of Australia's leading scholars of Asian development. Arndt's Jewish background necessitated the family's flee from Nazi Germany. Arndt himself ended up in the United Kingdom and despite his anti-Nazi credentials he was interned in Canada during World War Ii. Alter the War he moved, first, to Sydney, and then ultimately to Canberra to what was to become ANU. coincided with an equally colourful journey. At Oxford University he was, in the words of this book, a fellow-traveller of the USSR (p. 21), although he was never a formal member of any communist party. Rejecting the intellectual flabbiness of political science and sociology (Arndt commented that [t]hey seemed to be little more than journalism mixed with pedantry--p. 43), he transitioned to development economics. His first major publication (with Chatham House), entitled Economic Lessons of the Nineteen-Thirties, drew anti-free market lessons from the Great Depression (in contrast to the anti-government intervention lessons derived from the same experience by Hayek and others). By the time Arndt had moved to Australia in the late 1940s he had transitioned to Fabian Socialism (he once advocated the nationalization of banks and attempted to influence politics in the direction of economic planning) and later Keynesianism, and planted himself firmly with the left of the Labour Party (ALP). His view of international relations had shifted to one of suspicion of both superpowers: [my] own preference is for a critical attitude equally towards the USA and Russia (p. 85). Years later Arndt would transition to free market economics and split with the ALP over its opposition to the Vietnam War. Arndt believed that the defence of South Vietnam was both a just cause and in the interests of the West. What is not entirely clear from this volume is why and how all these ideological turning points occurred in Arndt's life. What the volume does tell us is that Arndt appeared to solidify his views against Marxism after reading Arthur Koestler's novel Darkness at Noon, and concluded that Marxism-Leninism was destructive of all integrity (p. 43). volume also notes his trip to India in the 1950s, where he observed a debilitative central planning model that centred on import substitution and paid no regard to comparative advantage. According to the volume: The hallmarks of Indian economic policy--direct controls, the lack of market incentives and extensive government intervention--were to become anathema to him (p. 234). Arndt's philosophical transition also seemed to parallel Indonesia's own transition from government intervention (under Soekarno) to free market prescriptions (under Soeharto)--a point not lost on the authors of this book: This philosophic shift coincided with the Suharto administration's gradual acceptance of comparable advice from American free marketeers (p. …

Constructing a Resurgent Russia

Russia's Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity in National Identity. By Andrei P. Tsygankov Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006. 217 pp., $65.00 cloth (ISBN: 0-7425-2649-6), $24.95 paper (ISBN: 0-7425-2650-X). Andrei Tsygankov, a political scientist at San Francisco State University, sets out two modest goals in Russia's Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity in National Identity : “to assist fellow academics in their teaching needs and to suggest a plausible interpretation of Russia's foreign policy” (p. xxiv). He succeeds admirably in both. Tsygankov argues that one constant in Russian foreign policy since the time of Peter the Great has been the construction of a national identity in relation to Europe and the West. As a result, he suggests that a constructivist approach, with its focus on cultural contexts and meanings, provides a more comprehensive basis for explaining Russian foreign policy than either the realist or the liberal schools of international relations. Realism's tendency to take national interests as given, and its focus on power and capabilities, limit its ability to explain such major changes as Mikhail Gorbachev's “new thinking” in foreign policy. For its part, liberalism relies on a linear, progressive view of international relations that is premised on the ascendancy of Western political values—a perspective that cannot account for recent conservative shifts in foreign policymaking. Constructivism takes into account both international influences and local conditions that impact foreign policy formation. For Russia, the most important international influence has been the role of Europe …

