Syrian Civil War Research Articles

Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK

Since the onset of the Syrian conflict in 2011, millions of Syrians have sought refuge globally, with thousands resettling in the UK. Despite their displacement, Syrians have brought with them a rich array of inherited knowledge and traditions, collectively known as intangible cultural heritage (ICH). The construction of domestic spaces by these settlers and their struggle to feel at home have emerged as important topics in migration studies, particularly when housing issues are considered as a critical aspect of their transcultural social engagement and the evolving boundaries of their identity and belonging. However, the role of ICH, along with the related crafts and movable objects, in the home-making practices of forced migrants remains under-researched. This gap is especially significant given that the UK recently ratified the 2003 UNESCO Convention on the safeguarding of ICH after a decade-long delay. Through in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted in the interviewees’ native Arabic within their home environments and supported by an observational study, this research explores how resettled Syrians in Liverpool integrate traditional ICH practices into their new homes, focusing on the dynamic relationship between the intangible and built heritage. By examining how intangible knowledge and movable objects interplay in creating a ‘Syrian home’, this study contributes to discussions on community engagement and the role of memory in conservation. The findings underscore the importance of ICH in maintaining cultural continuity and identity in the diaspora, providing insights into the inclusive heritage conservation practices in migrant contexts. This research highlights two key insights: first, the essential role that ICH, along with the associated crafts and movable objects, plays in constructing new homes in the diaspora, particularly in how these items serve as the carriers of cultural identity and continuity; and second, the symbolic significance of Syrian homes, especially their interior designs and decorations, as reflections of a blend of sociocultural practices that Syrians are committed to preserving.

Assessment of the impact of the Syrian conflict on archaeological sites in the Daraa region

To date, the attention of both local and global cultural heritage preservation initiatives in Daraa Province, southern Syria, have focused on the well-known Bosra World Heritage site. A comprehensive investigation of damage to Daraa’s many other archaeological sites, poorly studied in comparison to other parts of Syria, has until now, not been undertaken. This study, for the first time, attempts to remedy this, by detailing 1632 instances of damage across 196 archaeological sites surveyed using freely available high-resolution satellite images captured between 2004 and 2022. A key element of this dataset is that it indicates that while the types of damage to heritage sites identified are similar to those that have been documented elsewhere in Syria, the temporal and spatial patterning of this damage can be related to specific local conditions and events. This underscores the need for large-scale studies undertaken using remote sensing, to be grounded within an understanding of local circumstances, to maximize their information value.

Institutions, power-sharing, and the cohesiveness of rebel coalitions in the Syrian civil war

ABSTRACT Which factors contribute to the cohesion of alliances among rebel groups during civil wars? Through the case of the Syrian civil war, which experienced a high level of fragmentation and cohesion among rebel groups, we emphasise how the establishment and implementation of power-sharing mechanisms in horizontal wartime institutions ensure lasting cohesion in alliances. Moreover, we posit how the mere establishment of these mechanisms is insufficient, and they must be effectively implemented. The implementation of power-sharing mechanisms in horizontal wartime institutions increases the costs of defection, and it reduces the incentives for unilateral defection from an alliance by coalition members.

Assessment of Key Factors Affecting Farmers' Migration Intentions Due to the Syrian Conflict

This study aims to identify the migration patterns of Syrian farmers in northern Aleppo and to investigate the main factors affecting their migration patterns. In this context, the study data were obtained through face-to-face surveys with a total of 210 farmers from 17 villages in three administrative districts of Aleppo Governorate using a proportional sampling method. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and a logistic regression model. According to the results of the study, education level, land size, and household income were found to decrease the tendency to migrate. On the other hand, the factors that increase the tendency of farmers to migrate include being temporarily settled in the region and having family members abroad as refugees. As the war-induced environment has reduced participation in non-agricultural work, more farmers consider agriculture as their main source of livelihood.

Social cohesion among Syrian and Turkish children, adolescents, and young adults in Turkey

AbstractTurkey has received a large influx of Syrian refugees since the start of Syrian civil war in 2011. Integration and social cohesion have become important issues for public policy in Turkey. We study social cohesion among young Turkish nationals and Syrian refugees. Our study sample comprises of adolescents and young adults (12–30 years), and children (6–11 years) who participated in events of the “Education Program for Syrian Refugees and Host Communities” (BILSY) program conducted by the German Corporation for International Cooperation (GIZ). Social cohesion among adolescents and young adults is measured along three dimensions: sense of belonging, trust, and relational capacity. For children, we use behavioural games to measure two dimensions of social cohesion – altruism and trust. Our results show high social cohesion for both age groups, though lack of trust among Turkish nationals towards Syrian nationals is an area of concern. We also evaluate the impact of participation in BILSY program events using a randomised design and find that it had no impact on social cohesion. Our article adds to the limited literature on social cohesion among children and youths in countries affected by forced displacement.

