Ideological Unity Research Articles

Family and gender images in self-publishing

The valuable basis of almost all the texts discussed is Catholicism. This leads to the conservative nature of the articles and the negative attitude towards the social and cultural changes that had taken place during modernization. However, the level of conservatism of self-published authors and the details of the assessment of the changes differed. Most of the authors blamed the Soviet state and the system (especially the atheism of society) for all the negative changes, while some of them believed it was a consequence of a special policy aimed at destroying the Lithuanian nation. A smaller number of authors saw the threat arising not so much from the USR as from modernization itself, and thus from the West. A lack of more diverse sources of information may have contributed to the ideological conservatism, which forced authors to rely on the interwar publications. Such a situation had intervened the perception of the changed reality and adequate response to it. This, in turn, could have reduced the impact or even prevalence of self-publishing – the diversity of opinions in the legal press was much greater. Generally, the Soviet regime was accused by selfpublished authors of promoting excessive freedom (legal abortions, simple divorce proceedings, etc.) and was criticized for destroying traditional gender roles. Therefore, the relationship of the underground authors with freedom was ambiguous – in the fight for the political freedom of the nation, personal human freedom was not valued in private life, and the texts usually emphasized a person’s duty – a person was subordinated to the idea, only not to that of the communists but also to the national idea. The fact that there were no discussions on family and gender issues in the self-published publications shows a lack of authors, the ideological unity of various publications, and a lack of liberal and democratic values in the underground movement. Some texts kind of reveal certain ideas of female emancipation; however, the longing for the traditional family and the respective gender roles dominate, and there are no hints of the need for real gender equality in a family. Instead, there is a clear link between traditional femininity and the exaltation of a woman. A hypothesis may be made that this was due to the link between gender equality with the Soviet propaganda and the reality of the USR when women were forced to endure a double workload. The image of a religious family as an antidote to pervasive immorality and degrading civil marriage can also be seen as a form of Catholic advocating, offered as an antidote to the breakdown of families and the enslavement of women. Perhaps this may have contributed to the religious revival in the early 1980s. Comparing the family and gender discourses in the publications of self-published authors and the legal press, many similarities may clearly be noticed, the most important of which is a very similar critique of the identical consequences of modernization. Sometimes disadvantages such as divorce, a small number of children in families, abortions, and the situation of women were criticized almost identically. Nevertheless, the causes of these disadvantages were searched for in a different place in self-published publications, first of all – in atheism policy. Therefore, despite the obvious hostility of self-publishing discourses to the Soviet reality and politics, they essentially only supplemented the public discourses by expressing those things that could not be made public due to the Soviet censorship (religious and anti-Soviet themes) but did not create a fundamentally different understanding of gender, family or sexuality from that prevailing in the public sphere. On the one hand, such similarity would be explained by the fact that self-published texts reflected the norms and values successfully introduced by public discourses to society. Much of the criticism of the system and reality was based namely on the postulates of the Soviet discourses, which had spread freely in public. The fact that a conservative turn in the discourses of family and gender relations took place throughout the USR in the 1970s may have contributed to this similarity. On the other hand, such a similarity can be explained by the discourses of the interwar Catholic family that had survived and preserved in society and were not influenced by Soviet propaganda. Still, it is doubtful that people could have remained unaffected by public discourses for three or four decades. However, taking into account the conservatism of the Soviet ideology and the order in the studies areas, it would be more accurate to state that no essential changes took place in Lithuania during the Soviet era in the field of family images and gender stereotypes.

