Country's Unity Research Articles

“¡Viva China libre!”: la prensa comunista mexicana y la construcción del liderazgo de Mao (1924-1949)

The attention on China and its revolutions during the 20th century were the object of interest of communist organiza-tions in Mexico before the Mexican government established relations with the Asian country. In this article we intend to trace this process of rapprochement and its interpretation of the revolutions in China that Mexican communists made. Our work points to a panoramic vision in which the “dialogue” between revolutions is central, since Mexican communists recognized in China a parallel with the route that Mexico had acquired with its own revolutionary process. How did this rapprochement come about? What interpretation did Mexican communists have of the Chinese case? These are some of the questions we intend to answer in the following pages. By this we mean that Mexican communists, based on their position in the national political framework, and depending on the histor-ical moment in which they found themselves, translated the importance or significance of the revolution in China. This is what allows actors belonging to such a diverse ideological spectrum to welcome the Chinese phenomenon. Having said this, the analysis will be based on a division into two major periods. The first will be between 1924 and 1938, which was linked to the conception of the country's unity and national liberation. Then, as a second period, we will take the 1940s, where the epic will be divided between the commitment to na-tionalism and later to the Chinese Communist Party. The analysis will be based on the review of the communist press, where they projected their political ideas and their vision of the world. The objective of this work is to highlight the pres-ence of the Chinese case, as well as the slow construction of the leaderships associated with the revolution prior to the emergence of "Maoism" as a current with its own identity.

Geographic Cross‐Sectional Fiscal Spending Multipliers and the Role of Local Autonomy: Evidence from European Regions

AbstractUsing a panel of 268 European regions during 1990–2014, we document that the degree of local government's autonomy, measured with the “Local Autonomy Index,” has a significant positive effect on the fiscal spending multiplier. The estimated geographic cross‐sectional fiscal spending multiplier is on average close to zero in countries with the lowest degree of local autonomy, and around unity in countries with the highest degree of local autonomy. Multipliers are state‐dependent: larger when gross domestic product is below trend and when there is slack in the labor market; in those states, local autonomy has a particularly large positive effect on the multiplier. To interpret the empirical findings, we build a Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) model where both local and central government spending contribute to a public good that enhances private labor productivity. Local governments are more efficient in producing the public good and the multiplier is higher in countries where local government spending has a larger share in the production of the public good.

Centre-state relations under Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) Led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) Post 2014 elections

The adoption of a federal structure in India was viewed as a requirement in order to address the diversity of the Indian situation. The elements of heterogeneity and plurality could be addressed by achieving reconciliation between national and constituent unit identities. In political context balancing the relationship of Union and States become evidently important, particularly after 1975, the time when Emergency was imposed in the Country. The system's dynamism, with all of its checks and balances, causes issues and friction in the functioning of Union State relations. A mixture of pressures caused by such issues may obstruct the system's operation and jeopardise the country's unity and integrity. It is therefore necessary to review the evolution of the Union States arrangement not only to identify persistent problems and seek solutions based on past experience, but also to adapt the system to changing times so that, propelled or moved by the spirit of common endeavour and cooperative efforts, the country moves ever closer to the social welfare goals set forth in the Constitution.” It was expected that conflicts would arise in the working of Union-State relations in India, so some structural devices for conflict resolution between the centre and states were carved out, such as provision of supremacy of the Constitution, independence of the judiciary, judicial Review, and amendment process, among others. However, the built-in system for resolving disputes between the Union and its constituent states proved insufficient. This argument can be expanded upon when the BJP-led NDA gains a majority at both levels post 2014 elections, and the relations may became smooth or as it's earlier.