Selected Correspondence by John Locke

95 meant there was only one head or face, the sovereign’s. Those many heads, looking out from the body, away from the sovereign , each having a view of its own, are potential insurgents. Especially valuable are Mr. Malcolm’s accounts of Hobbes’s reception in Europe, how Hobbes was read, and Hobbes’s view of international relations. He opposes the simplified realist view in favor of a more complexone, suggesting that Hobbes indeed envisages the possibility of an international system. Questions that Mr. Malcolm tantalizes the reader by not raising include how Hobbes’s contemporaries failed to address the analogy between original sin and Hobbesian human nature; why Behemoth was refused publication; whether Hobbes’s view of the corporeality of the soul and his antipathy toviolenceareconnected . It is disconcerting to find that Hobbes’s student William Cavendish is ‘‘only a few years younger than Hobbes,’’ but dies in 1628 ‘‘attheageof 43,’’having somehow become at the time of his death three years older than Hobbes, aged forty in 1628. Illustrations are not listed in the front matter or keyed in the text, so the reader may finish the essay on Leviathan ’s title-pages before seeing them, since the illustrations end the essay. Mr. Malcolm seems to have taken seriously Diderot’s stirring preference for Hobbes over Locke (albeit the Hobbes of the Elements of Law, not Leviathan): ‘‘This is a book to read and comment on all one’s life.’’ As would be expected from so distinguished a Hobbesian, these Aspects, like their subject, serve enlightenment. Regina Janes Skidmore College JOHN LOCKE. Selected Correspondence, ed. Mark Goldie. Oxford: Oxford, 2002. Pp. xxxvi ⫹ 378. £35. In 1689, when Locke returned to England from exile in Holland, he was fiftysix years of age and almost entirely unpublished and unknown. Had Locke been required to publish early in order to secure tenure, it is possible that we should not now be discussing him. His ideas germinated slowly; his drafts were frequently revised; he released them to the press only after much reflection and sometimes anonymously. He was ‘‘known’’ for only the last fifteen years of his life. Because Locke ventured late into publishing , his correspondence is of more than ordinary interest. From Esmond de Beer’s eight-volume edition of the Correspondence (1976–1989), Mr. Goldie gathers 244 (7%) of the 3,637 surviving letters written by and to Locke.Theeditor has made sensitive abridgments so that little of substance is lost from the letters . Happily, he has retained de Beer’s numbering so that full texts may easilybe found. The letters run from May 1652 to October 1704—that is, from the Puritan Revolution to the beginnings of the English Enlightenment. Newton and Boyle are among the correspondents represented , as are Locke’s publishers, the stewards of his estate, the children of his friends, and assorted politicians, divines, and deists. Edward Clarke and PeterKing are well represented; so too, Damaris Masham, Le Clerc, Limborch, and Molyneux . Mr. Goldie passes over Locke the bibliophile and Locke the biblical exegete . He has also spared us ‘‘many hundreds of letters which are by turns mundane , arcane, mercenary, dutiful,gossipy, fractious, or fawning.’’ Something of the flavor of the letters may be gleaned from the following snippet . John Strachey advises Locke not to take holy orders: ‘‘This is such a trade as may be tooke to at any time and as longe 96 as there are dunces in the world a man of parts . . . need want noe preferment.’’Toleration , Calvinism, and free will are discussed with Limborch; the distinctionbetween the natural and the divine law, with Tyrrell. A number of philosophical topics are reviewed with Molyneux, while publishers are denounced for issuing poor editions of Locke’s works at inflatedprices . The stir caused by The Reasonableness of Christianity is covered. Locke is also revealed as one who could be crochety , sympathetic, angry, gentle. His interests were so wide that there is a certain consolation in Mr. Goldie’s observation that Locke had deficiency in music, drama , and the visual arts. ‘‘Locke’s credit today,’’Mr. Goldieobserves , ‘‘stands low among postmodern and postcolonial doubters of the Enlightenment ‘project.’’’ Some who have not bowed the knee...