Human Values in Buddhist Philosophy: A Review

The purpose of this study is to depict human values in Buddhist philosophy. This research is completed in three steps: 1. to present a brief overview on basic human values, 2. to present a brief overview on human values in Buddhist philosophy, 3. the need for human values in today’s society. Buddhist philosophy is a philosophy of human essence. This philosophy teaches people the true human values necessary to become complete human beings. That if held, human life can be shaped and inspired by true human values. And human values are the first condition for building order and just society. Human values refer to relatively stable beliefs composed of a number of attitudes. Human values are the thoughts, goals and objectives that govern and guide human behavior, practices and activities. Fairness, honesty and decency serve as the foundation of human values. Respecting elders, serving others, good manners, tolerance, fairness, honesty etc. are examples of human values. Human values accelerate the mental development of the individual. And by thus developing personality it paves the way for good governance and puts an end to social decay. A child acquires values from family, school, community, playmates, society and traditions. These rules are also the main criteria for the formation of human values. Basically the things that deserve to be human characteristics and qualities are human values. As a result of nurturing these human values, ideological, religious or sacred issues are awakened over time. Through the concept of emotional and ideological unity, human values emerge psychologically in a person, which order and improve the state, society and family. And in this world, the teaching of Buddhist philosophy has strengthened human values among mankind. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to present basic human values and human values in Buddhist philosophy, the need for human values in today’s society as well. Philosophy and Progress, Vol#73-74; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2023 P 131-149

Populist by a distance: a relational framework for unifying ideology, rhetoric, and leadership style in populism studies

ABSTRACT Theories of populism have been troubled by the problem of essentially contested definitions of its basic properties. It is difficult to distinguish populism from conventional political behavior. This produces the problem of ‘degreeism’, while other features of populism are expressed in relationships rather than as specific categories of attitudes and behaviors. These problems cannot be eliminated by redefining or excluding aspects of populism in favor of a more restrictive definition. We argue that, given that conceptual indeterminacy is inherent in populism, it is better conceptualized as a relational concept. The article articulates a new, relational conception of populist ideology, discourse/rhetoric, and leadership style in terms of relative distance from an implicit ‘center ground’. Populism is marked by position-taking of distance away from the center in policy (distal), a wide distance between people and elites and/or outsiders (distal), and close distance between leaders and followers (proximal). A general, relational model of populism is deduced in this form: distal – distal – proximal. Far from being an abstract claim, we illustrate how the relative distance framework offers descriptive and analytical tools for social scientists focused on populism.

The Festival Legislation in Exodus and the Ideological Unity of »Books«

The Festival Legislation in Exodus and the Ideological Unity of »Books«

Assimilation of Tung Chung Shu’s Philosophy and the Development of Multiculturalism

The purpose of this article is to explore the thoughts of the philosopher Tung Chung Shu who is a figure in Chinese philosophy. Tung Chung Shu managed to compile several aspects of philosophy and culture that developed in China during the Han dynasty. Tung Chung Shu's thought has relevance to the development of multiculturalism, especially in Indonesia amid globalization today. The condition of the Chinese nation has a different cultural background and has succeeded in reformulating the unifying ideology of the country so that it can improve the condition of a society that is experiencing chaos. The philosophy and culture of the Chinese nation that developed when in this condition was the Han Dynasty which was dominated by Taoism, Legalism, and Confucianism. A Chinese philosopher, Tung Chung Shu, combined the three schools with the core teachings of jen, yi, l, chi, and hsin with the main goal of realizing a happy, prosperous, and safe society. The situation of differences that exist in people's lives gave birth to multiculturalism which offers a cultural paradigm to understand and interpret the differences that develop in people's lives. This research uses the abstraction analysis method and then analyzes it through a comparative interpretative approach that begins with description and historical continuity. The results showed that (1) the condition of differences in society can be avoided from conflict if the government can implement multiculturalism policies in regulating the order of government as in Tung Chung Shu's thinking about good governance (2) the condition of a country depends on the attitude of the country's leaders so that the condition of multicultural society can be safe, harmonious, peaceful, prosperous cannot be separated from the role of state leaders (3) in addressing differences need the attitude of wisdom, humanity, courage, wisdom and virtue as the philosophical thought of Tung Chung Shu. In line with the conditions of the multicultural Indonesian nation, Tung Chung Shu's thoughts can be a reference in efforts to develop multiculturalism in Indonesia. This argument is supported by the situation and conditions of the Indonesian nation which has a diversity of ethnicities, cultures, religions, regions, and different cultural traditions.