МОТИВАЦІЯ ТРУДОВОЇ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ: КРОС-КУЛЬТУРНІ ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ТА ЇХНІЙ ПРОЯВ У СИСТЕМІ СОЦІАЛЬНО-ЕКОНОМІЧНИХ ВІДНОСИН

Анотація. Сучасні глобалізаційні та інтеграційні процеси і, як наслідок, підвищення рівня взаємозалежності національних економік сприяють актуалізації питань узгодження не лише змісту національних систем соціально-економічних відносин, а й механізмів державного управління розвитком трудових ресурсів. Складність вирішення цих питань обумовлюється, з одного боку, існуванням суперечностей як на рівні релігійно-культурологічних доктрин, зацікавлених у використанні потенціалів інтеграції до світової спільноти країн, так і у площині традицій функціонування національних соціально-економічних систем, а з другого — наявністю особливостей (відмінностей) у сприйнятті соціальними об’єктами місця і ролі окремих з детермінант у забезпеченні подальшого розвитку людини, держави і суспільства. Серед таких детермінант позиціонують у тому числі й ті з них, природа виникнення яких пов’язана з діями людини щодо задоволення нею своїх потреб у трудовій діяльності. Урахування національним урядом таких потреб, як і пов’язаних з ними мотивів, усе далі частіше розглядається на рівні однієї з обов’язкових умов для підвищення ефекту від інтеграції країни до світових політичних та економічних інститутів. З огляду на неабияку значущість інтеграційних процесів для України та обумовлену ними необхідність адаптування національної державної політики до вимог євроатлантичних політичних та економічних інститутів питання крос-культурних особливостей, у тому числі й у контексті формування трудових можливостей людини, є суспільно-політично та соціально-економічно значущими. З’ясування крос-культурних особливостей через призму проблематики мотивації трудової діяльності було здійснено в межах авторського дослідження «Оцінка рівня розвитку трудового потенціалу особистості». Відповідно до програми дослідження було проведено опитування респондентів з України, Латвії та Фінляндії. Партнерами в організації дослідження на території Європейського Союзу виступили кафедра менеджменту Інституту транспорту та зв’язку (Рига, Латвія) і кафедра індустріального менеджменту Університету прикладних наук Савония (Варкаус, Фінляндія). Фокус уваги, запропонованих у змісті анкети питань, було зосереджено на з’ясуванні: перешкод, які заважають людині використовувати наявний у неї трудовий потенціал; потужності впливу якісних характеристик трудового потенціалу на його загальний рівень; розподілу часток відповідальності між людиною, організацією і державою за ефективність формування трудового потенціалу особистості. За результатами аналізу відповідей респондентів було з’ясовано місце і роль крос-культурних особливостей мотивації трудової діяльності в системі ціннісних орієнтацій людини, а також обґрунтовано напрями впливу окремих релігійно-культурологічних доктрин на ефективність функціонування системи трудової мотивації. Ключові слова: мотивація трудової діяльності, оцінювання трудового потенціалу, крос-культурні особливості, перешкоди у використанні трудових можливостей, якісні характеристики трудового потенціалу, рівень використання трудових можливостей. Формул: 0; рис.: 3; табл.: 0; бібл.: 13.

Pharmaceutical expenditure and gross domestic product: Evidence of simultaneous effects using a two-step instrumental variables strategy.

This paper estimates the income elasticity of government pharmaceutical spending and assesses the simultaneous effect of such spending on gross domestic product (GDP). Using a panel dataset for 136 countries from 1995 to 2006, we employ a two‐step instrumental variable procedure where we first estimate the effect of GDP on public pharmaceutical expenditure using tourist receipts as an instrument for GDP. In the second step, we construct an adjusted pharmaceutical expenditure series where the response of public pharmaceutical expenditure to GDP is partialled out and use this endogeneity adjusted series as an instrument for pharmaceutical expenditure. Our estimations show that GDP has a strong positive impact on pharmaceutical spending with elasticity in excess of unity in countries with low spending on pharmaceuticals and countries with large economic freedom. In the second step, we find that when the quantitatively large reverse effect of GDP is accounted for, public pharmaceutical spending has a negative effect on GDP per capita particularly in countries with limited economic freedom.