Leviathan ed. by A. P. Martinich, and: Aspects of Hobbes by Noel Malcolm

94 Leviathan, ed. A. P. Martinich. Peterborough , Ontario: Broadview, 2002. Pp. xxii ⫹ 629. $10.95 (paper). NOEL MALCOLM.AspectsofHobbes.Oxford : Clarendon, 2002. Pp. xii ⫹ 644. $49.95. Another edition of Hobbes’s Leviathan ? Curious teachers will want to have Mr. Martinich’s. It contains seven contemporaneousattacksonHobbes (Filmer, Lawson, Bramhall, Lucy, Tenison, Pufendorf , and Clarendon) that will open some eyes. Condemning Hobbes’s dashing view of human nature as unfavorable to human political freedom, Puritan and Anglican clerics defend the liberty of the subject. The edition explicates seventeenth -century syntactic oddities for bemused undergraduates (‘‘Some tips on understanding Hobbes’s grammar’’), annotates usefully, and crams an Introduction bereft of historical consciousness with ‘‘important issues’’ of the kinds undergraduates like. The Introduction may strike the literary scholar as simplistic, but in it a teacher makesacaseforHobbes as someone with whom to think through enduring political questions. In the last class, discuss the cover photograph: a huge modern ship (the S.S. Majestic, in 1922) dwarfing the little men who seem to be launching it. For historical consciousness, there is Mr. Malcolm with fourteen essays on Hobbes—and Spinoza, the Virginia Company (John Donne sermonizes justifying conquest in Virginia), Payne and the ‘‘short tract,’’ theories of science and politics, Roberval, the title page of Leviathan (no more excuses not to recognize the bishop’s crozier), Charles Cotton , Pierre de Cardonnel, exclusion from the Royal Society, the second edition of Leviathan, Ezra and the Bible, international relations, and the European Republic of Letters. An astute, even inspirational ‘‘summary biography’’shouldbe assigned reading for Mr. Martinich’s students . The second son ofa defrockedclergyman who absconded after committing physical violence against another clergyman , Hobbes fled England in 1640 after defending absolute sovereignty in the monarchy, offending parliament, then fled France in 1651 after defending sovereignty as absolute, offending the monarch . Author of several autobiographies, one in Latin verse, another in prose, Hobbes, like Dryden, models old age for thefearfulyoung:hepublishedLeviathan at 63 and continued writinguntilhisdeath at 91, in spite of a dreadful ‘‘shaking palsy ,’’ probably Parkinson’s disease, that forced him to dictate his works after 1656. Why was Hobbes never admittedtothe Royal Society? The Royal Societyshrank from controversy, but Mr. Malcolm also reminds us that the Latitudinarians, replacing sin with vice and doctrine with morality, were a controversial, ‘‘campaigning minority,’’ who opposed Hobbes but also resembled him. Where did the view come from, still shocking to some, that Ezra, not Moses, wrote the Pentateuch? Dialecticsin action:theview emerges from orthodoxy, stimulates heterodox responses, which are then attacked by an altered orthodoxy, generating a new fundamentalism as well as modified accommodation. So a twentyyear -old hanged at Edinburgh in 1697 for calling the Pentateuch ‘‘atrickofEzra’s.’’ The altered title-page illustration for Leviathan makes a subtle ideological argument . Initially, multiple heads within a body stared out at the reader, under the sovereign’s head. Changing headstobodies facing the sovereign within the body 95 meant there was only one head or face, the sovereign’s. Those many heads, looking out from the body, away from the sovereign , each having a view of its own, are potential insurgents. Especially valuable are Mr. Malcolm’s accounts of Hobbes’s reception in Europe, how Hobbes was read, and Hobbes’s view of international relations. He opposes the simplified realist view in favor of a more complexone, suggesting that Hobbes indeed envisages the possibility of an international system. Questions that Mr. Malcolm tantalizes the reader by not raising include how Hobbes’s contemporaries failed to address the analogy between original sin and Hobbesian human nature; why Behemoth was refused publication; whether Hobbes’s view of the corporeality of the soul and his antipathy toviolenceareconnected . It is disconcerting to find that Hobbes’s student William Cavendish is ‘‘only a few years younger than Hobbes,’’ but dies in 1628 ‘‘attheageof 43,’’having somehow become at the time of his death three years older than Hobbes, aged forty in 1628. Illustrations are not listed in the front matter or keyed in the text, so the reader may finish the essay on Leviathan ’s title-pages before seeing them, since the illustrations end the essay. Mr. Malcolm seems to have taken seriously Diderot’s stirring preference...

