Urban Suicide Rates Research Articles

Suicide in a central Indian steel town

Over the past 15 years ‘farmer suicides’ have occasioned grave public concern; and it has recently been claimed that Chhattisgarh has the highest incidence in the country. This article suggests that the representation of such cases as the major public policy problem to do with self-inflicted death is politically inflected and that there are good grounds for supposing that—at least in certain pockets—the urban suicide rate is as high, if not higher. In the industrial area around steel town of Bhilai, this has risen dramatically over the last 20 years and it is the aristocracy of public sector labour that is significantly most susceptible. This is ultimately attributable to the liberalisation of the economy and the consequent downsizing of this workforce, which has led to a crisis in the reproduction of class status. Such workers are privileged; think of themselves as different from the informal sector ‘labour class’ and fear sinking into it. Suicides are significantly under-reported and the official statistics are systematically inflected by fear of the police and the law, which encourage both concealment and the deliberate obfuscation of likely motives, and almost certainly increase the ‘lethal probabilities’ of suicide attempts.

Risk factors for rural young suicide in China: A case–control study

Background Suicide is the fifth most important cause of death in China and the leading cause of death among young adults aged 15–34 years. The suicide rate in rural China is three times higher than the urban suicide rate, and the rate in women is higher than in men. Methods Sixteen counties from three provinces were selected as sampling sites in which 392 suicide cases and 416 community living controls were obtained. For each suicide case and control there were two informants who provided the target person's information. A structured questionnaire including demographics, social and familial environments, and personal characteristics was administered to the informants. Results Mental disorders and high hopelessness were found to be strongly related to suicide among Chinese rural young adults. Other suicide risk factors among this population were negative life events, never married but dating, suicide history in family, lack of positive coping skills, lack of social support, dysfunctional impulsivity, and not being a Communist Party/League member. Conclusions The prevalence of mental disorders, although the strongest risk factor among rural young adult suicides in this study, was markedly lower than that in Western countries. Some of the risk factors found in the comprehensive analyses are specific to Chinese culture. “Being a Communist Party/League member” as a protective factor for suicide among Chinese rural youths requires further study and appropriate interpretation.

Suicide in urban and rural regions of Belarus, 1990–2005

To examine the occurrence of suicide in urban and rural regions of Belarus in the post-Soviet period. Unlinked cross-sectional study using data drawn from four time points. Age- and gender-specific suicide data for urban and rural regions of Belarus were obtained from the Belarus Ministry of Statistics for the years 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005. The data were recalculated into seven age categories and then directly standardized. Poisson regression models were used to assess changes in urban-rural suicide rate ratios across the four time points. Between 1990 and 2000, the suicide rate rose sharply in Belarus. It started to reduce after 2000, but in 2005 it was still much higher than its initial level. The same was true for urban and rural suicide rates and for male suicide rates in all regions combined. However, after 1995, there was a divergence between gender-specific rates in urban and rural areas. A small reduction in urban suicide rates for both genders contrasted with a sharp increase in suicide rates among men and women in rural areas. By 2005, although suicide rates had fallen from their 2000 level for both genders in urban and rural locations, the decrease was much smaller in rural areas. These changes resulted in a deteriorating rural-urban suicide ratio across the period 1990-2005, with suicide rates among nearly every rural male age group remaining extreme after 1995. Although it is probable that a deteriorating social and economic situation has underpinned increasing suicide rates in all regions, there may be factors that are specific to rural locations, such as increasing social isolation and poor provision of medical services, that account for the extreme suicide rates now being recorded there. By 2005, Belarus had one of the highest suicide rates in the world. This now requires urgent intervention by the necessary authorities to ameliorate this situation in urban and, especially, rural locations.