Power Dynamics of Cross-Border Conflict in Lebanon and Syria

This paper identifies the main conflict actors in cross-border conflict across Lebanon and Syria as being Hezbollah and the Syrian Arab Armed Forces, and highlights the power hierarchies between those actors as well as between them and ordinary people in those border regions. The paper shows that in those two countries, both state and non-state actors (de factor authorities) are the main conflict actors who are invested in the conflict status quo that they profiteer from—the state is therefore also part of the problem. The paper additionally argues that there is a need to understand hierarchies of power among conflict actors and how they position local communities at the bottom of the conflict economy pyramid. The paper shows that local communities end up entangled in the conflict economy for the sake of economic coping and survival. Often, both conflict actors and local communities act pragmatically rather than ideologically for the sake of economic survival or gain, but conflict actors trap local communities in the coping economy by removing alternatives, cultivating relationships of dependency by coping communities on major conflict actors. The paper uses these conclusions to present recommendations for conflict response policies. The paper is published as part of the Cross-Border Conflict, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) research programme funded by UK International Development.

Chinese Weaponry in Contemporary Middle Eastern Conflicts

AbstractThis article examines the role of Chinese armaments in recent Middle Eastern conflicts, showing that although their use has increased over the past decade, they remain less numerous or significant compared to those from the United States and Russia. Chinese‐made weapons have been used in conflicts in Gaza, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Lebanon due to affordability, streamlined procurement processes, and improved quality. China's critics have alleged that it has played a negative role in these conflicts through proliferation, claims that Beijing has consistently denied. This research investigates the accuracy of these charges and assesses whether China's role should be considered prominent. The study examines weapons that have been used in five ongoing regional conflicts, including the Gaza war. It finds that, unlike Washington and Moscow, which have deliberately transferred military equipment to the region, China has avoided intentionally directing armaments to Middle Eastern conflict zones. Instead, Chinese arms have been redistributed by third parties. The analysis concludes that China's strategy of balancing its relationships across states in conflict has limited the amount of its weapons in the region and kept the impact of those armaments to a minimum.

Multiple Views on Return Migration to Northern Syria

ABSTRACTMedia, humanitarian organisations and host governments have increasingly talked about returning refugees affected by a more than a decade‐long conflict in Syria. However, the northern Syria region does not offer adequate living conditions for return; this region is currently unfit for settlement, and it is impossible to attract Syrians to return to it, regardless of the lack of security and the political issues that many scholars have discussed. This study was conducted in early 2023 in two regions including four areas in northern Syria (Jarabulus, Azaz, Al‐Bab and Afrin) and three provinces in Türkiye (Istanbul, Gaziantep and Mersin). We compare the opinions of Syrian refugees in Türkiye and Syrians who had been internally displaced and who resettled in the northern region. The purpose of the comparison is to understand the views of both Syrians in Türkiye and in northern Syria regarding whether the region is attractive to them or not. However, the results confirm that people are not willing to return, as the push factors overcome the pull factors. The data collection among Türkiye‐based Syrians and northern Syria's residents enabled us to work with different opinion‐making processes: The assessment of today's Syrian services results from the direct witness of current dwellers and the views of Türkiye‐based refugees. Through a large‐scale survey, our study aims to identify the push factors that induce refugees to discount the possibility of returning to the northern Syrian region, including the lack of job opportunities and basic services such as potable water, electricity, fuel, Internet, adequate education and healthcare.

Russian diplomacy and the struggle around transportation corridors through the Middle East: plans and realities

The article is devoted to the issues of Russia's participation in the struggle for the passage of transport corridors from Europe to Asia through the Middle East. Recently, as part of the geopolitical struggle to move away from a unipolar to a multipolar world, we are increasingly talking about rapidly growing competition for access to goods, raw materials, energy resources and transport logistics, which affect the current global rivalry for the redistribution of the world. It is already becoming increasingly clear that whoever controls international routes controls international security in many ways. Corridors are not only world trade, but also the movement of fl eets, the transfer of troops and military equipment, and communication between different regions of the world. Passages through straits such as Bab el-Mandeb, Hormuz, and Malacca are a matter of international security. Blocking them can lead to armed conflicts on a global scale. For the Middle East, these are primarily confl icts over the routes of oil and gas delivery to Europe from the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus and around the creation of short transport corridors from Europe to Asia bypassing the Suez Canal and Africa. If the issue of laying a gas pipeline from Qatar to the EU through the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East and from the Caucasus and Central Asia through Turkey to the EU was one of the reasons for the war in Syria, then the issue of creating a transport corridor from India to Europe through Arabia and Israel largely provoked the conflict in the Gaza Strip. And Russia is among the most active participants in this struggle for control of international transport corridors from Europe to Asia, trying to do so so as not to stay away from them.