Typology, Political and Legal Foundations of Francoism: Modern Interpretations

The article proposes a conceptual analysis of the political practices of the Francoist authoritarian regime, including its ideological principles and socio-political doctrines. The study delves into their historical origins, factors and reasons for formation, components, essence, and the evolution and transformation of these ideological principles and doctrines throughout the historical stages that the Spanish Francoist regime underwent from 1939 to 1975.The argument is presented that Francoist Spain did not adhere to a unified ideology, similar to national-socialist or fascist regimes. Instead, a diverse conservative political-ideological spectrum was employed, encompassing nationalist, traditionalist, and confessional movements, rooted in the ancient historical past of Spain. The article explores the historical, political-philosophical, and social origins of these movements, as well as their components, peculiarities of formation, development, modifications, and evolution in alignment with the transformation of Francoism’s political, socio-economic, and foreign policy practices.The legal foundations of the Francoist regime, the essence of the theory and practice of ‘organic democracy,’ and the ways and mechanisms of government organization are examined. The article also explores the formation and evolution of the universal status of the head of state, which ensured the efficiency and heredity of royal power and facilitated a peaceful transition to democratic reforms.The author focuses on the direct interdependence of the development and evolution of the Francoist authoritarian political system, aimed at stabilization and reforms, and the unique model of Spain’s transition to a full-fledged democracy. The article discusses Spain’s rapid acquisition of subjectivity in international relations and its membership in Euro-Atlantic structures.

Традиция русского модерна в современной военной поэзии

The subject of the article is modern Russian poetry based on military themes. This poetry was not previously considered as an artistic system. It began to develop extremely intensively in 2022 in connection with the beginning of the special military operation in Ukraine. Such poetry existed throughout the eight years of the war in the Donbas, but now it has manifested itself as an established thematic community, with signs of a current, and has attracted considerable public attention. At the end of 2022, the publishing house "Peter" released the anthology "Resurrected in the Third World", in which this community is presented comprehensively. The anthology brought together poets belonging to different generations, as well as in some cases adhering to different aesthetic principles. However, their lyrics, presented in the anthology, have ideological unity and reveal common stylistic features. Comparative-historical, as well as phenomenological and hermeneutic methods were used to identify these features. Their application allowed us to formulate a number of observations that appear as the results of the study. These observations are as follows. Modern military lyrics have a number of features that distinguished the art of Russian Art Nouveau. First of all, it is logocentrism, the belief in the substantiality of the word and its ability to change (in the language of modernity – "transform") reality. Hence, it is a belief in the theurgic potential of poetry. This is eschatology and apocalypticism, specifically characteristic of the Russian consciousness and clearly manifested in the literature of the Silver Age. This is a fundamental religiosity combined with neo-mythologism. This is a pronounced idea of nationality, a sense of the Russian world as God's people, and in the extreme case, as a divine people. This is the actualization of the idea of life-building. Two conclusions follow from the observations made. First: military poetry, including the lyrics of military commanders, today represents one semantic whole, in fact, a formed current. Second: the above-mentioned properties of military poetry allow us to believe that at present the postmodern crisis is being overcome by Russian literature, and it is restoring its modernist identity, which was undermined in the 1960s.

CHINESE ASSESSMENT OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA IN THE 90S OF THE XX CENTURY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

The article examines the concept of “cultural revolution” in Russian science, the relationship between two cultural transformations in Russia and the term “Cultural revolution” in China. The author points out that the main consequences of the second cultural revolution in the USSR / Russia were as follows: 1. Condemnation of an ossified and unified ideology; 2. Erosion of cultural absolutism; 3. Cessation of the policy of strong active pressure on intellectuals. Based on the assessments of Chinese people from all strata of Chinese society, a number of cultural and mass movements, pluralism in the development of culture are described: autochthonous culture, religion, literature, art, etc. Based on the analysis carried out, it is possible to indicate a clear direction for the perception of the culture and image of Russia in the new era by the Chinese masses.

