President Of The United States Research Articles

Energy Transition, fossil Fuels, and green Innovations: Paving the way to achieving sustainable development Goals in the United States

The United States, as the world's second-largest polluter, emitted a staggering 4.7 billion metric tonnes of carbon dioxide in 2020. During the Leaders’ Climate Summit, the US president articulated precise targets for combating climate change, notably a 50 to 52 percent reduction in net CO2 emissions from 2005 levels by 2030. Consequently, it becomes imperative to identify the pivotal factors that are driving this intensified dedication to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Hence, it is vibrant to determine the basic causes propelling the intensified interest in meeting SDGs 7 and 13. From this perspective, this study explores the dynamic link between energy transition, fossil fuel energy, green innovation, and economic complexity index on CO2 emissions and ecological footprint in the United States from 1980 to 2020. The dynamic Autoregressive-Distributed Lag (ARDL) simulations and Frequency Domain Causality (FDC) techniques are applied for long-medium and short-run causal association among the variables. Our empirical evidence shows that energy transition, fossil fuel energy, and economic complexity increase CO2 emissions and ecological footprint. On the other hand, green innovation reduces CO2 emissions and ecological impact only in the long term. The pragmatic outcomes suggest that authorities should inhibit Fossil Fuel Energy, concentrate on energy transitions, and include more renewable sources in the US energy mix. The findings would assist the United States in meeting SDGs 7 and 13.

The Urgency of Expanding the Position and Functions of the Vice President in a Presidential System: A Study on Article 4 of the 1945 Constitution

This research highlights the role and position of the Vice President within Indonesia's presidential system, which remains ambiguous compared to the clearly defined role and authority of the President. The lack of clarity in the division of duties and the poorly defined role often lead to overlaps or gaps in the responsibilities that the Vice President should fulfill. This can result in uncertainty in decision-making and the implementation of government programs. The presence of a Vice President should ideally add an extra layer of accountability within the government. However, if their role is unclear, the public may find it difficult to assess their performance and to hold them accountable for their actions or decisions. When compared to other countries' constitutions, such as the United States and the Philippines, the role of the Vice President is more defined, but the role of the Indonesian Vice President appears to be more dependent on the President's policies. In the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia, the role of the Vice President is only broadly outlined in Article 4 paragraph (2) and Article 8. This ambiguity causes the Vice President's authority to depend on the President's policies. This research utilizes legal regulation, conceptual, and comparative approaches to understand the Vice President's position and powers. The research findings indicate that the Vice President's role is intended to assist the President and has a primary role in assuming the President's position in accordance with Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution. However, the Vice President's role does not have absolute authority as their power depends on the President's policies and preferences. This creates a complex dynamic between the President and the Vice President, with the Vice President's authority merely shadowing the President's power. Upon examining Article 4 of the 1945 Constitution, the Vice President's role should emulate that of the Vice President of the United States. According to this provision, the Vice President, with support from the Ministers, has the authority to declare the President's incapacity to exercise power and presidential duties, and conversely, the President can make statements contrary to the Vice President's statements, complementing each other.

A Comparative Discourse Analysis of Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s and Joseph Biden Jr.’s Inaugural Speeches

This study aimed to analyze and describe the structure, concepts and language use of the inauguration speeches delivered by Philippine President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Romualdez Marcos Jr. and US President Joseph Robinette Biden Jr., as well as the reasons for their selection. The researchers used a descriptive and qualitative research design to extract data from the transcripts of the two speeches. The findings revealed that both presidents used similar speech structures during their inaugurations, acknowledging important people, recognizing the historical significance of their inaugurations, and expressing hope for the future of their countries. The study also identifies the implications of the content of the message in the inaugural speeches of the two presidents. President Biden Jr. focused on racial fairness, honesty, and unity, while President Marcos Jr. advocated unity and hope for the future. Both presidents employed directive speech acts to encourage certain behaviors and attitudes, illustrating their different leadership viewpoints. It is recommended for linguistics students to have further readings in the application of Speech Act in comparative discourse analysis for political speeches, teachers should encourage more students to conduct research, parents should be aware of the implications of political speeches, administrators should motivate students to conduct study using quantitative research, and future researchers should focus on developing a more nuanced understanding of the discourses used by political leaders in different contexts and investigating the impact of political discourses on public opinion.

