Use Of Bronze Research Articles

PURSES OF MITHRIDATES’ MERCENARIES FROM THE CIMMERIAN BOSPORUS

This article examines the numismatic sources from the Cimmerian Bosporus: hoards representing soldiers’ purses, cases of cash payments for rations, as well as the coinages minted to make these payments during the Mithridatic Wars. Several hoards of a military context came from this time, consisting of coins, which were precisely used for the allowances of soldiers. On the one hand, these hoards provide evidence of the payment made to Mithridates’ mercenaries who served in garrisons in cities and in their chora to protect the grain-producing areas that supplied the king’s army with bread. Such hoards consist of silver or bronze coinages specially minted for military payments in Bosporus. However, except for two cases of wage payment made to the garrison in silver (CH XI, 137, 138), using bronze coins for military payments is characteristic of the Bosporus in the Late Hellenistic period. On the other hand, at least five garrisons in Bosporus, whose existence has been attested due to finds of soldiers’ purses, are in Tyritace (IGCH 1145 = СΗ ΧΙ, 140), Myrmecium (CH XI, 116, 141), Patraeus (CH XI, 142), Phanagoria (CH XI, 145A-B) and the Vyshesteblievskaya 3 settlement, located in the grain-producing area subordinate to Phanagoria. These purses show that during the Mithridatic Wars, mercenaries were paid in Bosporan and Pontic bronze coins of significant denominations, which apparently amounted to less than an obol per day. The purses of mercenaries containing the same amount indicate the approximate level of their pay, equal to 22(?) obols per month. The case of Bosporus demonstrates the success of one of the major innovations of the Hellenistic period – the systematic use of bronze for military payment.

Moet geld rollen?

Money before coinage in Archaic and Early Republican Rome Money existed in the Roman world before the introduction of coinage. Fragmentary information in the written sources suggests the existence of two main forms of money: bronze and cattle. However, this information is often difficult to interpret, due to the problematic nature of the sources, and the pervasiveness in our thinking of a modern concept of money. This article discusses the state of research, and summarizes the evidence about money in Archaic and Early Republican Rome given in the sources. It further discusses how this information, together with archaeological material, informs current interpretations of the actual use of bronze and cattle as money. Finally, it shows how insights from economic anthropology may help us better to understand the sources, especially focusing on ideas about the way money develops, and how its use can be limited to specific spheres of exchange.

1600 BC: Fårdrup and Valsømagle-Type Axes and the First Evidence of Southern Alpine Metal

Abstract This article presents the results of a comprehensive investigation of Fårdrup and Valsømagle-type shafthole axes from Denmark and southern Sweden. The combination of artefact style and typology with trace element and lead isotope data in the analysis has provided new insights into the chronological relationship between these two axe types. This way, we open a new window to long-standing debates surrounding these artefact types. Did Fårdrup and Valsømagle type axes evolve parallel, or did they replace each other chronologically in evolutionary progression? The archaeometallurgical dataset presented in this article includes more than 70 axes. Four axes have been analysed for this article. This large set of data is then assessed against a background of metal analyses which trace the long and winding evolution of the use of bronze in Scandinavia c.2300–1400 BC. Combining these two datasets shows the provenance of the metals and, thus, provides insights into metallurgical developments at the onset of the Nordic Bronze Age (NBA, c.1600 BC). In particular, the shafthole axes offer new evidence of the use of a novel type of copper from the East Alpine region based on chalcopyrite ores. The first occurrences of this low-impurity copper in southern Scandinavia appeared around 1700 BC. However, it would eventually become dominant in c.1600 BC, when the local production of shafthole axes began. Significantly, a fraction of the shafthole axes – Fårdrup and Valsømagle-types alike – consist of low impurity copper most likely derived from the Italian Alps (Trentino), which was absent in earlier periods. By NBA II 1500–1300 BC, most metal objects can be related to this northern Italian copper. We interpret this in terms of chronology: Fårdrup (⁓Koszider) and Valsømagle (⁓Tumulus B1) consisted of similar types of copper, which had declined by the onset of NBA II, all indicating that Fårdrup and Valsømagle style objects flourished before the beginning of NBA II (c.1500 BC). The small influx of north Italian copper in the axes indicates that its arrival began before the breakthrough of NBA II. Therefore, while the results of the metal analyses cannot exclude chronological differences between the two shafthole axe types over the 16th century BC, it is probable that their timelines coincided. In summary, our results display correlations between societal developments and thresholds on the one hand and metal provenances and trade routes on the other.

