Use Of Military Force Research Articles

When does China go to war? Explaining China’s Covid19-driven perceived vulnerability in 2020

ABSTRACT This paper argues that China intruded at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020 to showcase strength amidst the COVID-19 pandemic which is believed to have originated in Wuhan. COVID-19 led to large scale deaths and a global economic meltdown with Beijing severely criticized for the emergence of COVID-19 pandemic, poor regulation of the animal markets, suppressing information and failure to prevent the spread of COVID-19 beyond China’s borders. This caused immense damage to China’s international reputation and status, its economy, and relations with other countries. Border incursions by China in May 2020 were a guise to highlight China’s strength lest India consider China in a weakened state and gain leverage over Beijing in the bilateral relationship. Through border incursions, Beijing wanted to mask its vulnerability created by COVID-19 and showcase its willingness to not compromise over its security interests. China is both powerful and insecure about its status. This combination makes it undertake a particularly pessimistic security-centric outlook and more likely to engage in risky behavior. Like in the previous instances, the use of military force against India in the year 2020 stemmed from a sense of vulnerability caused by loss of status due to Covid19.

Civilian Control, Civil–Military Friction, and Foreign Military Intervention

The relationship between domestic civil–military relations and the use of foreign military force has been long debated. The two primary perspectives on the issue, civilian conservatism and military conservatism, are antithetical. The former maintains that military authorities are more likely to advocate for the use of military force than civilian counterparts, while the latter advances the opposite argument. Empirical research to date has added little clarity to the relationship. We shed new light on this long running controversy through analyses of a different, and arguably more appropriate, set of measures for the key variables of concern: civilian control, civil–military conflict, and the use of foreign military force. In zero-inflated negative binomial estimates of 165 countries from 1946 to 2010, we find consistent support for civilian conservatism. More specifically, when civilian control erodes or civil–military conflict reaches particularly high levels, the likelihood that a state will launch a foreign military intervention increases.

National Guard Command Authority and the Black Lives Matter Protests of 2020: Domestic Security Debates for a New Generation of Military Veterans

This study explores connections between the military experiences of a new generation of War on Terror (WoT) veterans elected to the U.S. Congress and controversial policy decisions on domestic security during the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests. WoT veterans became the largest cohort of lawmakers with common military experiences on Capitol Hill in 2020, and this article examines their engagement through two original case studies of legislative debates over command and control of the National Guard mobilization during BLM protests. Confrontations between federal law enforcement officers and BLM protestors led some WoT veterans to propose legislation to restrict executive authority over National Guard deployments, including reforms of Titles 10 and 32 of the U.S. Code and the Insurrection Act, but other WoT veterans challenged these positions. This exploratory study of events and circumstances links the timely topic of domestic security to traditional debates in the civil–military relations literature on whether veterans are more or less likely to support the use of military force and try to expand congressional oversight of presidential powers. By bridging the gap between research areas and crossing generations, this article offers lessons for past, present, and potentially future debates about the use of troops for domestic security operations.

Drafting restraint: Are military recruitment policies associated with interstate conflict initiation?

Are countries that use conscription more restrained in their use of military force? A common argument holds that military conscription restrains leaders from using force because it increases the political cost of war and distributes them more evenly and broadly across the population. Despite this intuition, empirical evidence to support it is at best inconclusive. This article introduces a novel perspective on the relationship between military recruitment (MR) policies and conflict initiation (CI) by arguing that the military’s size relative to society – its military participation rate (MPR) – is an important and overlooked part of this story. MPR is a more direct measure of the population’s exposure to the costs of war, but high MPR may also increase CI by enhancing military capacity. By incorporating MPR into the analysis of CI, both independently and in interaction with conscription, this article provides a more comprehensive understanding of how MR practices shape CI. It tests these new hypotheses about the relationship between MPR, conscription and CI using a variety of time-series models that cover all country-years from 1816 to 2011. The findings do not support the conventional wisdom, instead revealing that neither conscription nor volunteerism is independently associated with restrained initiation of military conflicts abroad. On the contrary, these recruitment practices are more likely to be associated with an increase in the likelihood of CI. These findings indicate that we should be skeptical of traditional arguments that assume conscription leads to restraint in the use of force, either independently or conditional on MPR. These counterintuitive results underscore the need for additional research on the complex relationship between MR practices, civil–military relations and foreign policy.

