Pain Of Victims Research Articles

또래괴롭힘 가해 및 피해 심각성과 공감적 분노 및 슬픔 간의 관계와 공감적 분노 및 슬픔의 또래괴롭힘 방어행동에 대한 영향

Objective: This study aims to determine how the main and interaction effects of peer bullying and victim severity level affect empathic anger and empathic sadness, and to examine relative influence of empathic anger and empathic sadness on defensive behavior against peer bullying. 
 Methods: The participants were 482 first and second year middle school students. Using a scenario-based factorial design, The participants were provided with one of four questionnaires based on a combination of the severity of bullying and victim in peer bullying situations, and questions measuring empathic anger and sadness, the severity of bullying and victim perceived by youth, and defensive behavior. responded. Data analysis methods included reliability Cronbach' α, t-test, two-way Anova, Pearson correlation analysis, and multiple regression analysis. These were analyzed using SPSS version 25.0.
 Results: First, both empathic anger and sadness in adolescents showed differences depending on the severity level of peer bullying. A significant difference presented only in empathic sadness depending on the severity level of victimization. The interaction effect between bullying and victim severity appeared only for empathic anger. Second, empathic anger and empathic sadness had a significant effect only on adolescents' prosocial defensive behavior. Neither empathic anger nor sadness had a significant effect on aggressive defensive behavior.
 Conclusions: First, in a situation of peer bullying, surrounding peers must first empathize with the victim's pain in order for anger toward the bully to arise. Second, to increase pro-social defensive behavior, surrounding peers have to sympathize with the victim's pain and simultaneously be morally sensitive to bullying that violates the victim's well-being and rights.

사회적 참사와 타인의 죽음

As a social disaster, the Itaewon disaster left more scars by structurally excluding and isolating the victim's pain and death. This article examines how the suffering and death of social disasters are socially constructed and deconstructed, and has the purpose of exploring to reveal and restore memories and stories about social disasters. Death in modern society is deemed personal, but it is in fact related to others and is socially mediated. However, the Itaewon disaster shows the characteristics of reducing the social death to a personal accident and weakening the public character of remembrance and condolence by driving the victim's pain and death out of everyday life. This is not a simple disappearance of memories over time, but a form of active discrimination to erase the lives and records of others in everyday life. Examining how individual pain and death are politically removed from our daily life in the Itaewon disaster, I suggest that mourning and memory for social disasters should be practiced in time and space overlapping with daily life.

Bad actions or bad outcomes? Differentiating affective contributions to the moral condemnation of harm.

Moral condemnation of harmful behavior is influenced by both cognitive and affective processes. However, despite much recent research, the proximate source of affect remains unclear. One obvious contender is empathy; simulating the victim's pain could lead one to judge an action as wrong ("outcome aversion"). An alternative, less obvious source is one's own aversion to performing the action itself ("action aversion"). To dissociate these alternatives, we developed a scale that assessed individual aversions to (a) witnessing others experience painful outcomes (e.g., seeing someone fall down stairs); and (b) performing actions that are harmless yet aversive (e.g., stabbing a fellow actor with a fake stage knife). Across 4 experiments, we found that moral condemnation of both first-person and third-party harmful behavior in the context of moral dilemmas is better predicted by one's aversion to action properties than by an affective response to victim suffering. In a fifth experiment, we manipulated both action aversion and the degree of expected suffering across a number of actions and found that both factors make large, independent contributions to moral judgment. Together, these results suggest we may judge others' actions by imagining what it would feel like to perform the action rather than experience the consequences of the action. Accordingly, they provide a counterpoint to a dominant but largely untested assumption that empathy is the key affective response governing moral judgments of harm.

In the Moment of Greatest Calamity: Terrorism, Grief and a Victim's Quest for Justice. By Susan F. Hirsch. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford, United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 2006. Pp. xi+296. $29.95 cloth.