Structural adjustment, economic performance, and electoral volatility in presidential elections in Latin America

AbstractDrawing upon the Latin American Presidential and Legislative Elections database and our own original data set, we assess the effects of structural adjustment and other economic factors on presidential electoral volatility in 24 Latin American countries in 1982–2016. The results of our study indicate that both structural adjustment and inflation have a positive association with Type B presidential electoral volatility (the volatility generated from changes in the vote shares of established parties). Economic growth appears to have only a weak negative association with overall presidential electoral volatility. Type A presidential electoral volatility (the volatility associated with the rise of new parties) is mostly determined by demographic factors and the electoral system for the presidency. As with legislative volatility in Latin America, Africa, and postcommunist Europe, explaining stable party presidential volatility appears more challenging than explaining party replacement presidential volatility. Overall, several of the findings about legislative volatility are echoed in this study, but presidential electoral volatility is notably higher than legislative volatility in Latin America.

A counselor and an artist: John Steinbeck’s dialogue with Lyndon Johnson during the Vietnam war

ABSTRACT This article explores the dialogue that unfolded between the noted American novelist John Steinbeck (1902–1968) and President Lyndon Baines Johnson (1908–1973) during the 1960s. In an era in which many American writers and intellectuals loudly protested Johnson for escalating the Vietnam War, Steinbeck stood out as a writer who supported the president’s domestic policies on civil rights as well as his foreign policy in Southeast Asia. Drawing on archival documents held in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library and the Library of Congress, the article explores how Steinbeck’s years-long dialogue with Johnson linked liberal ideals for literature and government that are more often held apart in studies of Cold War America. Ultimately, this approach reveals that the unusual bond that formed between novelist and president articulated a measure of the complexity of Cold War American liberalism itself, which in the 1960s promoted the noble cause of civil rights at home while at the same time justifying disastrous military interventions against communism in the name of “freedom” abroad.

Sending the B team: The impact of lesser signals of resolve

When signaling resolve, is it necessary to go ‘all-in’ and send the strongest possible signal or can sending a lesser signal be effective? Prior research suggests that sending a lesser signal is an admission of irresolution, akin to sending no signal. We make the novel claim that lesser signals of resolve can actually be worse for credibility than sending no signal, particularly in general deterrence situations. We theorize that while the absence of a signal may go unnoticed, a lesser signal puts a spotlight on irresolution. Building on prior findings that high-level visits can function as signals of extended deterrence commitment, we test our theory using new data on visits abroad by the US president, vice president, secretary of state, and secretary of defense. We find that only presidential visits are effective at deterring military challenges against the country visited. Visits by lesser officials, whom we dub the ‘B Team’, actually increase the risk of deterrence failure.

When Push Comes to Shove: An Experimental Analysis of Voter Support of a Woman President and the 2024 Nomination

When Push Comes to Shove: An Experimental Analysis of Voter Support of a Woman President and the 2024 Nomination

For the good of the party, for the good of the nation: ingroup projection can motivate support for political violence

Support for political violence in the United States appears to be growing. We outline a model that positions ingroup projection—seeing ingroup values as the shared values of a larger inclusive societal group—as a key psychological process through which identification with political ingroups (Democrats/Republicans) and with national superordinate categories (Americans) influence support for political violence. We tested this model in two studies. Study 1 (N = 297) included original survey data collected during the 2016 US Presidential election, and analyses revealed that identification with Democrats or Republicans and identification with Americans both had positive indirect effects on support for political violence that were mediated by ingroup projection. Study 2 (N = 642) provided a preregistered replication of these results using original data collected during the 2022 US Midterm Senate elections. These results provide insight into the psychological processes that underlie support for political violence in the United States and elucidate a generalizable model for understanding destructive intergroup behaviors in a variety of real-world intergroup contexts.