Teaching Critical Thinking With Argument Mapping

Critical thinking is the cornerstone of any undergraduate education. One technique for helping students develop critical thinking skills is argument mapping. Argument mapping involves diagraming the arguments for and against a proposition. The map also includes each piece of evidence used to support these arguments. Argument mapping can help students avoid confirmation bias by bringing attention to arguments and evidence which may run counter to their prior beliefs. It also prompts consideration of the strength of arguments and the quality of evidence. We describe how argument mapping can be incorporated in an undergraduate class and then present an example of a classroom exercise. The exercise involves mapping the arguments in a speech by American Secretary of State Colin Powell justifying the use of military force in Iraq before the United Nations Security Council in February 2013.

No Peace without Justice, Just War as a Moral Frame of Reference

This article discusses the question of the possibility of moral and ethical grounds for the justification of the use of violence in modern times international conflicts. And specifically, how does the tradition of just war fit into this discussion? For this, a closer look at what just war thinking means is necessary. In this respect we would describe just war thinking more as a just war tradition than a just war theory, as there is no encompassing theory on just war. In history you see a development from the justification of war to a more problematic relation to the possibility of the use of military force. This can be illustrated by the more recent shift from just war thinking towards just peace thinking. This leads to the question: what kind of peace? We argue in this article that peace and justice are connected, and that you cannot have true peace without true justice.

THE RISK THRESHOLD LEVEL JUSTIFICATION METHOD OF THE CRISIS SITUATIONS IN ORDER TO PREVENT ARMED AGGRESSION

The risk threshold level method of the crisis situations justification to prevent armed aggression against targeted state (with elements of artificial intelligence technology) has been developed, that ensures the integrated risks of crisis situations threshold levels determination. The method is based on the expert assessment and forecasting technologies and allows to track the dynamics of growth of destructive risks factors of negative trends in the development of the security environment and preventive response to the processes of ensuring the national security of the State in its defining areas by reducing the risks of the most dangerous negative trends that can provoke crisis situations in the targeted State. It is noted that since the target State has limited resources allocated to ensure national security, it makes no sense to fully consider all the identified negative trends (not all of them are aimed at the use of military force). Therefore, the method provides for the establishment of two threshold (critical) levels for each negative trend. The first level is the level of fixing the integral risk (if the negative trend has two or more destructive factors), upon reaching that the national security system organizes detailed monitoring of such a trend. The second level is the threshold level of of a crisis situation risk, at which crisis management is engaged in the system of ensuring national security. Practical implementation of the developed method will ensure a faster response to the risks of certain destructive factors for national security, which will make it possible to increase the efficiency of national security management under conditions of limited resources and expand preventive response to a wider range of negative trends in the geopolitical and military-political situation in the regions where targeted State's national interests are realized.

“I Don't Have to Do That Anymore Because I Got Therapy”: Recuperated Veterans and the Complexity of Mental Health Discourse at the End of the Forever War

Memorial Day 2023 was a significant moment in twenty-first-century U.S. military history. Although U.S. service members remained deployed around the world and Operation Inherent Resolve continues to target the Islamic State (in April 2023, the U.S. military and its partners executed thirty-five missions against ISIS in Iraq and Syria alone), this year's celebrations came six weeks after the U.S. Senate repealed the two-decade-old Authorization for the Use of Military Force that had made possible the 2003 invasion of Iraq.1 It was also only the second Memorial Day since U.S. troops left Afghanistan, abruptly and somewhat disastrously, in August 2021. As a result, the holiday was arguably the first in which the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan could be understood as having transitioned from “current events” to events whose legacies Americans were beginning to imagine and define.