In the Moment of Greatest Calamity: Terrorism, Grief and a Victim's Quest for Justice. By Susan F. Hirsch. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford, United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 2006. Pp. xi+296. $29.95 cloth. Reviewed by Claudia Fonseca, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul In this post-9/11 era, at a time when the U.S. government appears to be veering away from open trials toward more heavyhanded alternatives (incommunicado detention, military tribunals) to deal with the threat of terrorist violence, Susan Hirsch's In the Moment of Greatest Calamity: Terrorism, Grief and a Victim's Quest for Justice should prove to be a highly provocative read for a wideranging audience. The book begins in 1998, when Jamal, waiting outside the Dar es Salaam American embassy for his authoranthropologist wife, becomes one of the 224 fatal casualties of simultaneous Al Qaeda attacks in Kenya and Tanzania. For the first two chapters, we feel the full onrush of shock as his young widow is taken by her husband's family through the steps of Swahili burial and mourning. However, thanks to the author's flowing prose and a relendess questioning of surrounding events-from President Bill Clinton's bombing of Afghanistan to Osama bin Laden's recruitment of fervent Muslim adepts, the reader soon embarks on another sort of analysis, trying to understand, together with Hirsch, if-in such cases-a trial by U.S. criminal courts is the best way to assuage a victim's pain, combat terrorism, and guarantee justice. During a good part of the book, it is a bereft woman's need for healing that looms largest. Thus, from the Sufi dhikri ceremony to the four-month seclusion period decreed by Islamic custom and into an eclectic set of therapies that includes grief counseling, support groups for young widows, Jewish and Islamic chants, and sleeping pills, the reader becomes familiar with the post-traumatic stress experienced by victims of sudden violence. We see above all how the healing process-whether of an individual, a group, or a nation-requires recognition of the victims' suffering. The longawaited criminal trial that took place in the first six months of 2001 thus rivets our attention on victims' rights and, in particular, the role of the law in victims' recovery. The author's multi-layered identity that, through her marriage, bridged differences in class, continents, and religion becomes a critical pivot as she brings an anthropological gaze to the trial. Her sympathies and originally unqualified identification with the bombing victims and their families undergo a subtle shift as she recoils from calls for vengeance and follows through on her husband's Islamic philosophy of patience at the moment of greatest calamity. In fact, the book may be summed up as Hirsch's effort to prove her love and respect for Jamal as well as her faith in justice by showing patience-an obstinate will to reason out the why's and wherefore's of the bombing through critical inquiry. Although reluctant to testify, she becomes an assiduous observer of the trial, sitting with (at one point, even wearing the badge of) other victims, and avoiding direct contact with the defendants, their attorneys, and families. She is grateful for the commemorations that have been held by the U.S. State Department to honor victims of the embassy bombings and gives signs of having bonded with various actors on this side of the scenario-whether ambassadors, prosecutors, judge, or FBI agents. Indeed, the author's attempt to transmit something of the earnestness of these personages-an insider's view of wounded power-is perhaps one of the book's most original contributions. Yet even as she is showing sincere respect for these allies, there is always a fine edge on her observations-when the personable FBI agents who have sympathetically heard out her story, expressing several of their own views, suddenly clam up on certain key issues (how, for example, the defendants fell into U. …

Empathy and risk status for child physical abuse: the effects of an adult victim's pain cues and an adult victim's intent on aggression

It has been proposed that abusive parents and parents at high risk for child physical abuse could be more likely to view children's behavior as being motivated by hostile intent [e.g., Milner, 1993], as compared to nonabusive and low-risk parents. This kind of misattribution of other's behavior may inhibit empathic emotion, and therefore, could block the inhibiting effect of a victim's pain cues on aggression [Baron, 1979]. An experiment was designed to analyze the moderating effect of an adult victim's intent on aggression in high- and low-risk participants for child physical abuse. A 2 × 2 factorial design based upon two levels of the participant's risk status (high, low) and two levels of victim's intent (positive, ambiguous) was employed. All participants observed an adult victim's pain cues. Ninety-five (48 high and 47 low risk for child physical abuse) undergraduate females enrolled in courses at the University of the Basque Country participated in the experiment. The main effects of victims' intent and of participants' risk status were statistically significant. Participants in the ambiguous victim's intent condition aggressed significantly more than participants in the positive victim's intent condition. Moreover, high-risk participants aggressed more than low-risk participants regardless of the victim's intent. A significant interaction between risk status and victim's intent was expected. High-risk subjects for child physical abuse were expected to aggress more than low-risk subjects only in the ambiguous victim's intent condition. However, results did not support this hypothesis. Aggr. Behav. 32:1–12, 2006. © 2006 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

Empathy in individuals at risk for child physical abuse: The effects of victim's pain cues on aggression