Pandemic Persona and Digital Culture: The Role of Celebrity Politicians on Social Networks

The paper discusses a specific intersection of the politics, celebrity, and digital culture. In the last few decades, more and more people from the entertainment realm entered the world of institutional politics trying to leverage their popularity. Thanks to the media, they manage to transfer their celebrity capital, namely accumulated media visibility and recognisability (Driesens 2013) into the political sphere. In the beginning, they improve their visibility with the help of mass media that place their personas and private lives in the focus of public attention. However, with the digitalization of the media, the popular-political landscape has changed (Marshall 2020), so today they have dispositional new bases for practising personalized politics, i.e. imposing their personality instead of political party programmes. In this paper, attention is directed to former American president Donald Trump, president of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and Miroslav Škoro, who was a candidate in the presidential, parliamentary, and local elections in Croatia. Although there were obvious differences between these three celebrities mentioned before entering the political arena, their later use of social networks vividly shows how they built their political/pandemic persona in the evolving mediatization of politics.

American Presidential Elections 2024: The Core Point of Future Geopolitical Changes

Purpose: This research is focused on the ongoing Russia – Ukraine military conflict, which has already caused some significant changes in foreign policy priorities of major players of international political system. Objective: The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of U.S. 2024 elections to the Russia – Ukraine military conflict outcomes with the aim of analyzing different foreign policy philosophies the two potential candidates have, that can have an effect not only on current Russo-Ukrainian conflict but on the whole global geopolitical situation in the current world. Theoretical Framework: realism as an international relations theory with the system level analysis is used to explain current global geopolitical issues. Method: The issue of methodology is decided according to the necessities of tasks of this article and is mostly based on data analyses, comparison of similarities or differences and case study. Results and Discussion: the current work claims that the major war on the European continent disrupts the core security arrangements which has a shattering effects of unipolar liberal order and how much will this order be changed, is mainly depended on the dedication to it by the U.S.A, European union countries and their liberal democratic allies around the globe. Research Implications: the research findings contribute in raising awareness of the current Ukraine conflict and accumulate the type of knowledge that enriches the political science with theoretical and practical value.

Assessing Electoral Personalism in Latin American Presidential Elections

Assessing Electoral Personalism in Latin American Presidential Elections

“Put money in thy purse. Follow thou the wars”: Othello, the Mexican–American War, and Manifest Destiny

In the winter of 1845–6 the United States Army languished on the border waiting for an opportunity to provoke what would be the Mexican–American War, or, as the Mexicans would come to call it, La Intervención Americana. To break the dull monotony, the army turned to theatre. In January, Second Lieutenant Ulysses S. Grant was cast as Desdemona in a production staged for the troops and the local community. Grant would later be the victorious general in the Civil War and the eighteenth president of the United States from 1869 to 1877. He was not yet that person. In 1846 he was a twenty-four-year-old, newly commissioned officer, only three years out of the US Military Academy. His peers, a cohort of junior officers who would become the senior military leadership on both sides of the Civil War, were also actors in the production, as well as its producers. The anecdote is humorous in large part because the Grant of national record and memory is the least Desdemona-like figure anyone can conceive. It has been repeated multiple times across the nineteenth century and still holds in the imagination almost two hundred years later.

Cyber democracy in the digital age: Characterizing hate networks in the 2022 US midterm elections

Social media has become integral to societal discourse and play a role in shaping public engagement, particularly in democratic electoral processes. This paper addresses the pressing issue of hate speech on social media during the 2022 US midterm elections. Unlike previous research, which often relies on limited datasets and classic methodologies, we leverage Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) and Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques to analyze Twitter data through advanced models of entity recognition, sentiment analysis, and community extraction, having persistence in Knowledge Graphs for consuming the intelligence efficiently. Results indicate that in the US midterm elections 2022, Arizona was the state that provided more content (507,551 tweets) related to a Chief Electoral Official, with 31.58% of them identified in the most aggressive cluster due to its mean attribute values of “attack on commenter” (0.7), “inflammatory” (∼0.3), “attack on author” (∼0.2), and “toxicity” (∼0.2). The name entity recognition model also identified an association between those aggressive tweets and the previous 2020 US Presidential campaign, characterized by attacks on election officials based on conspiracy theories campaigns. Knowledge graphs contributed to understanding the concentration of attacks and connectivity between topics commonly mentioned in hate speech content. Thus, our results offer detailed insights into the actors and dynamics of online harassment in electoral contexts, illuminating the challenges posed by harassment and proposing preventive mechanisms applicable to diverse electoral processes worldwide.