Suicide in urban and rural regions of Belarus, 1990-2005

summary Objective: To examine the occurrence of suicide in urban and rural regions of Belarus in the post-Soviet period. Study design: Unlinked cross-sectional study using data drawn from four time points. Methods: Age- and gender-specific suicide data for urban and rural regions of Belarus were obtained from the Belarus Ministry of Statistics for the years 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005. The data were recalculated into seven age categories and then directly standardized. Poisson regression models were used to assess changes in urban–rural suicide rate ratios across the four time points. Results: Between 1990 and 2000, the suicide rate rose sharply in Belarus. It started to reduce after 2000, but in 2005 it was still much higher than its initial level. The same was true for urban and rural suicide rates and for male suicide rates in all regions combined. However, after 1995, there was a divergence between gender-specific rates in urban and rural areas. A small reduction in urban suicide rates for both genders contrasted with a sharp increase in suicide rates among men and women in rural areas. By 2005, although suicide rates had fallen from their 2000 level for both genders in urban and rural locations, the decrease was much smaller in rural areas. These changes resulted in a deteriorating rural–urban suicide ratio across the period 1990–2005, with suicide rates among nearly every rural male age group remaining extreme after 1995. Although it is probable that a deteriorating social and economic situation has underpinned increasing suicide rates in all regions, there may be factors that are specific to rural locations, such as increasing social isolation and poor provision of medical services, that account for the extreme suicide rates now being recorded there.

Rural−urban differences in Austrian suicides

The answer to the question whether suicide rates are higher in urban than in rural areas may have changed over the years. This study analyzes the longitudinal trends of rural and urban suicides in Austria from 1970 to 2005. The most recent decade, 1995-2005 was also investigated cross-sectionally in terms of age groups, gender, suicide methods and family status. Official suicide statistics were calculated in a Poisson regression model to determine trends in suicide rates according to gender in rural and urban regions as well as the ratios of rural- to urban-suicide rates. Population density levels were used as a measure of urbanization. Differences in suicide rates across the rural-urban categories were investigated in terms of genders, age groups, suicide methods and family status using Spearman correlations. The ratio of rural to urban suicide rates has continuously increased in both genders over the past 35 years, indicating a growing risk in rural areas. Suicide methods used in rural and urban areas vary significantly and suicide rates among men, but not women, were found to decrease with increasing urbanicity. In line with recent findings from other western countries, we showed a growing gap between rural and urban suicide rates. This suggests a need for rural-specific suicide prevention efforts, especially aimed at the male rural population.

Urban/rural and gender differentials in suicide rates: East and West

Background: Many epidemiological studies indicate suicide rates are higher for males than females and for urban than rural. Here we re-examine gender, urban and rural differentials in suicide in Australia and Beijing (China). More specifically, to test the two hypotheses (i) that the male to female ratio is larger than one; (ii) that the urban suicide rate is higher than the rural in both places. Methods: Suicide data with information of gender, rural and urban regions for Australia and Beijing (China) for the period of 1991–1996 were used. Ratios between the gender-specific urban and rural suicides rates with the associated confidence intervals were constructed to examine gender, urban and rural differentials in Australia and Beijing. Results: The rural suicide rate in Beijing for both genders was higher than for their urban counterparts. Further, the elderly had the highest suicide rate followed by women aged 20–29. Also, the male to female ratio in China was less than one. In Australia, the rural male suicide rate was higher than the urban whereas the urban female suicide rate was higher than the rural. The male to female ratio was 4 to 1. The differences in rural to urban and male to female ratios between Australia and Beijing are statistically significant. Conclusions: In contrast to the west, male suicide rates are not higher than female rates in China. Urban rates are not necessarily higher than rural rates – not even in a western setting. Cultural factors and regional differences in socio-economic situation are significant in explaining the low gender ratio and the relatively higher suicide rates in rural China. Limitations: The suicide rate in the Beijing region might not exactly reflect the same for the whole of China.

Suicide in Rural Areas: The Case of Japan 1960–19801

Abstract Rural suicide rates are higher than urban suicide rates in industrialized Japan in contrast to the traditional pattern of higher urban suicide rates found in the West. The pattern is attributed to areal differences in social disintegration. This explanation is operationalized for Japan and tested empirically using data (1979–1981) on 47 prefectures. Higher suicide rates are observed in areas with a sparse population, a stagnant economy, and a population over‐represented by elderly people. The explanatory power of the structural variables in the present study is also tested for each decade since 1960. These variables are found to be increasingly effective in predicting suicide rates as industrialization proceeds. Variation in social integration, rather than the degree of industrialization and urbanization, is the key to understanding the differentials in suicide rates.