How Healthism Can Change the Consumerism in China's Retail Industry A Study on the Lululemon Ad Campaigns and Branding in China

With the rapid expansion of the Chinese consumer market, more and more Western brands are bringing their unique ideologies and concepts to the Chinese market and trying to change the Chinese consumers consumption concepts. Healthism is a typical example. As a representative brand of healthism in the western world, Lululemon has launched a series of promotional activities on healthism in the China market. This article will explore the impact of Lululemon on China's retail consumer industry through healthism advertising through in-depth interviews, and study how Lululemons branding in China can be understood in the context of a new market cultural dimensions at the post-economic reform China. This paper has explored the entry of Lululemon in China in the context of the consumer society and a challenge to traditional privileged discourses. This paper conclude that the healthism concepts that Lululemon spreads in China can drive consumers accept the healthism ideology and also consume on the healthism related products.

The Duality of American Christian Nationalism: Religious Traditionalism versus Christian Statism

AbstractWhile posited as a unified ideology, Christian Nationalism (CN) actually contains two distinct views of what it means to be a “Christian Nation”—one which envisions a Christian civil society separate from the profanities of politics, what we call “Religious Traditionalism.” The other envisions a Christian federal government where power is wielded exclusively by ethno‐religious insiders, or “Christian Statism.” Multiple waves of two national surveys confirm that current measures of CN contain these two factors, which have become increasingly divergent in the past 20 years. In addition, we find that Christian Statism predicts nativism, Islamophobia, anti‐Semitism, and racial distrust while Religious Traditionalism, in most instances, predicts the opposite. Historically, Religious Traditionalists have always sought to influence civil society and focused mainly on family/sexual issues. But a different brand of CN has emerged, wherein all federal and state authority should rightfully and exclusively belong to Christian Statists.

A State Under Siege: Iran’s Survival Through Alter-Globalization and the Third Way

Alter-globalization comprises a set of civil society organizations that refute the methods and consequences of liberal globalization or globalized capitalism. At the same time, these organizations hope to achieve a different form of globalization or global economy than the existing ones. This article intends to shed light on Iran’s foreign and economic policies, which were established on the basis of the non-aligned state ideology. This ideology forced Iran to find a third way that was neither capitalist like the West nor socialist like the East, which allowed Iran’s domestic economic powers not only to concentrate on the main power but also to interfere less in foreign policy affairs. Based on Shia Islamic sources and interpretations, Iran’s unique ideology had to find a way to adopt globalized approaches vis-a-vis internal and regional turmoil. This article concludes that Iran created its own path based on this Islamic interpretation and involved domestic forces committed to the revolution’s ideological path, which, nevertheless, found detours that would let it take part in the globalized economy and, in the end, categorize Iran as an alter-globalized state.

Rallying Around Empty Signifiers: Understanding and Defiing Anit-Givernemnt Protest in the Netherlands

As in many other parts of Europe, anti-government protest has been a topic of political and academic discussion in the Netherlands for some years. The definition of what anti-government protest entails and which groups and individuals it refers to is not as straightforward as it may seem. Where other institutions have attempted to place anti-governmental protest movements in frameworks of traditional extremist movements, the Dutch authorities describe the anti-government protestors as a group that is characterised by its pluriformity and fluidity. In 2022, they have even changed the term ‘anti-governmental’ to ‘anti-institutional’ to more broadly refer to the set of targets that the movement opposes, which includes government, but also the media, the scientific community, experts and the judicial system. In this paper we try to understand the anti-government, or anti-institutional, protest in the Netherlands using a different lens. We use Ernesto Laclau’s discourse theory and its concept of empty signifiers to show how opposed interests and goals can be seen as a unified ideology to its proponents. Instead of trying to primarily define the group of people who are anti-government by their actions or characteristics, we look at how those actors define themselves and how they see their struggle against the authorities. We describe the rise and dynamics of anti-government protest in the Netherlands since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on “genealogies” and the eclectic topics of the protest movement. We compare our observations with the definition of anti-governmental protest and the anti-institutional narrative as used by the authorities. We arrive at the conclusion that analysing the anti-government protest through the lens of their shared ideas and grievances gives us more insight into the nature and dynamics of this movement than solely looking through the lens of the potential threat to the