Exposure of an aggressor to the suffering of his/her victim generally inhibits subsequent attacks [e.g., Baron, Aggression as a function of magnitude of victim's pain cues, level of prior anger arousal, and aggressor-victim similarity, J Pers Soc Psychol 18:48-54, 1971a], presumably because of an empathic process. Physically abusive parents and individuals at high-risk for child physical abuse are thought to present a deficit of empathy [e.g., Milner et al., Empathic responsiveness and affective reactivity to infant stimuli in high- and low-risk for physical child abuse mothers, Child Abuse Negl 19:767-780, 1995]. This study examined whether individuals at high-risk for child physical abuse show empathy and inhibit aggression when exposed to cues thought to be associated with victim suffering. Eighty undergraduate female students participated. A 2 x 2 factorial design based upon 2 levels of the participant's risk status (high, low) and 2 levels of victim's pain cues (present, absent) was employed. Findings suggest that high-risk participants in the pain cues condition selected higher intensities of shocks to aggress than high-risk participants in the absent cues condition. However, risk status was not associated with reports of personal distress or empathic concern. Aggress. Behav. 31:336-349, 2005.

From Victim to Victimhood: Truth Commissions and Trials as Rituals of Political Transition and Individual Healing

The victim has been put at the centre of states' post‐atrocity strategies to reform governance, rehabilitate state authority and promote reconciliation. This paper explores the role of the victim in the truth commissions and trials aimed at reconciliation and justice and their experiences of the outcomes. The successor state's focus on recovering victims after mass atrocity ritually inverts the former regime's project of producing them. In both truth commissions and trials the state seeks to manipulate the ‘spectacle’ of the victim's pain and suffering to publicly project the power of the state for different ends. Whereas the repressive state seeks to deepen the effects of violence as a strategy of rule, the successor state seeks to reverse the social and political effects of violence. These strategies of transitional justice have sought to reverse the effects of exclusion, to reverse the direction of state power from producing victims towards redeeming victims, from injuring to healing.Because of the problems of mass criminality and widespread impunity, truth commissions have become widely adopted in preference to trials as a bureaucratic response to bureaucratic murder. They set about producing a ‘democratising truth’ through a process of public inquiry located outside the state in the people. On the whole, the process, the public testimony and the witnessing has been better received than the product, the reports and the reparations. By contrast, trials seek to produce a societal consensus based on the recovery of the law. But in both cases the victim is redeemed through the individualising discourse of law or the polarising logic of trials which establishes the guilty and innocent. The truth of atrocity is found in affirming gross human rights abuses in victims, in transacted violence rather than the deeper structures of violence. Thus, victimhood is built on a universalising human rights discourse which overly individualises the origins of atrocity.

How Denial Compounds a Victim's Pain

How Denial Compounds a Victim's Pain

Cognitive models of criminal violence based upon intelligence and psychopathy levels.

Examined specific models of violence relating to psychopathic status by considering additional cognitive factors that might relate to intelligence and to the expression of physical aggression. 168 male prisoners (mean age 32.96 yrs) served as Ss. Three cognitive psychopathic models were suggested by the data: (1) An impaired-processing psychopathic model of violent crime, involving low-IQ psychopaths, would explain the highest risk factor for violence by a combination of poor impulse control and low empathy and the lack of inhibitions against physical aggression associated with poor socialization. (2) A sadistic, effective-processing psychopathic model of violence was suggested by the higher empathy and better impulse control of the high-IQ psychopath. It was proposed that empathy promoted sadistic reinforcement by enhancing the psychopath's awareness of the victim's pain and distress. (3) A defensive, impaired-processing, nonpsychopathic model of violence was proposed for the low-IQ nonpsychopaths: Effective self-reinforcement coupled with poor impulse control and low empathy placed them in hazardous situations that exceeded their cognitive skills. (61 ref)

Cognitive models of criminal violence based upon intelligence and psychopathy levels.