The Effect of War on Spatial Differentiation of Real Estate Values and Urban Disorder in the Damascus Metropolitan Area

The Syrian war, which commenced in 2011, transformed the Damascus real estate market due to heightened insecurity and tenure disputes. Using the hedonic price models, including 2411 housing transactions over the period 2010–2022, this study aims to understand the spatial dynamics of the real estate market in wartime. Our findings indicate that war variables have had a significant impact on the differentiation of property prices. Notably, property attributes have a more substantial impact on real estate values than district location, with severely damaged buildings in Damascus City resulting in an 89% decline in prices, while prices in Rural Damascus districts have decreased by 50%. Additionally, this study examines the urban texture of Damascus using correlation and homogeneity statistics derived from the gray-level co-occurrence matrix obtained from Google Earth Engine. Our findings show that correlations were highly differentiated, particularly among Rural Damascus districts, with a total decline of 87.2%. While homogeneity values decreased overall between 2015 and 2019, they improved slightly after 2019. This study guides decision makers in mitigating severe property value variations across war-affected urban areas by fostering spatial justice in property rights and promoting balanced investment and sustainable real estate development during the post-war recovery phase.

‘The end of the ‘revolution’ (al-thawra) but not revolutionaries (thuwwār)’*: insights from Syrian fighters

ABSTRACT What drives individuals to join and remain loyal to armed groups amidst the chaos of the Syrian war? This article investigates this question by focusing on the Sham Front, offering a multi-level analysis that integrates external influences, group dynamics, and personal experiences. Based on extensive fieldwork in northern Syria and southern Turkey, including narratives from fighters, commanders, and local leaders, this study reveals how perceived emotional hardships and political uncertainties create distinct revolutionary subjectivities. By considering the macro-level influence of external actors, the meso-level group dynamics, and the micro-level motivations of individual fighters, this article provides a comprehensive understanding of the factors shaping fighters’ behaviour. Incorporating theories of uncertainty-identity and the politics of emotions, the article challenges simplistic narratives, revealing how shared emotional bonds and collective memories sustain loyalty and combat engagement. Unlike many existing studies, this research prioritises the firsthand accounts of fighters, offering a deeper exploration of their motivations. This study bridges significant gaps in existing literature, showcasing how deep-seated emotional and social factors drive the resilience and persistence of fighters in the ongoing conflict.

Syrian War Economies

Abstract Accounts of the Syrian conflict tend to emphasize “top-down” geopolitics or “bottom-up” local-national conflict dynamics. As a contribution to this roundtable on rethinking war economies, I argue that political economy and comparative approaches can help explain the connections between global-regional processes and domestic institutional transformations brought by war. Institutional development under Asad left a contradictory legacy: the Syrian regime was incapable of compromise with domestic opposition in 2011, but it proved resilient in the ensuing devastating war that subjected the government to international sanctions, external interventions, and territorial fragmentation. The Syrian regime responded to these shocks by reconfiguring its elite networks of power, which further blurred the lines between formal and informal institutions. As its financial resources dropped, the regime initiated new economic policies, but these attempts were refracted through the distortions of the war, and either became predatory or were paradoxically blocked by the elite networks crafted earlier as a survival strategy.

The Asymmetries Generated by New Weapon Systems and Their Role in Achieving Success on the Battlefield. The Impact of HIMARS on the Conflict in Ukraine

The advent of new weapon systems, which integrate the latest technologies, is transforming the battlefield and redefining the character of contemporary modern warfare. The recent armed conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Ukraine, by their complexity, serve to illustrate the diversification of threats and the adaptation of military capabilities to counter them. Regardless of the type of conflict, success on the battlefield depends on the ability to gain an advantage over the enemy and exploit it. Such an advantage may be derived from the realization of asymmetries on the battlefield, which may be generated at all levels of military operations. The equipping of the Ukrainian forces with the HIMARS system in the summer of 2022 has given them a significant position of advantage, creating a number of tactical and operational asymmetries. In this context, the objective of this research is to identify the asymmetries generated by the HIMARS system and to determine how they contributed to the battlefield success. The key findings are of significant value due to the fact that most NATO member states, including Romania, are making efforts to strengthen their HIMARS capabilities.