Secular authoritarian regimes and their Islamist rivals in the Middle East and North Africa: Emerging trends in Turkey's party system

Secular nationalism grew over 50 years to become a compelling force for political, social, and cultural change in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), but it was Islamism that rose to be its chief rival and, in many Middle East countries, eventually replaced it. The question is: why? And how did Islam gain political momentum? Since independence, the diktat of most single-party countries in MENA has been to implement modernization and secularization. Unlike the secular elites, which sought to overthrow colonialism and the monarchies, the early Islamic reformers sought to establish an Islamic state. MENA's secular regimes led to the massive institutionalization of national identity by nationalizing economies and education, to create a unified ideology from which people could draw a common identity. While eliminating competing ideologies, governments ignored the conservative right in the form of Islamism, which was not expected to pose a serious challenge to them. However, since MENA regimes were mostly authoritarian and forestalled a viable opposition, a social cleavage from below grew as an Islamic movement and eventually presented a serious challenge to them. This article provides an empirical analysis to support the argument that social cleavages in MENA have cultural implications that relate to identity rather than to territory. Hence, latent political cleavages, such as Islamism and ethnic nationalism, served as opportunities to reinforce or reactivate cleavages.

The post-truth discourse and the politics of memory in the contemporary media spaces

This article concerns the emergence, definition, and characteristic of the phenomenon of “post-truth” and how its characteristics are used in connection with historical narratives by various political forces for their own goals. The article’s goal is to identify how historical narratives are used by the spreaders of post-truth for various results in domestic and foreign policy, or, in the case of the post-truth spreader being a contesting politician vying for power, for electoral support. The research utilizes historical-narrative and historical-comparative methods, alongside methods of discourse and content analysis. After reviewing the literature, it is observed that from the point of view of historical politics, the methods of spreading the post-truth pose a tempting prospect of ensuring the ideological unity of the nation (or a part of it). The creation of an ideological and informational climate in which history consisted only of the heroism of "Us" and the various affronts and capture of “our old territories” by "the Other" contributes to internal stability. However, such historical politics, while useful in an “information bubble” in domestic policy, can be easily exposed and deconstructed by the neighboring powers decried as “the Other”, blamed for various historical grievances (in the case of a reigning regime using post-truth historical narratives), or by political rivals debunking false claims (in the case of a contesting political force using such narratives in a democracy). The post-truth relies on charisma and cognitive bias, rather than specific historical knowledge, and can be used to strengthen existing political support, more so than converting others. Post-truth accelerates the involvement of media consumers and the growth of their confidence in the correctness of the ideology. However, regardless of its utilitarian positives for political forces, a choice in favor of post-truth is a voluntary choice in favor of misinformation, anti-intellectualism and deception.

A Failed Vision of Empire: The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845–1872. By Daniel J. Burge