Aproximación a la tecnología cerámica y metalúrgica en las quebradas altas del Noroeste Argentino

This paper presents the analysis of the first pieces of evidence of metallurgical production recovered during the study carried out in the settlement of Tacuil, dated from Late-Inca period, located in the middle-high Valle Calchaquí, Salta. These samples are fragments of metallurgical ceramics (moulds, crucibles, and intermediaries) and pieces of metal. The morphological analysis and compositional characterization of these pieces of evidence show the set of operations involved in the metallurgical activity carried out in the site: smelting of copper minerals or metallic copper, use of bronze (copper-tin alloy), manufacture of objects from the common repertoire of Late period in the Northwest of Argentina (possible chisels, T-axes and plain axes) and the employment of a white substance (mainly made of calcium and phosphorous) to facilitate unmolding and to minimize irregularities in the surfaces of the produced metal objects. It is clear to see the close link between the traditions of ceramic and metallurgical production. These analytical results are discussed, integrating them with the previous pieces of research developed in neighboring regions.

Shang dynasty bronzes and society in southern China: an illustration of complexity and diversity

Abstract The production and use of bronzes had significant influences on the social developments even the formation of the early states. However, in different areas, the bronzes played different roles. By observing the different characteristics of the bronzes in the Central Plains, the Ganjiang River basin, the Xiangjiang River basin, and the Chengdu Plains, various developments of societies can be revealed. The case studies of these areas can further explain the complex relationships between the bronzes and their societies, as well as the diversity of the patterns of the developments of the ancient societies.

The \u2018Copper Age\u2019\u2014A History of the Concept

The idea that there was a Copper Age between the Neolithic and Bronze Age was inspired by the discovery of the use of native copper in prehistoric North America. Its currency in European prehistory owes much to the 1861 observations by William Wilde that copper tools preceded the use of bronze in Ireland, though Wilde did not postulate a Copper Age per se. Acceptance of the existence of a Copper Age was a long process, not least as it seemed to contradict the premises of the Three Age System and was conflated with arguments for the local development of copper metallurgy, but the 1876 and 1880 international prehistoric archaeology congresses were key moments in its recognition. By the mid 1880s its validity was widely accepted in Europe. In contemporary dating schemes, the definition of the Copper Age varies according to regional and national traditions. This paper touches on the debate concerning the use of technological stages as chronological periods and examines the history of alternative conceptualisations of the early periods of metallurgy in Europe, including those that posit socio-economic phases of development.

A compositional study of Cypriot bronzes dating to the Early Iron Age using portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (pXRF)

A collection of 157 copper alloy artefacts from the necropolis of Palaepaphos Skales, located in south-west Cyprus, dating to the 11th-8th centuries BC, was studied and chemically analysed with a handheld pXRF instrument to determine the alloy type that was used for their production. The collection consists of Cu–Sn binary alloys. The relative concentration of the two metals seems to have been determined by the type of artefact the alloy was used to produce. The results also imply that fresh rather than recycled metal was used. The majority of the artefacts are made of a bronze with an average tin content of 8.1 ± 2.2%. There is, however, a group of objects with a characteristic golden surface, under the patina, which was found to have a significantly higher tin concentration, that averages 18.6 ± 2.8% Sn. The lead content in the assemblage ranges from 0.1 to 2.6%. Because lead concentration in local Cypriot ores is unusually low, its presence is interpreted as a deliberate addition even at these low concentrations. The iron content ranges from 0.1 to 1.4%, while zinc is present only in 20 artefacts, exhibiting a concentration range of 0.2–1%. Both elements are believed to be non-intentional additions to the alloys, resulting from the smelting process and originating in the copper ores (which are sulphidic and closely associated with sphalerite). Arsenic is detected in 25 artefacts, in a concentration of 0.2%. The limited amount of arsenic in only a few of the artefacts under study may be the result of the use of polymetallic ores from the area of Limassol Forest, the only Cypriot ores where low amounts of arsenic can be detected, or can be interpreted as evidence for the possible use of recycled metal deriving from artefacts dating to the Early and Middle Bronze Age. The present study provides significant evidence concerning the continuity of the use of bronze with high tin content in the area of Palaepaphos throughout the Early Iron Age.