MEMBANGUN KEDEWASAAN BERPOLITIK WARGA MASYARAKAT AKADEMIS MELALUI PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN

The maturity of university students and academic people in Bandung is still not good enough. There are some university students who can't accept the political difference or deliver their political aspirations well. They sometimes deliver their political intentions by doing anarchics actions. This way will lead to the danger of our country's unity since university student is the part of our country's future. Referring to this case, it is necessary to create the university students into the persons that have adequate political maturity. The material of democracy education in citizenship education is the solutive way to ask the university students to do polite political actions. The implementation the democracy values can help the students to have political maturity.

OSMANLI DEVLETİ’NDE “1913 TARİHLİ İDARE-İ UMUMİYE-İ VİLAYAT KANUN-İ MUVAKKATİ” İLE VİLAYET YÖNETİMİNİN YENİDEN YAPILANDIRILMASI

The Ottoman Empire, in particular Period European states management systems and practices in addition to the work being brought into the country, those of want of Muslims in the country and as a result of an increase in external pressure in this regard, were made significant arrangements in the state. Arrangements have been made during the provincial management of important innovations. Local councils, public opening for the first time in this period was aimed to have a say in the management of their territory. Arrangements Councils, Great Assembly floor with regulations such as the Small Assembly of the State General Administration and the State Council were trying to establish. Rebellion in the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans and in 1864 in order to prevent the separation movement led by Midhat Pasha Danube Provincial Regulations was held and the provinces have been made a new arrangement. Later this regulation implemented in 1871 by the Provincial in all the countries of Law in 1876 and then took its place in the constitution. The Ottoman Empire, before World War I. in 1913, 1913 Interim Provincial Public Administration Law, the governor of the province, the County Administrative Board and has held the formation of the Provincial Private Administration and tasks in a very detailed manner. This arrangement with the states to have their own government is the local power on the one hand, to participate in parliament, the floor of the transition to constitutional order increasing the governor of the powers that have been sent from the center to the other side when creating a centralized structure by creating provincial offices of the ministry at the center has worked to strengthen. Thus, the governor of the province administration authority width and principles of segregation of duties, to ensure the country's unity council and the task of rearranging the province has tried to be to ensure democratic governance. In this study, 1913 Interim Provincial Public Administration Act of the governor of the province, the Provincial Administrative Council and the General Assembly and the formation of the province have been studied by detailed tasks.

Globalization Before Globalization: Niels Bukh and the American Connection

This article is about a man who was one of the best known Danes abroad in the 1930s. His name was Niels Bukh, and from 1920 on he built an imposing gymnastics school in the small town of Ollerup on South Funen. His team of young elite gymnasts demonstrated his gymnastics on several continents – in the East, in North and South America, in Africa and in many European countries. For instance Bukh's gymnasts gave demonstrations in the US in 1923 and 1926 and at the World Exhibition in New York in 1939. In several dictatorships too there was great enthusiasm about Bukh's gymnastics, not least because the strict discipline, endurance and appearance of strength of the gymnasts seemed promising for military purposes, as was especially evident from the interest Bukh's gymnastics enjoyed in several South American states during his tour in 1938. Bukh's gymnastics could help totalitarian regimes to create a young generation typified by straightness, dynamism and endurance. The perception that the Bukh gymnasts almost merged into one organism in their synchronized movements was used by the regimes, especially with the young, as a symbol of order, discipline and national unity in countries like the South American dictatorships, but not in pluralistic and democratic states like the US and Canada, where interest in the country's own youth education quite overshadowed the skills of the Bukh gymnasts.