ANALYSIS LEXICAL COHESION IN WRITTEN BY BARACK OBAMA

Abstract In this modern era, many people use written and unwritten language communication tools. Therefore, language has various types in its use, one of which is lexicon cohesion. The purpose of this study, thus researchers and readers are more familiar with what lexicon is, the types and can understand more. In this study, the researchers analysed the type of lexicon cohesion, namely repetition, synonym, antonym, meronym, and hyponym using a data search from written text when the 44th President of the United States, Barack Obama made a speech. Then, researchers used the theory of Halliday and Matthiessen. The method used is the observation technique. Where the researcher collects data by reading the entire text, then the highlighted the data in the form of text related to phenomena and analysing data according to the category. The data presented is in qualitative form. Where the data is presented in the form of sentences that are not in the form of numbers, percentage, or graph. In this study, researchers read, interpret data according to theory and calculate the results obtained. The results obtained are repetition data 2, synonym 6 data, Antonym 4 data, Meronym 5 data and Hyponym data 2. The highest data is obtained with synonyms, where the writing has many synonym meanings, and the lowest is the use of repetition. Keyword: Lexical Cohesion, Repetition, Synonym, Antonym, Meronym, Hyponym

You change the way you talk: Examining the network, toxicity and discourse of cross-platform users on Twitter and Parler during the 2020 US Presidential Election

This study examines code-switching behaviours of cross-platform social media users specifically between Twitter and Parler during the 2020 US Presidential Election. Utilising social identity theory as a framework, we examine messages related to voter fraud by users who migrated from Twitter to Parler following Twitter bans. Our analysis covers 38,798 accounts active on both platforms, analysing 1.5 million tweets and more than 100,000 parleys. The key findings of the study are as follows: First, we discovered differing levels of network homophily between high degree centrality and low-degree centrality cross-platform users, illustrating how individuals with varying degrees of influence engage differently across platforms. Second, we observed higher toxicity levels in heterogeneous networks, which include both in-group and out-group members, compared with homogeneous networks that are primarily composed of in-group members. This suggests the level of toxicity in online spaces correlates with the level of group diversity. Third, we found that cross-platform users created distinctive discourse community with in-group and out-group members, indicating that content and discussions within these networks are influenced by the social identity dynamics of the users. Our study contributes to the current research in political communication and information science by proposing comparative user analyses across multiple social media platforms. Focusing on a critical period of platform transition during a contentious political event, our study offers insights into the dynamics of online communities and the shifting nature of political language used by social media users.

Individuals in Securitization: Explaining US Presidents’ Choice to (De)Securitize North Korea

Abstract Securitization and desecuritization demonstrate how threat (de)constructions can lead to conflictual or cooperative foreign policies. However, due to its focus on collectivities, securitization theory cannot tell us why leaders choose either securitization or desecuritization. Understanding this choice is crucial because (de)securitization processes can prescribe possible foreign policy options and thus affect the likelihood of conflict and cooperation. To account for leaders’ choices, I draw on political psychology and demonstrate the utility of my approach through an explanation of two US presidents’ preferences for (de)securitizing North Korea. Using leadership trait and operational code analysis, I show that psychological variables shaped Bill Clinton’s and George W. Bush’s preferences because they affected their threat perception and inclination toward conflictual or cooperative actions. These preferences had substantial consequences: While Clinton’s desecuritization attempt led to improvements in US–North Korean relations, Bush’s effort to resecuritize North Korea effectively reversed this progress.

'Laughing at us'

That Donald J. Trump won the US Presidential Election of 2016 defied the expectations of almost all seasoned observers of the US political system. Scholarly explanations stress structural factors that produced a substantial cohort of identity-vulnerable voters in tandem with Trump’s personal populist appeal. Trump benefitted from his political outsider status, celebrity familiarity, heteronormative masculinity, and unconventional rhetorical style including humour, all of which were amplified (and also mocked) by extensive mainstream news media coverage. Trump’s distinctive political use of the social media micro-blogging platform Twitter (now known as X) in engaging those cohorts has also been emphasized. The research presented here sits at the confluence of prior scholarly work on structural causes of identity vulnerability, on contestation involving humour, and on the enhanced political usage of Twitter. It examines the historical record of Trump’s tweets and re-tweets to see if and how the demarcation of his ‘humour brand’ affectively engaged his substantial Twitter followers and may thereby have contributed to his electoral success in 2016.