Lead poisoning from use of bronze drinking vessels during the late Chinese Shang dynasty: an in vitro experiment

Introduction. Bronze drinking vessels famous for their intricate carvings and used by the aristocracy in the Chinese Shang dynasty (1555–1145 BCE) are known to have been fabricated with alloys containing soft metallic lead. The contribution of lead leaching from such vessels into the fermented grain wines drunk by the Chinese nobility in ancient times has not been previously estimated. Methods. Three bronze vessels containing 8% lead by weight were fabricated to resemble the late Shang bronze goblets. Shaoxing drinking rice wine was purchased locally and placed in the vessels, using a white grape wine and water as comparisons. Sampling was performed at baseline, 2 min, and then at days 1, 2, 4, and 7. Lead concentrations in the liquid matrix were measured using atomic absorption spectroscopy. Results. Significant amounts of lead leached into the liquid within one day: 13,900 μg/L in water, 45,900 μg/L in rice wine, and 116,000 μg/L in white wine. Lead continued to leach into both the grape and rice wines with the passage of time. Discussion. Significant lead contamination of Shaoxing rice wine was detected when it was left in bronze goblets fabricated to resemble the Shang dynasty vessels. If a liter of contaminated wine was drunk daily, the daily intake of lead could have been as high as 85 mg. Such a high degree of contamination could cause chronic lead poisoning, affecting the health of the Shang nobility who used bronze beverage containers, before lead was excluded from the manufacture of bronze.

Greek Commercial Endeavors in the Antiquity - A Brief Account of the Ancient Commerce of Cassiterite Between Greece and Northern Europe

). Thehistorical facts that have been gathered up to date present that the shipping fleets of the Minoans conducted most of this commerce, along with other merchants from the Aegean Sea.Moreover, the sea was not the only route of transport for the aforementioned metal, since also continental paths were in use. In this way, the Greek geographical area was interlockedwith the areas of extraction, production and exportation of cassiterite.There were two primary Kassiterean islands: Ireland and Britain. Almost all ancient writers referring to them placed these islands in the North-Western part of Europe: ‘North andacross of Artabron’ (modern day Galicia), as Strabo notes. Britain at that time was often mentioned as ‘Albion’, whilst Ireland as ‘Hibernia’ or ‘Hernia’. The latter seemed to have asignificant amount of minerals that were exported to the Aegean cities of that time (1). The main bulk of cassiterite was concentrated in Cornwall, which was during the 3rd MillenniumBC the undisputed production centre of the known world.There were cassiterite ores to be found in the Mediterranean basin and specifically in the areas of: Cadiz, Asia Minor and Cyprus. When the intense productions led to the overvaluationof this metal, risk-taking merchants directed their efforts towards the discovery of this ore in more distant lands (2).Quite a few researchers have argued that the first nation that started the North-South commerce of cassiterite should have been the Phoenicians, who enjoyed a remarkable commercialstatus in the Mediterranean world, as well as a long string of colonies from modern day Lebanon to the south of Spain. Nevertheless, this nation did not appear on the shores of theWestern Mediterranean Sea before the 13th Century BC (3). Therefore, they could not have been the “culprits” of any mercantile activity prior to that time. According to the archeologistand historian Stanley Casson, the Greeks had been exploring the British Isles from 2000 BC, and ignited a dynamic commercial activity concerning cassiterite as well as pottery.Having stated the aforementioned point, a question that arises is how the Aegean-Greek communities managed to travel so far from their bases and be able to maintain so dispersecommercial networks for such a prolonged period of time. Raymond Furon notes that, ‘Already from the Proto-Minoan period I (2800-2400 BC) commerce was very developed. Cretewas in the process of becoming then a major commercial power in the world. The industrial use of Bronze was a major factor for the development of the island, which in turn neededcassiterite as the main element for Bronze production. For that reason the Western Mediterranean was firstly explored and gradually came under the economic and political sphere ofinfluence of the Minoans’ (4).During that era a wide commercial network centered in the Aegean Sea spanned across the entire Mediterranean Sea, and when exploitation of the metal had reached its peak, theCretans were eager to obtain new unspoiled sources of production, so as to retain their dominant position. Thus the need to venture in the North was formed. Dr. Cyrus Gordon notes:‘A small Minoan sword was engraved in a Stonehenge Menir, reflecting in that way the direct or indirect relations between the population of the British Isles and those of the AegeanSea. Furthermore, Minoan scriptures—1500 BC—were to be found from the Anatolian area to the Hibernian Peninsula and the Metcalf Rock in the USA. The existence of an ancientformidable commercial network on which the Mediterranean Sea was the epicenter, is being revealed’ (5).In addition to cassiterite, electron (amber, C