Daniel J. Burge’s A Failed Vision of Empire: The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845–1872 aims to adjust the way that historians understand the ideology of Manifest Destiny. Burge argues that historians have fundamentally misunderstood what nineteenth-century Americans meant by “manifest destiny” and that the supporters of this expansionist effort worked well past the 1840s and through the Civil War attempt to gain Canada, Cuba, and Mexico. He argues that when nineteenth-century Americans referred to manifest destiny this is what they meant, and that historians have conflated westward expansion with manifest destiny in a way that makes it seem as though it was a success. Burge also claims that manifest destiny was not a unifying ideology nor was widely supported. Burge begins with the outbreak of the U.S.-Mexican War and traces the objections of northern and southern Whigs as well as some Democrats to the push for obtaining all of Mexico. The various arguments they used, one based on the religious idea that the United States should not expand territorially, and one based on racist notions of Mexican peoples, succeeded in thwarting expansionist interests in obtaining the entire country of Mexico. During the election of 1848, Whigs attacked the Democratic candidate, Lewis Cass, for his support of the all-Mexico movement, which helped Zachary Taylor, an anti-expansionist, to be elected president. Burge argues that Taylor’s foreign policy was a clear break from James Polk’s and that he succeeded in stopping the nation from obtaining Cuba and Central American nations. Anti-manifest destiny Whigs branded filibustering to Cuba and later attempts to purchase the island as thieves, claiming that the United States must only gain territory through purchasing it legally. Burge then delves into the development of sectionalist critiques of Manifest Destiny, in which Republicans pushed the idea that this form of expansionism was primarily a southern creation, and anti-expansionists in the South claimed that it was northerners were primarily to blame for the creation of this ideology. During the Civil War, critiques of Manifest Destiny further splintered, as northerners blamed Civil War on land hungry southerners. After the war, Burge focuses on the racialized arguments against the inclusion of Native Alaskans as ways to mock William Seward’s efforts to annex Alaska.

Взаимоотношения дворцового коменданта В. А. Дедюлина и правых: идейное единство или взаимовыгодное сотрудничество?

The article examines the problematic issue of the nature of the relationship between the palace commandant V. A. Dedyulin and representatives of right-wing political forces at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the article is to determine what was the basis of interaction between V. A. Dedyulin and the right — ideological unity or mutually beneficial cooperation? The sources of the study are both published and unpublished documents, in particular, personal and business correspondence of the palace commandant from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. The idea of V. A. Dedyulin, established in historiography, as an ideological sympathizer of the monarchist camp is criticized and the liberal nature of the ideas of the head of the imperial guard is substantiated. The article concludes that the relationship between V. A. Dedyulin and the right was built on a pragmatic basis and was more likely to represent cooperation based on mutual benefit rather than ideological unity.

Hagar's Prayer in the Desert and Great Bracha in the High: A Dissenting and Decentralizing Voice in Israeli Poetry

Abstract: This essay addresses the power of poetry to express dissenting voices in a society that demands ideological unity in the name of collective survival. The revival of Hebrew has been intimately associated with Zionist cultural politics. However, Hebrew poetry has continuously challenged the dominant ideological precepts of the political movements of Zionism. This essay focuses on reading the poetry of Bracha Serri, a feminist poet who was born in Sanaa, Yemen in 1940 and passed away in Jerusalem in 2013. The religious education of her childhood, her academic studies, and the period she spent in Northern California have inspired the unabashed and highly original feminist voice of her poems. Her religious idiom powerfully revolutionizes the patriarchal hierarchies embodied in traditional Jewish religion and produces an innovative religious language which not only addresses a divine female figure in traditional sacred language but also boldly shatters the boundaries of gender. Finally, it also uplifts the poet herself from an oppressed position dictated by gender hierarchy as well as the ethnic injustices characterizing Israeli society. Serri was not afraid to shock and to attack dominant norms. Not only is her poetry antimilitaristic but it also identifies the common interests of Palestinian women and Mizrahi Israeli women, as well as women in general. In her poetic language, she also admiringly incorporates associations from the Black struggle in the United States. Her choice to avoid publishing her poetry at leading Israeli publishing houses and journals and to instead publish most of her literary work by herself was not merely an act of dissent, but also constituted an act of decentralization by establishing a center of her own that resisted the dominant centers of power. Serri's poetry is a particularly beautiful, moving, forceful, and important voice among the voices critically responding to Zionism.