Indonesia's Role in the Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Territories: New Order Era to The Reformation

This research examines Indonesia's involvement in the Israeli occupation of Palestine during the New Order and Reform eras. It employs a qualitative approach, utilising a literature review to analyse the role of Indonesian diplomacy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The results demonstrate that Indonesia played a significant role in resolving the conflict through diplomacy. Indonesia demonstrated a firm stance of neutrality and freedom. Indonesia prioritised diplomatic efforts over those undertaken through the use of military force. In terms of international relations, Indonesia employs a multi-track diplomatic approach towards Palestine with the objective of achieving peace. Indonesia's multi-track diplomacy towards Palestine represents a form of diplomacy conducted by Indonesia with the aim of achieving world peace. The prolonged conflict that occurred when Israel occupied the Palestinian territories attracted the attention of various parties, including countries, governments, non-governmental organisations and individuals. It is crucial to acknowledge that the Indonesian government is not the sole entity engaged in conflict resolution on a global scale. This underscores the significance of Indonesia's multilateral diplomacy as a model for other countries to emulate.

مسوغات الحرب في الشريعة الإسلامية: دراسة مقارنة بالقانون الدولي المعاصر

This study aims to identify the reasons that justify the state’s use of military force in self-defense according to Islamic Sharia, in comparison with the justifications in contemporary international law. In this study, we have adopted the inductive method by tracing the particulars related to the topic in their sources, the deductive method in extracting rulings from Sharia and legal texts, and the comparative method in comparing the rulings of Sharia with the law. The study concluded that the justifications for war of various types in Islamic Sharia are limited to two cases: legitimate defense and the achievement of justice. This includes self-defense, repelling injustice, supporting the oppressed who are unable to defend themselves, ensuring freedom of belief, ensuring the safe delivery and dissemination of the Islamic message, cooperating with non-Muslims in fighting a common enemy, and repelling aggression against others. In contrast, international public law limits justifications to cases of legitimate defense and Security Council resolutions, and the use of military force is not justified except in the case of an armed attack. The study also concluded that offensive warfare is considered nothing more than preventive defense.

THE ROLE OF THE INDONESIAN NATIONAL ARMED FORCES (TNI) IN ADDRESSING TERRORISM AS AN EFFORT TO SAFEGUARD THE SOVEREIGNTY AND INTEGRITY OF THE UNITARY STATE OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA

Acts of terrorism carried out systematically and massively create an atmosphere of widespread terror for citizens, effectively and efficiently, that the involvement of the TNI in eradicating criminal acts of terrorism, which is part of acts of terrorism, is not in the realm of law enforcement. Therefore, it is interesting to examine the position of the Indonesian National Army in the National Defense System of the Republic of Indonesia and the role of the Indonesian National Army in dealing with acts of terrorism as an effort to maintain the sovereignty and integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. To answer these problems, normative legal research methods (normative juridical) are used with a statutory approach, case approach, conceptual approach, using secondary data obtained from primary, secondary and tertiary legal material sources. The research found that the position of the Indonesian National Army in the National Defense System of the Republic of Indonesia and the Role of the Indonesian National Army in Handling Acts of Terrorism as an Effort to Maintain Sovereignty is regulated in Article 30 Paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, apart from that in Paragraph (2) and Paragraph (3) This is confirmed in Article 3 and Article 4 of Law 34/2004 or the TNI Law, which states that in the deployment and use of military force, the TNI is subordinate to the President. Then the role of the Indonesian National Army in handling acts of terrorism as an effort to maintain the sovereignty and integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia as intended in Article 5 jo. Article 7 Paragraph (2) letter b number 3 which relates to the main tasks of the TNI in military operations other than war gives the TNI the authority to deal with acts of terrorism, based on state policies and political decisions. The position of the TNI in the state administration system is the main component of the state defense system to protect sovereignty, territorial integrity and the safety of the nation. To provide legal certainty and justice, it needs to be strictly regulated in ministerial regulations and/or Commander-in-Chief regulations regarding the role and duties of the TNI in dealing with acts of terrorism.