L'ONU au Cambodge. Les leçons de I'APRONUC (Note)

The UN operation in Cambodia was a major venture provided with extensive resources and entrusted to implement a highly ambitious program contained in the Paris Accords signed on October23, 1991. Today, official rhetoric speaks of a "model" when referring to what a more modest view would treat as an experience - one from which it is indispensable to draw all the lessons. The UN proved unable to carry out much of its mission. It jailed to disarm the rival troops. It jailed to neutralize the Communist party's omnipresent influence over existing administrative structures. It failed to repair or rebuild a minimum of infrastructure in such basic areas as health, education, and communications. It failed to reintegrate into society the 372,000 refugees who had come back from camps in Thailand. It failed to preserve the country's unity and territorial integrity. Yet it did score some successes. It laid the ground work for a pluralistic society. It repatriated the refugees. It organized elections that were free and fair enough to allow new, thoroughly legitimate institutions to come into being. A cautious assessment of this operation leads to a reflection on the conditions for success or failure of such a venture. Lessons are to be learned from each step : starting from the diplomatic moves behind the decision to carry out the operation and the mandate defining its scope ; and ending with the political, economic, and social repercussions due to thousands of soldiers and foreign civilian administrators passing through the country. Each phase of the flow of operations must also be questioned, from recruitment of personnel to assessment of the results obtained.

Commentary: Between Invention and Imagination—Nationalism, National Identity, Trieste, and the International Context

This is a story of a missed opportunity. Italian national identity emerged in the modern era on a feeble institutional basis. However, the completion of the country's unity with World War I offered the Italian Liberal state and its administrative elites a great chance. Italy's leaders and officials made the most conspicuous attempt to assert their function as genuine public servants of the general interest—the most effective way to corroborate a sense of national community from the top—by mastering the fervent irredentism in the Venezia Giulia with a mixture of encouragement and moderation. And yet, after four years, this enlightened conduct had to yield to the fanatic and counterproductive nationalism of the far right. Maura Hametz provides a perceptive explanation of this missed opportunity by focusing on the interplay between national choices and local politics in Trieste. Even better, Hametz's essay narrates the story at the microlevel with frequent reference to the international context, thus using a rare combination of ethnocultural and diplomatic history approaches. Few studies of national identity dare encroach on traditional diplomatic history territory. But when dealing with the border disputes among Austria's successor states, it becomes crucial to fit the anthropological and sociological aspects of microhistory into the general history of Europe's balance of power.

De la reformasi à la restauration ? Quand le passé sert à relire le présent

François Raillon The coming to power of Soekarno's daughter, Megawati, in July 2001, marked a new stage in Indonesia's era of reformation. A two-pronged process occurred : while Soekarnoism was mobilized as an ideology meant to help maintain the country's unity and independence, elements of Soeharto's New Order were brought back to power to restore stability. Associates of the former president and authoritarian ways that recalled his regime were reestablished, among them a freer hand was given to the military. This double restoration taking place under Megawati's auspices has been an attempt to overcome what is felt as a multidimensional crisis of a troubled nation, at the same time reining in reformation. The author explores discrepancies between political discourse and practice, and examines Megawati's behavior as well as responses of public opinion to it, as reported by the Indonesian press.

Bósnia-Herzegóvina: uma análise geopolítica

The purpose of this article is to delineate a view on the recent occurrences in Bosnia-Herzegovia. The initial point is a historical analysis of Iugoslavia, including Tito's attempt to keep the country's unity. The work following some considerations about the ethnic minority question and a war report in Bosnia until july 1994. Finally, we present the conclusion with a study about the geopolitical interests of neighbour nations and european powers in Iugoslavia and a war's development prognostic.