War vs pandemic—investigating the type of extreme context as a moderator of extreme-context perception effects on work alienation and its organisational outcomes

With many organisations operating in challenging circumstances such as military conflicts and pandemics, a growing body of research has investigated the effects of extreme-context perceptions on job attitudes and organisational outcomes. While prior investigations focused on specific extreme contexts like warzones or pandemics, research has yet to examine whether different extreme contexts would have different intensities regarding shaping job attitudes and organisational outcomes. This study takes a unique approach to address this gap in the existing literature by exploring whether the type of extreme context (war vs pandemic) moderates extreme-context-perception effects on work alienation and subsequent job attitudes and organisational outcomes. Specifically, this study investigates the consequences of differentiated extreme contexts by using 668 valid responses from two samples: Sample 1 (N = 449), collected via snowball sampling during the Syrian civil war (2016-2019), and Sample 2 (N = 219), recruited using systematic random sampling from the Middle East during COVID-19 in 2021. Employing t-tests, Sample 1 in the wartime crisis reported higher levels of extreme-context perception, yet not quite as much worsened job satisfaction, but they had lower levels of alienation and job insecurity than those in health-crisis contexts. Using PLS-SEM, we found extreme-context perception heightened alienation, leading to increased job insecurity, decreased job satisfaction, and lower organisational citizenship behaviour (OCB) outcomes. Interestingly, some of these relationships were moderated by the extreme context type. Specifically, while no significant differences were found between the two contexts regarding the relationship between extreme context perception and alienation and between alienation and job insecurity, we found that extreme-context-driven alienation is more likely to damage job satisfaction and OCB in war zones than in pandemic contexts. These findings contribute to important matters of both theory and practice. They specifically expand existing theory by illustrating differentiated consequences of distinct types of extreme contexts to organisational and employee-related concerns. They also demonstrate the need to develop customised organisational strategies as well as policy responses to mitigate and/or capitalise on the effects of differentiated extreme contexts.

Education and socioeconomic status as predictors of refugee mental health: insights from a study of Jordan-based Syrian refugee sample.

The Syrian civil war is considered as the greatest humanitarian crisis in modern history, which has resulted in a major refugee crisis. A significant concern is the high prevalence of mental disorders such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Syrian refugees. While the focus of most refugee mental health research has been pre-migration trauma, post-migration challenges and stressors, which can also be significant determinants of mental health, are often ignored. The purpose of this study was to assess mental health of Syrian refugees as compared to local Jordanians, and to examine sociodemographic factors and perceived stressors that are associated with mental distress among participants. This was a cross sectional study conducted in northern region of Jordan among Syrian refugee and Jordanian adults. We used the validated Arabic version of Afghan Symptoms Checklist (ASC) to assess mental distress among participants. A total of 929 subjects (43% Syrian refugees, 56% females) participated in this study. Disparities in education, monthly income, and health insurance were significant between Syrian refugees and Jordanians, p < 0.001. The mean score in ASC was significantly higher among Syrian refugees, particularly among refugee females (mean ASC score ± standard deviation: Syrian refugee females: 58.22 ± 1.13; Syrian refugee males: 45.31 ± 1.28; Jordanian females: 51.06 ± 0.91; Jordanian males: 46.45 ± 1.08, p = 0.002). Multivariable linear regression showed that the estimated difference in the mean of ASC score between males and females is 7.42 (p < 0.001), and the estimated mean difference between Syrian refugees and Jordanians is 2.76 (p = 0.019). Interestingly, the estimated mean of ASC scores for individuals with high education level is decreased by 4.18 as compared to individuals with lower education level (high school or less), p < 0.001. Education level was highly predictable of mental distress of Syrian refugees, particularly female refugees. Enhancing higher educational opportunities is proposed for improving socioeconomic status of refugees which might serve as a buffering strategy for mental distress among this vulnerable population.