An Analysis and Comparison of the Differences in the Realization of Interpersonal Functions in Different Political Keynote Speeches

This research employs Halliday's theory of the interpersonal function to scrutinize and contrast language patterns and techniques in keynote speeches delivered by notable political figures, specifically former US President Donald Trump, ex-UK Prime Minister Theresa May, and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. In the era of globalization, where increased interconnectedness emphasizes the importance of political speeches, shaping nations and reflecting the interests and identities of stakeholders, it is crucial to examine these speeches. The analysis identifies shared traits, including skillful use of first-person language to establish authority and self-expression, in addition to the use of medium-valued modal verbs and declarative mood for interpersonal connection and viewpoint assertion. The study explores variations in Trump's "America First" inaugural address and disparities in speeches by Trump and May that are related to high-valued modal and second-person verbs, highlighting their different political backgrounds. Furthermore, it evaluates the interpersonal function in Hillary Clinton's speeches, examining language's effectiveness in engaging audiences and accomplishing different speech objectives. By examining these patterns, this research supports a better understanding of cultural differences between the United States and Britain, revealing linguistic tools that help political figures connect with audiences and accomplish specific speech goals. This cross-cultural study provides detailed insights into language's role in political communication, deepening our understanding of leaders' strategies for effective agenda communication and resonance with constituents.

The Electoral College’s Impact on Presidential Mandates and Agendas

The Electoral College is the method used in every four years to elect the President of the United States. Given that the Electoral College gives the power to elect the president to state-casted votes, the system has in recent years become a source of growing controversy given how two presidents, George Bush in 2000 and Donald Trump in 2016, without winning the national popular vote. These elections and the public discourse around them have brought new life to the purpose and impacts of the Electoral College. This paper uses key presidential elections, including those of John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Benjamin Harrison, Woodrow Wilson, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden, give insight on how the Electoral College should now be understood. In particular, this paper examines the implications of the Electoral College on one fundamental question: Does election to the presidency via the Electoral College route fundamentally affect the ability of a president to govern effectively? Examining these elections, the context around and impact after these elections, and modern United States political history shows that when the Electoral College is not an extraordinary or exceptionally notable part of an election cycle, the Electoral College does not fundamentally affect the president’s ability to command public and political support required to effectively govern. However, when the Electoral College does become a point of focus during a presidential election and in the beginning of a president’s term, it has wide-ranging impacts. In particular, the College can shape the political and public mandate the president has to lead, shaping their overall agenda for their time in office; cause biases to arise towards certain states and conservative politics; and undermine their ability to serve as a unifying figure. With each modern election having an increased focus on the Electoral College, the system is likely to cause increased polarization and tension with each passing election if serious reforms are not undertaken.

Multifaceted online coordinated behavior in the 2020 US presidential election

Organized attempts to manipulate public opinion during election run-ups have dominated online debates in the last few years. Such attempts require numerous accounts to act in coordination to exert influence. Yet, the ways in which coordinated behavior surfaces during major online political debates is still largely unclear. This study sheds light on coordinated behaviors that took place on Twitter (now X) during the 2020 US Presidential Election. Utilizing state-of-the-art network science methods, we detect and characterize the coordinated communities that participated in the debate. Our approach goes beyond previous analyses by proposing a multifaceted characterization of the coordinated communities that allows obtaining nuanced results. In particular, we uncover three main categories of coordinated users: (i) moderate groups genuinely interested in the electoral debate, (ii) conspiratorial groups that spread false information and divisive narratives, and (iii) foreign influence networks that either sought to tamper with the debate or that exploited it to publicize their own agendas. We also reveal a large use of automation by far-right foreign influence and conspiratorial communities. Conversely, left-leaning supporters were overall less coordinated and engaged primarily in harmless, factual communication. Our results also showed that Twitter was effective at thwarting the activity of some coordinated groups, while it failed on some other equally suspicious ones. Overall, this study advances the understanding of online human interactions and contributes new knowledge to mitigate cyber social threats.