The Cultural Dimension of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka

THE YEARS SINCE SRI LANKA became independent have witnessed the gradual deterioration of relations between the island's most populous ethnic community, the predominantly Buddhist Sinhala folk, and its largest ethnic minority, the Ceylon Tamils, who are mainly Saivite Hindus.' The Sinhalese, who comprise over seventy percent of the population, dominate in the verdant southwestern region of the island country, while the Ceylon Tamils, who comprise eleven percent, dwell in two regions, the arid Jaffna District of the extreme north and the eastern coastal littoral. The worsening relations between the Sinhala and the Ceylon Tamil communities, exemplified most recently in the communal riots and the Emergencies of June and August 1981, present us with a classic example of the conflict-ridden new nation:2 a country, established by Western colonial authority, whose recently independent administration must cope with a population deeply divided by cleavages of ethnic heritage, religious affiliation, language, and separate habitats. So profound and obdurate are these cleavages that the country's unity would seem tenuous at best. Predictions of the demise of the Sri Lankan state in its present form have been fueled not a little by the growth of a stridently separatist movement in the Tamil community. The strength of the separatist movement is debated in Sri Lanka, the Sinhala-dominated government insisting that the movement has fewer adherents than separatists like to claim. However strong the separatist movement might be, it is clear that the separatist cause is encouraged by a widespread fear among Ceylon Tamils that continued Sinhala domination will eventually eradicate not only the civil rights of Ceylon Tamils, but also their unique cultural

Teaching History in Mexico, a Mestizo Country

A SUPERFICIAL observer might think that Mexico is homogenous in character, but in fact it is a varied mosaic closer to the idea captured in Lesley Byrd Simpson's well-known title Many Mexicos. Everything seems to have conspired against the country's unity. A mountainous terrain forming isolated plains and valleys has been detrimental to communications and instrumental in forming human groups that differ culturally. As if this were not enough, history itself has contributed in no small way to this heterogeneity, for in addition to the varied indigenous base of more than a hundred dialects, there took place a mixing of Indians, whites, and blacks in diverse proportions. Worse still, the Spanish conquest gave rise to events which produced social and economic inequalities among the people. From the sixteenth century there have always been social groups educated in the most progressive currents of thought alongside totally marginated groups -the majority of the population-dedicated to maintaining religious

The Struggle for the Unification of Vietnam

For many years, many thousands of Vietnamese patriots have sacrificed themselves for a double objective—the unity and independence of Vietnam—and it was in pursuit of these aims immediately after the Second World War that, first the Viet-Minh, then the anti-Communist nationalists, brought into operation all the means at their disposal, both military and diplomatic. The Geneva Agreements of July 1954 confirmed the independence of Vietnam at international level. Yet, at the same time the country's unity, which for several years had no longer constituted a problem, was destroyed.

III. The Cardinal of Lorraine and the Colloquy of Poissy

Of the many sixteenth-century conferences which sought to bridge the gulf between Catholicism and those who had broken away from the Church, the Colloquy of Poissy was perhaps the most spectacularly staged. It was, however, remarkable more as a spectacle than as a serious theological discussion, and its true importance lies rather in the movement which brought it into being, and the particular aspirations, both political and religious, which were bound up in it, than in the actual tenor of the debates. Its real significance lay in this, that it represented a local attempt made by those Catholics who were opposed to the continuation of the suspended Council of Trent, to deal on their own initiative with the religious situation and to put into action their own eirenic ideas of church reform. They counselled concessions in ceremonial and discipline and the largest possible doctrinal lenience, in the hope, if not actually of effecting reunion with the Protestants, at least of removing some of the most powerful incentives to schism. The realization that the Council of Trent, if resumed, would neither favour this policy nor commend itself to Protestant support impelled them to resist the papal wishes and to call for a new council of Catholics and Protestants at which reunion should be the principal objective. These views spread wherever the growth of large bodies of heretics, organized and defying persecution, had caused serious embarrassment to the state by weakening the country's unity, imperilling the general administration, and presenting altogether a political problem that demanded urgent solution. But although to a large extent inspired by the exigencies of government the programme of the moderates was not based entirely on considerations of political expediency. The party did not lack theologians: Zasius, Gienger, Staphylus, in the Emperor's entourage, and liberal Catholics like George Cassander, were all men on whom some shreds of the mantle of Contarini and his followers may not unjustly be said to have fallen.