Unilateral Declaration Of Independence Research Articles

The Strategic Use of Legitimizing Norms in Unilateral Declarations of Independence

The Strategic Use of Legitimizing Norms in Unilateral Declarations of Independence

Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence in the Indian Press, 1964–1970

This article considers the ways in which three important Indian newspapers reported on Rhodesia during the early years of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) crisis (1965–1970). It investigates how Indian commentators viewed the actions of not only the Rhodesian state, but also key international actors such as Britain, the Commonwealth and the Organisation of African Unity. It offers the chance to see how an important state of the Global South viewed UDI. It argues that, despite India’s limited involvement in events there, Rhodesia was of considerable interest to Indian journalists, and that they formed strong views about how the situation could be resolved.

Nazism, Fascism, and Genocide as Themes in ZANU and ZAPU Propaganda during the War against Rhodesia, 1965–1980

Abstract This article considers how the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU)—the two main African nationalist groups in the rebel British colony of Rhodesia—sought to undermine the White minority government of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) era in Rhodesia by denouncing it in their propaganda as “Nazi,” “fascist,” and “genocidal.” The author argues that ZANU and ZAPU built on ideas already put forth in the international arena. In doing so, they were able to develop the conception of colonialism as a fascist and genocidal system of government. Charges of fascism and genocide, as well as antiracism and anticolonialism, were central to ZANU’s and ZAPU’s political platform and their historical narrative of colonialism. The White population of Rhodesia, however, was proud of their record during the Second World War, and for African nationalists to equate them with the Nazis was to upend a major aspect of their identity. Through a discussion of these issues, this article studies the important role that these concepts played in one of the most significant anticolonial conflicts of the postwar period.

Failing to ‘do a de Gaulle’? The break in Anglo-Algerian relations (1965-1968) and the reassessment of British policy

ABSTRACT On 18 December 1965, a little over a month after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence, Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, in protest at the Labour Government’s decision not to use force against the white minority government in Salisbury. On one level, the diplomatic break seemed of secondary importance, and by the time relations resumed in April 1968, there had been no significant change in Britain’s or Algeria’s position on Rhodesia. However, as this article argues, the management of Britain’s relations with Algeria between 1965 and 1968 sheds important light on the place and views of Africa in Labour and diplomatic circles, at a time of decolonisation, of a second, unsuccessful, application to the EEC and of the creation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The article focuses on four areas of policy in turn: the place of Rhodesia in Anglo-Algerian relations; the influence of Labour contacts on the management of relations with Algeria; the influence of the crisis on Britain’s relations with the French in Africa and the impact of Franco-British exchanges on the evolution of British views and interests; and finally, the shifting place of Algeria in British diplomacy.

The Burden of Recognition in the Unilateral Declaration of Independence by Kosovo

Fourteen years after its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), Kosovo is not still an international legal personality. The major challenge that Kosovo has is neither recognition nor non-recognition but the withdrawal of recognition (WR) by countries that hitherto recognised it after the UDI. Evidently, the recognition of Kosovo has not only stagnated but it is retarding because of WR by some states. On 13 May 2022, Serbian Foreign Minister declared that there is WR by four additional countries bringing the total number of WR to twenty-two. The specific objective of the study is to evaluate the circumstances that precipitated the UDI of Kosovo and the reasons why its recognition is retarding. Accordingly, the study is guided by four research questions. The constitutive theory of statehood is the theoretical framework of the study. The study adopted the quality research methodology. The quagmire generated by the UDI of Kosovo compelled the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) to seek the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). There are a couple of reasons why the recognition of Kosovo is stagnating. The most important reason is to forestall a dangerous precedent for other secessionist movements. Some states still hold tenaciously to the illegality of Kosovo’s UDI despite the ICJ’s ruling. On 30 July 2022, the Prime Minister of Spain declared that the UDI of Kosovo is a violation of international law. The study recommends that the United Nation should clearly spell out the conditions for secession and recognition of States.