Beau comme l'antique, vrai comme la nature

Lemaistre explains that the elaboration of a new sculptural style in the nineteenth century was strongly influenced by the static nature of the materials and the technical difficulties required in the production of large pieces. Marble, with its connection to antiquity, as well as its connotations of purity, unity, and restraint, was the preferred material for commissions under the First Empire and the Restoration. As a synonym for Beauty (beau comme l'antique), marble pieces modeled after the classical style were an integral part of the discourse on sculpture well beyond mid-century. Although the discovery of the Elgin marbles and the use of bronze after 1831 brought new life to sculptural practice, one can detect models from Antiquity even in clothed figures by sculptors of the new school like Rude or Duseigneur. In fact, the concept of the "True" (vrai comme la nature) as being as close to the living model as possible without resorting to moulages sur nature became central to the theorizing of both neoclassical and Romantic schools. (In French)

Selective Laser Sintering and Infiltration Characteristics of Resin-Coated Stainless Steel Powder.

Selective laser sintering (SLS) using resin-coated stainless steel powder has recently been developed in the area of direct metal tooling. Improvements in the strength and dimensional accuracy of parts have let us to investigate the influence of parameters such as laser power, scan speed and scan spacing. It is also important to obtain a knowledge of the fundamentals of furnace sintering and metal infiltration. In the case of the use of bronze as an infiltrant, the temperature profile, holding time, and the arrangement of tabs have been successfully determined in the present study. The replacement of RapidSteel 2.0 by LaserForm ST100 in metal layer sintering by the SLS method has attracted much attention from industrial users. The present paper also discusses differences in the sintering characteristics of these two materials. When bronze is infiltrated at 1040°C the ST100 object has a tensile strength of 537 MPa, which is 21.1% lower than that of the RS2 part.

Monnaies et guerre en Grèce classique

The increasing number of coins issued at the end of the 6th century resulted in the creation of a monetary market in which Athens played a leading role, through the importance of the coins representing owls, which were instrumental in the maritime and imperialistic policy of the city, and which stifled the allies' workshops. In the middle of the 5th century, the Athenian currency became the hellinistic currency par excellence. Conversely, the problems that Athens had to face in the 4th century explain the dynamism of local workshop that devised various processes, among which the use of bronze to help solve financial problems. The rise of Macedonia and Alexander's conquests produced a monetary policy that is characterized by a liberal attitude towards the coins used in the cities and a desire to gain more and more power through the adoption of the attic currency.

Early Bronze Age Tin and the Taurus

The sources of tin being exploited by the metalworkers of Early Bronze Age Anatolia remain to be identified. While K.A. Yener and P.J. Vandiver (Tin Processing at Goltepe, an Early Bronze Age Site in Anatolia, supra pp. 207-38) present very impressive evidence for some sort of mining and metalworking activity at Kestel and Goltepe, they fail to demonstrate that tin must have been the metal being sought after in these operations. Nor can it be shown that the general area of southeastern Anatolia was a significant center of bronze metallurgy during the third millennium. Even Egypt, with well-documented sources of tin, seems to have made little use of bronze before ca. 2000 B.C.

Lustre pigments and powders

The increasing demand for labels with greater appeal has lead to the specialised development of lustre pigments and powders, particularly in gravure and flexographic printing applications. They provide coatings ranging from soft, satin sheen to sparkling brilliance, and there are some which give rich metallic lustres. Printers who have had experience in the use of bronze and aluminium metallic powders have found that the techniques used in the incorporation of these types of pigments are much the same as when using lustre pigments.