State Sovereignty and the Protection of Human Rights. How Military Humanitarian Intervention is Supported by Citizens Around the World

According to international law, the sovereignty of nation-states and the rights of individuals constitute two equally important principles. However, in instances when a state massively violates human rights, then priority is given to the protection of individuals over the self-determination of the state, thereby justifying humanitarian military intervention. This paper presents findings from a survey across 26 countries, analyzing citizen support for such intervention. We find that the majority of respondents supports military intervention to protect human rights. To explain the differences in support, we draw on world society theory and modernization theory. At first sight, world society theory offers a better framework for understanding citizens' attitudes towards military intervention. However, charcateristics derived from modernization theory are affected by a “suppression effect:” individuals living in more modernized countries and holding postmaterialist values endorse enforcing human rights but concurrently reject the use of military force.

Digital Transformation of Socio-Technological Reality: Problems and Risks

The research is devoted to a discussion of social and humanitarian problems associated with tectonic changes in human life against the backdrop of total digitalization. The author's attention is focused on the uniqueness of the modern situation: never before have innovative technologies had the ability to penetrate so rapidly and deeply into the foundation of modern society, have they become so widespread and accessible to almost all peoples and cultures. At the same time, the undeniable public good and the most serious threats to society that digital reality technologies bring with them are in a very close relationship. This is especially true for artificial intelligence systems. Innovations transform the entire world order, bringing radical changes not only to the material sphere of life, but also to the spiritual and moral state of a person. The research notes that the introduction of information and communication technologies into the life of modern society occurs without reliable support on the results of preliminary experimental research, without taking into account a deep professional and responsible assessment of the social and psychological consequences of their impact on the individual and on society as a whole. As a result, at this stage, society is constantly faced with many negative aspects of the impact of high-tech means. The work examines some of them: a decrease in cognitive and analytical abilities, the devaluation of human labor, the criminalization of cyberspace, the spread of Deepfake technology. Particular attention is paid to the problem associated with the possibility of using information technology as a tool of psychological influence. Information and psychological warfare is implemented on the basis of social networks and artificial intelligence technologies, which provides the enemy with the opportunity to achieve superiority without the use of military force. Information and humanitarian actions in cyberspace, carried out by Western countries in order to destabilize our society, destroy its value foundations, reformat the consciousness, worldview and spiritual and moral qualities of citizens, are becoming increasingly large-scale and aggressive. The work notes that digitalization is gaining momentum, plunging society deeper into new circumstances and requiring decisive action aimed at overcoming the many threats specific to the modern high-tech era.

War power through restraint: The politics of unilateral military action after 1945

AbstractFrom a historical perspective, presidents have frequently directed the use of military force without explicit permission from Congress. Yet, presidents still court legislative approval on select occasions. Why do presidents sometimes seek congressional authorization and other times do not? I explain authorization‐seeking behavior according to variations in presidential bargaining strength. I argue that both weak and strong presidents prefer authorization‐seeking; by obtaining congressional backing, weak presidents conceal a lack of national resolve from international audiences, while strong ones use approval to enhance their coercive authority. Presidents with mid‐level bargaining strength, however, prefer unilateral action; on the one hand, unilateral action may demonstrate resolve in the face of potential legislative resistance, while on the other, it avoids contentious debate that risks “muddying” the diplomatic waters. I illustrate these arguments by revisiting four prominent historical cases: the Korean War, the Gulf of Tonkin crisis, the invasion of Cambodia, and the Persian Gulf War.

Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s Use of Military Force as an Instrument of Foreign Policy in Post-1991 Somalia

In the history of politics, states have viewed military intervention as one of their tools of foreign policy. However, many scholars have not agreed on the effectiveness of military means in achieving the foreign policy objectives of states. Like other states, Ethiopia and Kenya have used the military as a means of foreign policy and tested their tools in Somalia practically. However, the effectiveness of their foreign policy tool has not been studied. That is why this article’s main objective is to analyse the effectiveness of Ethiopian and Kenyan foreign policies that used military interventions to achieve their foreign policy goals in terms of outcomes. In doing so, the article used a comparative case study methodology. Besides, the ‘good enough’ approach is the proper theoretical lens that is used in this article to comprehend Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s operational outcomes. The analysis comes to the conclusion that both Kenya’s and Ethiopia’s military deployments in Somalia generally failed to accomplish their foreign policy goals. Accordingly, the findings reveal that using hard power as a tool of foreign policy without combining soft power is largely unsuccessful, as indicated by Ethiopia’s and Kenya’s military engagement in Somalia.