Трансатлантизм в контексте заката глобализации: дискуссии в США

The article is devoted to the study of the role and place of transatlantic relations in American strategic plans. Amid a decline of globalization, the American approaches to the problem of interaction with Europe with the aim of forming a new international relations system are analyzed. As a part of its strategy of the world economy fragmentation, the administration of J. Biden plans to create a bloc of “friendly” countries, the foundation of which should be a strengthened transatlantic community. However, the leading American political and ideological groups disagree with many aspects of the administration’s plan to develop transatlantic relations. For example, the conservative democrats think than it is necessary to carry out reindustrialization by expanding functions of a State. The progressives demand to base the new transatlantism on the general transition to renewable energy and ideas of social equality. The moderate republicans propose to focus on deepening the European integration. The conservatives are confident that true transatlantic solidarity can be built only on the basis of center-right ideological unity. All the groups agree that it is necessary to stimulate the activity of the EU on the anti-Russian direction. Regarding the administration’s demand for Europe to sever relations with China, the progressives, conservative democrats and moderate republicans believe that the administration’s policy splits the transatlantic community. Although to some extent, most of the groups (except progressives) are concerned about protectionist measures on both sides of the Atlantic, it is still believed that such steps are permissible during the transitional stage of the restructuring of the world order. In general, the Biden administration’s policy receives only partial support for its transatlantic course, so quick consensus on the transatlantic future is unlikely.

Konsep Pendidikan Multikultural Berbasis Islam Dan Peranannya Terhadap Persatuan Indonesia

Multiculturalism can be understood as an acknowledgment of the diversity of a pluralistic, heterogeneous and plural society. If expanded, it can also be interpreted as a diversity of cultures, traditions, lifestyles, religions, and other forms of difference. For the Indonesian people who are indeed blessed with God Almighty, this plurality and plurality should be a source of pride and great strength for the Indonesian nation. Multiculturalism is not only recognized but also accepted for differences, ethnicity, religion, race, between groups and ethnicities. The Indonesian people who live in it must be able to live side by side with each other, so that the desired harmonization of the Indonesian people can be realized properly. difference with Pancasila (nothing else). As a unifying ideology of the nation, Pancasila is a solution to conflicts between nationalist and religious groups, Pancasila has been able to show its function as a unifier of the plural, heterogeneous, and multicultural Indonesian nation.

The principle of humanism as a prerequisite for the content of individual categories of human rights

It is determined that human and civil rights are the most important institution, which has been developed not only in constitutional law, but also in the theory of law and in other sectoral legislation. In the second half of the XX century, this institution came to the fore, both domestically and internationally. The Institute of Human and Civil Rights and Freedoms is one of the most significant results of the legal development of society, from ancient times to the present day, when human rights have become an essential attribute of a democratic state governed by the rule of law. The modern approach with the declared principles of democracy is somewhat outdated and the whole world needs to rethink the acquired and find new approaches to understanding equality, justice, protection, etc.
 The necessary stability of the concept of protection of human and civil rights and freedoms is achieved by relying on a system of principles tested by science and practice. The viability and progressiveness of this concept is formed through a combination of legal, moral, traditional, and other socio-regulatory norms. Taking into account such an approach will prevent legal negativity from becoming a dominant phenomenon of the legal system, restrain the onslaught of legal nihilism and indifference.
 It is indicated that the principles are a kind of indicators that demonstrate the degree of development of the law itself, starting points that show the vector of legal regulation. Of course, the principles of law should reflect and express the basic values on which the law is focused, to carry the basis of «ideal» law. The purpose of legal principles is to ensure the ideological unity of lawmaking, law enforcement and law and order in general. They permeate the entire legal system of society, focusing its development on universal, most valuable ideals: democracy, justice, equality, humanism, individual freedom, etc.
 Definitely, humanism, as a legal category, is a worldview that considers man as a higher, self-sufficient and self-aware value. Humanism expresses the attitude to man in at least two ways: Thus, humanism is a certain moral requirement for human behavior, ie a certain category of moral awareness of man of the highest social value in the state.