International Society

In a recent issue of Cooperation and Conflict, Ole Waever argued that `theoretical progress is hard to find in the work on international society'. This article seeks to challenge this verdict by reasserting the continued relevance of the international society tradition to contemporary international relations thinking. In the first instance, an analysis of the evolution of the tradition demonstrates the movement of the English School from realism to a more normative view of international relations grounded in the vindication of the idea of international society. The second part of the article examines the contribution of international society thinking to academic international relations in the 1990s. Here we see the bifurcation of the English School into classical international society theorists who exhibit a high degree of continuity with the British Committee era, and critical international society theorists who take the work of Wight and Bull as their point of departure but who see their task as deepening the notion of community in the society of states and extend it beyond the society of states. Finally, the article concludes by suggesting that the English School's use of theory is implicitly constructivist, thereby aligning the School with progressive developments in social and political theory.

Paradigm Dominance in International Relations: The Development of International Relations as a Social Science

The concern of this study is admittedly narrow; it is focused on the issue of how International Relations has developed as a social science. Within that general focus it is concerned specifically with the dominance of a US view of the subject as a social science. Of course, such a definition of International Relations theory is partial, and certainly many Would resent the very suggestion that the subject is, or should become, a social science. However, my interest is with the reasons why US views of the subject have dominated the broad development of paradigms within the discipline. This issue has crucial relevance for any understanding of the evolution of the discipline, and for any possibility of inter-paradigm debate. My broad argument will be two-fold: on the one hand, the US view of International Relations as a social science has led to the subject strongly reflecting US policy concerns; on the other, this US concern with policy relevance has made it very difficult for the subject to evolve on a cross-national, cumulative basis. Both of these factors make the task of paradigm confrontation even more complex than is implied by those philosophers of social science who have taken the concept of ‘paradigm’ to imply an essentially relativistic epistemology. After outlining the development of the subject as a social science, this study will discuss the existence of a US dominance of the discipline, then conclude with an examination of the implications for the inter-paradigm debate.

Norms and Values: Rethinking the Domestic Analogy

Kratochwil argues that a social-scientific study of the behavior of regimes, and how they exercise power, is a useful method to challenge the exaggerated view of international relations as a “normless anarchy.” By showing how “expectations” dictate action in international affairs, his method asserts the existence of a universal force among nations.

Highly migratory species and the coordination of fishery policies within certain exclusive economic zones: The South Pacific

Abstract The paper deals with highly migratory species of fish and the coordination of fishery policies within certain Exclusive Economic Zones of the South Pacific Region. The main biological characteristics of highly migratory fishes present in the Region and particularly in the eastern South Pacific are discussed. Highly migratory species fisheries of Ecuador, Peru, and particularly Chile are discussed. The conflictive aspects of highly migratory species and future management problems are pointed out. The need for fishery policies coordination and interregional links are stressed. It is proposed that the coordination of national jurisdiction policies within the Region, in connection with highly migratory fishes, with the goals of mutual advantage and efficiency, could prove to be the most suitable set-up from the point of view of international relations as well as biological and economic considerations. Coordination within the South Pacific Region (eastern and southwestern portions) could be initiated on the basis of specific studies and exchange of information.

The Ironic Consequences of Conservatism

In The White House Years, Henry Kissinger is, as ever, faithful to the conservative view of international relations he has espoused since his early study of Metternich. Yet, unlike Metternich, he is writing in a liberal democracy and must justify the survivalist ethic of balance- of-power Realpolitik in terms that give it what he calls at one point a "moral compass." What that consists in is not explicitly enunciated, but presumably it is related to the "idealism...humanity...and the embodiment of men's hopes" that in an eloquent passage he describes as his image of America when he was a boy suffering persecution in Nazi Germany.