UZBEKISTAN - QATAR: A NEW STAGE OF BILATERAL COOPERATION

The article is devoted to the visit of the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, to Uzbekistan, which attracted a lot of attention both within the country and abroad. During the visit, important agreements were reached and agreements were signed in various fields, including politics, trade, economics, culture, humanitarian sphere and investment. Qatar's growing political and economic role in international relations is also noted, especially in ensuring security and resolving conflicts in the Middle East and Afghanistan. Qatar actively promotes the peaceful resolution of disputes, rejecting the use of military force and coercion. Both states - Qatar and Uzbekistan - have common interests in ensuring security in the region, especially in Afghanistan, and strive for stability and prosperity in Central Asia and the Middle East.

Dynamics of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Analysis of Indonesia's Political Attitudes and International Legal Responses

This study analyzes the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and Indonesia's response to the conflict. In the context of this global conflict, constructivism theory reveals the important role of social norms in shaping foreign policy. Indonesia's foreign policy stance, which prioritizes the principles of freedom of activity and non-interference, is in the spotlight in dealing with this conflict. In addition, aspects of international law are also analyzed, highlighting Russia's violations of international legal norms. Indonesia's response reflects diplomacy and a neutral stance in an effort to stop the use of military force. This study identifies lessons that Indonesia can draw from this conflict to strengthen its role as an active player in maintaining international peace and security.

Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Internasional pada Invasi Rusia ke Ukraina

This research aims to find out the rules and sanctions that can be imposed on violations of international human rights in the event of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The method used in this research is normative legal research, which is research by examining laws and regulations, legal concepts, and legal theories to be applied to a particular problem. The result of this research is to find out the efforts that can be made by all countries in the world in order to stop ongoing violations of international human rights in the event of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The military invasion launched by Russia into Ukraine has had consequences that violate international human rights principles. These violations include attacks on Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, violations of civil rights, and the unlawful use of military force. Non-compliance with international law resulting from this invasion has had serious humanitarian impacts, including loss of life, displacement, and damage to infrastructure. In the context of international law, this invasion raises questions regarding the upholding of human rights principles and compliance with the laws of war. The acts of military aggression carried out by Russia are contrary to a number of international treaties governing state sovereignty and the prohibition of the use of military force without legal authorization. This situation has given rise to debate and emphasis on the need to enforce rules that protect human rights and global justice.

Роль квазивластных отношений в трансформации механизма правового регулирования международных отношений

Introduction. The article concerns the problems and prospects of the impact of quasi-power relations on the existing system of legal regulation of international relations. Purpose. The purpose of the work is to identify international quasi-power relations and the nature of their influence on the existing model of legal regulation of international relations. Methodology. The research methodology is based on a dialectical-materialistic approach to understanding and explaining legal and historical patterns, predicting their development. Results. The existing form of regulation of international relations, due to the impact of quasi-power relations, is at the stage of an intensifying crisis and needs prompt civilized reform. Conclusion. Based on the legitimate nature of power relations, the author comes to the conclusion that the existing conflict between the legal form and content of international relations is aggravated at the level of international law not by power relations, but by their antipode, i.e. quasi-power relations manifesting themselves in international customs of the use of military force, the activities of private military companies and national intelligence services, and in unilateral economic sanctions. This practice fundamentally contradicts the existing coordination system of public international law and devalues its significance. This contradiction necessitates a change in the system of legal regulation of international relations before this happens as a result of another global war, which historically has been a way to overcome and remove accumulated contradictions.

International Legality, the Use of Military Force, and Burdens of Persuasion: Self-Defense, the Initiation of Hostilities, and Impact of the Choice Between Two Evils on the Perception of International Legitimacy

International Legality, the Use of Military Force, and Burdens of Persuasion: Self-Defense, the Initiation of Hostilities, and Impact of the Choice Between Two Evils on the Perception of International Legitimacy