The Self and the Other: Individual Emotions and Ontological Security in Turkish Foreign Policy

Emotions and ontological security open up one of the latest avenues in International Relations (IR). An increasing number of interdisciplinary approaches have been engaging in emotions and ontological security, for example, foreign policy analysis. However, academic research is scarce concerning the triangulation of emotions, foreign policy, and individual ontological security. Driven by the gap in the literature, the study analyzes how Turkey’s foreign policy decisions influence individual existentialism in terms of ontological security during the AKP era. A subsidiary question addresses how Turkey’s foreign policy decisions adjust/affect individual emotions towards its most engaged and interacted countries. Based on Ontological Security Theory (OST), the study has conducted 20 interviews. The questions cover Turkey’s foreign policy milestones: the start of the EU accession negotiations, the “one minute incident,” the Mavi Marmara incident, and the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian Civil War. The questions aim to reveal people’s emotional reactions to and descriptions of such events. The interview transcripts are analyzed in a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) context. Through CDA, the individuals’ perceptions of risk, threat, and danger are analyzed to seek the determinants of growing existential uncertainty in tandem with significant foreign policy decisions of the AKP government. This study finds that foreign policy decisions in Turkey impact individuals’ emotions based on key events. Through the case of Turkey, the study contributes to the emerging literature on emotions and ontological security by studying the dimensions between foreign policy and individual insecurities and emotions.

An Analysis of the Religious Solidarity Discourses Regarding the Syrian Refugees in Türkiye

Following the outbreak of the civil war in Syria, a massive migration of Syrian nationals to Türkiye has been a significant phenomenon. This situation has become a problematic issue, as the massive presence of Syrian refugees in Türkiye has become an important part of the domestic political agenda. The politicization of the refugee issue has long since presented a duality of conflicting opinions among the Turkish society, whereas it has led to political debates between pro-government and opposition groups. In light of these developments, Turkish government elites have produced discourses of religious solidarity with the aim of providing tolerance and social acceptance for Syrian refugees and thus legitimizing the open door policy of the government toward these refugees. The aim of this study is to analyze and categorize the themes that constitute the basis of the discourses of religious solidarity regarding Syrian refugees in Türkiye. In this context, a second aim is to demonstrate how these themes have been welcomed in a positive manner by their adoption and recognition by Turkish society. To these aims, governmental discourses of religious solidarity and a sample consisting of 980 posts on the digital platform X have been analyzed by using the critical discourse analysis technique and have been categorized under two discursive themes, namely the ensar–muhacir analogy and the emphases on the Ottoman legacy. The conformity between these discourses and the government’s ideological orientation and the degree to which these discourses have been welcomed and adopted by the Turkish society have been discussed in detail.

Tracing the Conflict Between Türkiye and Syria Through the Turkish Mainstream Media's Coverage of the Syrian President Bashar al‐Assad

The Syrian civil war began in March 2011 and spread throughout the country in April 2011. Therefore, in this study news articles and columns published in 2011 were selected and analyzed through purposive sampling. This study uses content analysis to examine the coverage of Syrian President Bashar al‐Assad in mainstream print newspapers with different ideological orientations in Türkiye. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of localization of foreign news. The research has the potential to reveal both the transformation of the tone of media texts over time and the similarities and differences in the coverage of an international conflict by newspapers with different ideological orientations. Despite ideological differences, the study reveals similarities in the orientation of the newspapers studied toward local interests. The dominance of Turkish officials as news actors, the limited portrayal of Syrian security forces, and the selection of photographs reinforce the parallel stance with Turkish foreign policy. The media's tone toward Assad and Syrian politics became more negative and critical as the conflict escalated.

Simulation of migration paths using agent-based modeling: The case of Syrian refugees en route to Turkey

The decade-long Syrian civil war has triggered a significant migration wave in the Middle East, with Turkey hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees. Our study introduces an agent-based model (ABM) designed to simulate and predict migration paths in potential future refugee crises. The primary goal is to support aid organizations in planning the delivery of essential aid services during migration movements, offering insights that can be applied to various geographical areas and migration scenarios. While we use the Syrian refugee movement to Turkey as a case study, the model is intended as a flexible tool for analyzing migration patterns in future crises. The proposed ABM considers two characteristics of refugee groups: level of risk sensitivity and level of information. To enhance the model’s functionality, we have extended the A* algorithm with a cost metric to calculate the weighted average of distance and risk to a destination point. Our case study examines the crisis in southern Idlib through six scenarios, offering insights into refugee numbers, migration paths, camp occupancy rates, and heat maps of densely populated regions for each scenario. Validation is performed by comparing model outcomes with situation reports and official statements from the relevant period, demonstrating the proposed ABM’s potential for adaptation to other migration instances and further analysis under different parameters.

An analysis of humanitarian and health aid harmonisation over a decade (2011–2019) of the Syrian conflict

IntroductionAid harmonisation is a key component of donor efforts to make aid more effective by improving coordination and simplifying and sharing information to avoid duplication. This study evaluates the harmonisation...