Sources of Tin and the Beginnings of Bronze Metallurgy

Recent discoveries of Bronze Age tin ingots and tin artifacts, together with new geological evidence on tin deposits in Europe, the Mediterranean and Western Asia, provide the opportunity to survey the evidence for possible sources of tin and the first use of bronze in the eastern Mediterranean and in Western Asia. Afghanistan now emerges as the most promising eastern source of tin, with western sources most likely located in southern England and Brittany. Central European tin sources still provide serious problems within the context of the nature of Bronze Age mining technology and the type of cassiterite being utilized at that time. During the past ten years there has been an enormous increase in the degree of interest and the quantity of publication on all aspects of ancient metallurgy.' The field has acquired a new name, archaeometallurgy, used by at least one Institute for ArchaeoMetallurgical Studies, with several other programs devoted to research in the field.2 The discipline now has its own journal,3 a sure sign of status in the research climate of today. It is obvious that our understanding of many basic aspects of the field has been transformed and also-an inevitable corollary-that there are at present no up-to-date surveys or works of synthesis.4 Many basic problems remain and, in certain areas, we have yet to see a major breakthrough or significant change in traditional confusion. Foremost in the latter category must be the problem of ancient sources of tin. It is remarkable that, after twenty years of intensive scholarly investigation and fieldwork, we still have no hard evidence regarding the sources of tin being exploited by the numerous and widespread bronze industries of antiquity.5 The main sources of tin exploited by the industrialized countries of the world since at least the sixteenth century are located either on the fringes of the ancient world-in southern England (Cornwall and Devon) and in Burma, Thailand and Malaysia-or in places such as Bolivia, Kazakhstan and China that were far beyond the reaches of a world centered on the Mediterranean.6 What contact there was with countries such as China was only of a most exotic nature and virtually non-existent in any form prior to the time of the Roman Empire (ill. 1).7 * This article is based upon the paper delivered at the Chronologies in Old World Archaeology Seminar, Columbia University, on 9 December 1982, at the kind invitation of Professor Edith Porada. The author would like to take this opportunity to thank his colleagues throughout the world for providing him with copies of their publications. Special thanks are due to Professor Tamara Stech (University of Pennsylvania) and Professor Robert Maddin (Harvard University) for their advice and constructive criticism. 1 The interval is, with no little arrogance and, I hope, some small justification, based upon the publication, in 1973, of my book on Copper and Tin. The Distribution of Mineral Resources and the Nature of the Metals Trade in the Bronze Age (Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 43; Hamden, Conn. 1973, issued in 2nd ed., with Supplement, in 1976). 2 The Institute for Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies (IAMS) is at the University of London. At the University of Pennsylvania we have established the Program for Ancient Metallurgy, while another program on archaeometallurgy is part of MASCA at the University Museum. For the various groups now conducting research in the field, see the special series of articles in T. Berthoud et al., Production, c also Evidence for Sources of and Trade in Bronze Age Tin, in A.D. Franklin, J.S. Olin and T.A. Wertime eds., The Search for Ancient (Washington, D.C., 1978) 43-48; R. Maddin, T.S. Wheeler and J.D. Muhly, Tin in the Ancient Near East: Old Questions and New Finds, Expedition 19.2 (1977) 35-47. 6 For world tin resources, see World Mineral Statistics (Institute of Geological Sciences, London 1979). Total world production in 1976 was 197,000 tons. Of this Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia produced 107,271, China, 20,000 and Bolivia, 30,355. This accounts for 80% of the world total. See also P.J.H. Rich, Future of as a Tonnage Commodity, Transactions, Institution of Mining and Metallurgy 89A (1980) 8-17 (with correction on p. 106 and discussion on pp. 157-64). Rich estimates that, between 1851 and 1976, Malaysia produced 4,817,500 tons of tin. 7 The discovery of Chinese silk in an early 6th c. B.C. grave near the Heuneburg fort in South Germany is hardly sufficient evidence 275 American Journal of Archaeology 89 (1985) This content downloaded from 207.46.13.128 on Tue, 06 Sep 2016 05:54:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 276 JAMES D. MUHLY [AJA 89 PENINSULAA I LAOEAA-LIA TRA~SBAIKAL MA SA C % ERZGEIRGE CHANG NEW RunswC c NAssI CENTRAL-SRI TANS ZTL A SOUTTHERN MARITIME I TS R REITORALR ASA

Obsidian in the Aegean

Obsidian to the Greeks was no more than a semi-precious stone, black and shiny, suitable for mirrors or exotic ornaments. But to their predecessors in the Aegean through five millenia it was an important raw material for the manufacture of tools and weapons. Sharper and more abundant than flint, more easily worked and cheaper than copper, it was not displaced entirely even by the use of bronze, which was always an expensive material, there being no source of tin in the Aegean. Only when knowledge of iron-working was brought to the Aegean coasts did obsidian fall from its position as an important raw material to that of a curiosity.Huge quantities of obsidian are to be found lying about the surface of most prehistoric sites in south Greece—any farmer or shepherd will tell of the ‘little razors’ to be found on his land. But its occurrence in nature is very unusual since it is found exclusively in regions of recent volcanic activity, and then only when certain conditions exist, such as a high silica content in the lava of the volcano. Every single piece found in mainland Greece had to be imported from overseas, a process implying competent geological knowledge, skill in sailing and navigation, and perhaps social organization, to a considerable degree. It is the earliest trade in the world for which we have concrete evidence.