Examined specific models of violence relating to psychopathic status by considering additional cognitive factors that might relate to intelligence and to the expression of physical aggression. 168 male prisoners (mean age 32.96 yrs) served as Ss. Three cognitive psychopathic models were suggested by the data: (1) An impaired-processing psychopathic model of violent crime, involving low-IQ psychopaths, would explain the highest risk factor for violence by a combination of poor impulse control and low empathy and the lack of inhibitions against physical aggression associated with poor socialization. (2) A sadistic, effective-processing psychopathic model of violence was suggested by the higher empathy and better impulse control of the high-IQ psychopath. It was proposed that empathy promoted sadistic reinforcement by enhancing the psychopath's awareness of the victim's pain and distress. (3) A defensive, impaired-processing, nonpsychopathic model of violence was proposed for the low-IQ nonpsychopaths: Effective self-reinforcement coupled with poor impulse control and low empathy placed them in hazardous situations that exceeded their cognitive skills. (61 ref)

Effects of Victim's Pain Cues, Victim's Race, and Level of Prior Instigation upon Physical Aggression1

Sixty‐four white undergraduate males participated in an experiment designed to examine the effects of victin's pain cues, victim's racial identity, and level of prior instigation upon physical aggression. On the basis of previous research, it was tentatively predicted that pain cues from a different‐race victim would exert less influence upon subjects' later behavior than similar feedback from a same‐race victim. Results offered support for this prediction. Specifically, pain cues from a black victim were less effective in inhibiting subsequent aggression by nonangry white subjects, and less effective in facilitating subsequent aggression by angry white subjects, than identical feedback from a white victim. An interpretation of these findings in terms of aggressors' emotional reactions to pain cues from their victim was suggested.

Immediate and delayed effects of victim suffering on the attacker's aggression

On the first day of a two-day experiment, male undergraduates were either angered or not, and they were given either high, low, or no metered pain feedback after each shock they supposedly delivered to their previous evaluator for his errors on a learning task. After the learning task the subjects made a number of ratings, including how much they had enjoyed this first session. On the second day, all subjects were simply required to administer shocks to a different person for his mistakes on the same learning task. The angered subjects were more punitive on both days toward both learners than the nonangered men. On the first day the angered men also increased the intensity of the shocks they delivered over trial blocks. Most interestingly, the angered men showed more enjoyment of the first session of the experiment as their victim's pain increased, and this enjoyment rating was related to the angered subjects' level of aggression on the second day of the experiment when they punished an “innocent” victim. The results were interpreted as consistent with the hypothesized reinforcement process which essentially states that signs and/or knowledge of the victim's suffering can reinforce impulsive or angry aggressive behavior.

Effects of a stimulus associated with a victim's pain on later aggression.

Male college students participated in an experiment designed to associate a neutral stimulus with a victim's pain and then to assess the impact of the paired stimulus on their aggression. The subjects were either provoked or not provoked by a confederate's shock evaluation. They then observed a flashing white light that was associated with either their former evaluator's pain or an irrelevant, affectively neutral event. The subjects then administered electric shocks to a different confederate, with whom they had not interacted previously, at the flash of both the familiar white light (the conditioned stimulus) and a novel blue light. Results supported the prediction that provoked subjects would give more intense shocks to the conditioned stimulus when it had been associated with their evaluator's pain. Unprovoked subjects were found to give less intense shocks to the light that had been associated with their evaluator's pain.

Effects of a stimulus associated with a victim's pain on later aggression.

Effects of a stimulus associated with a victim's pain on later aggression.

Denial of Suffering in the Victim as a Stimulus to Violence in Aggressive Boys

128 elementary school boys participated in an experiment designed to investigate the effects of the magnitude of victim's pain cues, the subject's characteristic level of aggressiveness, and level of prior anger arousal on aggressive behavior. It was hypothesized that an important characteristic of the aggressive child, when angered, is that he is motivated to perceive signs of suffering in his victim as an indication of the success of his aggression. When his victim denies the experience of pain, the aggressive child will consequently escalate the intensity of an attack he is directing toward him. A significant interaction between magnitude of pain cues and subject aggressiveness supported this prediction. Low pain cues produced greater aggression than high pain cues in highly aggressive boys but not in less aggressive boys. Previous anger arousal was not necessary for the effect.

Aggression as a function of victim's pain cues, level of prior anger arousal, and exposure to an aggressive model.

Aggression as a function of victim's pain cues, level of prior anger arousal, and exposure to an aggressive model.

Magnitude of victim's pain cues and level of prior anger arousal as determinants of adult aggressive behavior.

Magnitude of victim's pain cues and level of prior anger arousal as determinants of adult aggressive behavior.

Aggression as a function of magnitude of victim's pain cues, level of prior anger arousal, and aggressor-victim similarity.

Aggression as a function of magnitude of victim's pain cues, level of prior anger arousal, and aggressor-victim similarity.