Modern Bronzing Problems and Methods: Public Demand the Reason for Universal Use of Bronze for Decorative Purposes in Printing—The Vacuum Bronzer—Automatic Conveyors for Bronzing Machines—High-Speed Vacuum Bronzing Machines and Their Operation

Modern Bronzing Problems and Methods: Public Demand the Reason for Universal Use of Bronze for Decorative Purposes in Printing—The Vacuum Bronzer—Automatic Conveyors for Bronzing Machines—High-Speed Vacuum Bronzing Machines and Their Operation

Discussion: “Modern Bronzing Problems and Methods: Public Demand the Reason for Universal Use of Bronze for Decorative Purposes in Printing—The Vacuum Bronzer—Automatic Conveyors for Bronzing Machines—High-Speed Vacuum Bronzing Machines and Their Operation” (Glass, William C., Trans. ASME, 49–50(11), p. 111006)

Discussion: “Modern Bronzing Problems and Methods: Public Demand the Reason for Universal Use of Bronze for Decorative Purposes in Printing—The Vacuum Bronzer—Automatic Conveyors for Bronzing Machines—High-Speed Vacuum Bronzing Machines and Their Operation” (Glass, William C., Trans. ASME, 49–50(11), p. 111006)

Prehistoric Thessaly: being some Account of Recent Excavations and Explorations in North-eastern Greece from Lake Kopais to the Borders of Macedonia

MESSRS. WACE AND THOMPSON have opened a new-chapter in the history of early civilisation. They have shown that in northern Greece a Neolithic culture, with a peculiar geometric art of its own, held the field contemporaneously with the Bronze Age “Minoan” and “Ægean” culture of southern Greece until the latter had reached its final phase and was entering upon its decline. Bronze was not used by the prehistoric Thessalians until the “Third Late-Minoan Period” of the Ægean culture, when they finally accepted its use from the southerners, not earlier, probably, than circa 1300 B.C., and not very long before iron came into general use. This is a most revolutionary discovery, and its effect upon the supposed history of the development of the use of bronze in the rest of Europe cannot yet be gauged. M. Tsountas, the distinguished Greek archæologist, had already discovered important remains of the Neolithic Thessalian culture, with its remarkable polychrome geometric pottery, at Dimini and Sesklo, but he had failed to detect its remarkably late date. He placed it on the usual a priori grounds anterior to the Bronze Age Minoan civilisation merely because it was Neolithic. The discovery of Messrs. Wace and Thompson, for which they give chapter and verse in this book, is a much-needed rebuke to a priori arguments in dating prehistoric antiquities. Prehistoric Thessaly: being some Account of Recent Excavations and Explorations in North-eastern Greece from Lake Kopais to the Borders of Macedonia. By A. J. B. Wace M. S. Thompson. Pp. xvi + 272 + vi plates. (Cambridge: University Press, 1912.) Price 18s. net.

The Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos, 1911: § 7.—Miscellaneous Finds

Evidence of the local use of bronze or copper appeared amongst the deposits in H 5 1 in the shape of several pieces of small clay crucibles. None of them were complete, but the two best examples, shewn on Plate VII give the shape. They were spoon-shaped vessels about ·24 m. long by ·16 m. wide, made of coarse dark clay with a spout at one end; this is seen in the left-hand example on the plate. They stood on three short legs so arranged that the crucible could be tilted forward and cause the molten metal to flow out of the spout into the mould. That they had seen some service was proved by the remains of metal which clung to their inner surface. A fragment of such a crucible was found in the old excavation and two broken stone moulds, one for a Double Axe. Such a Double Axe, shewn on Pl. XIV, 59, was found this year together with a bronze spear-head, in a cleft between two stones almost immediately above the rock underneath a floor-level in H 4 15. They had the appearance of being in a sort of cache and probably belonged to a later period than that of the First City, to which their actual level would assign them. The only other bronzes found were the arrowhead and knife shewn on Pl. XIV (Nos. 58 and 60).