Settler Worldmaking: Reconfiguring the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1953–62

AbstractAs soon as the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was formed in 1953, disgruntled white settler politicians in the new polity pushed for the reconfiguration of its borders. Driven by decolonisation struggles across Africa and a surge of anti-colonial nationalism in Nyasaland in particular, these debates were particularly vibrant among the political establishment in Southern Rhodesia, the Federation's dominant constituent. The question of Southern Rhodesia's relationship to the Federation became divisive in right-wing circles as African decolonisation unfolded. However, as the pattern of imperial retreat solidified, the right wing abandoned interest in a reconstructed Federation and unified around a “Southern Rhodesia First” mantra. The “centrist” ruling party, entangled by the Federation's extant scaffolding, was forced to eventually embrace a partition plan which closely resembled the ideas traditionally espoused by the opposition. The process of this ideological realignment had important ramifications for Southern Rhodesian politics. In particular, it facilitated the reunification of the right wing and the embrace of unilateralism that manifested most dramatically in Southern Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965.

Prelude to Unilateralism: Foreclosed Independence Bids in Pre-Federation Southern Rhodesia, 1948 and 1950

ABSTRACT This article recovers two resolutions, in 1948 and 1950, respectively, by the all-white parliament in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) that expressed support for the colony’s independence within the British Commonwealth. The examination of these post-war pushes for sovereignty illuminate how Rhodesia’s political leadership was sensitive to wider changes in the imperial status quo, well before the broader white electorate became similarly seized by colonial withdrawal. The motions highlight the gulf between the metropole and local settler leadership, even when the latter were ostensibly firmly backed by imperial policy and domestic black political opposition was comparatively muted. Additionally, the two parliamentary debates elucidate domestic interparty differences. The article is primarily informed by verbatim transcripts of the pertinent legislative proceedings. The deliberations have largely disappeared from the colony’s historiography – a significant omission given the considerable scholarly interest surrounding Southern Rhodesia’s unilateral declaration of independence from Britain in 1965. This article shows that nearly two decades before that fateful step, changing international factors motivated Rhodesia’s political class to consider major steps that would ensure the maintenance of white dominance.

A hostage economy: The impact of Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence on Zambia, 1965-79

In November 1965, Rhodesia’s Prime Minister Ian Smith announced a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), prompting the United Nations and the British government to impose economic and financial sanctions on his government. In the context of regional politics of decolonisation, the Zambian government interpreted UDI as a moral affront to African freedom, independence, dignity as well as posing a grave danger to the country’s national security. They responded to the crisis by supporting international sanctions on Rhodesia and embarked on an exercise to extricate the economy from dependence on the illegal regime. This article traces part of these strategic initiatives employed by the Zambian government in response to UDI and illustrates how strict compliance to international sanctions along with economic disengagement severely strained the country’s economic stability. It argues that although UDI immeasurably compromised Zambia’s development efforts and brutally exposed the limitations and vulnerability of its economy, ultimately the government exploited the situation to its advantage by promoting the country’s development agenda through establishment of alternative transport routes, new sources of energy and electricity, and import substitution industries. Economic diversification became a major priority of government policy in the wake of UDI. The article utilises evidence from the Zambian archives to investigate the nature and extent of the challenges and opportunities UDI imposed on Zambia’s economy between 1965 and 1979. Until now, scholars have hardly interrogated this aspect.

Сепаратизм как угроза безопасности ЕС (На примере Каталонии)

The Catalan crisis raises deep concerns about the very nature of European democracy. This is no longer an internal affair of Spain – rather a European and global crisis. Brussels, having declared that the Catalan problem is an internal affair of Spain, cannot completely abstract from it, both for economic and political reasons. It is quite obvious that the Spanish political elite failed to come up with an attractive alternative for Catalonia, or even a basis for a positive dialogue. By decisively taking the side of Madrid after the unilateral declaration of independence, the European Union has caused great disappointment among the Catalan nationalists. The EU is “tired” of crises and seeks to avoid involvement where possible, and it also lacks political or legal tools to resolve separatist-related problems. The European Union turned out to be unprepared for the Catalan crisis politically and intellectually. An extensive network of the EU authorities in the field of crisis management has shown its ineffectiveness. The example of Catalonia clearly demonstrates that the issue of separatism in general poses a serious threat to the European Union and the future of European integration. This threat is twofold. The rise of separatism in Catalonia led to a deep constitutional and political crisis in Spain itself, superimposed on economic problems, especially aggravated during the pandemic. The fourth EU economy is faced with an acute problem of maintaining territorial integrity. The Catalan crisis demonstrated the inability of Brussels to resolve this kind of conflict with mechanisms at its disposal. New mechanisms are needed that can ensure an optimal balance between supranational, state and local government institutions. The events in Catalonia have clearly demonstrated that separatist movements can pose no less a threat to integration as such recognized challenges as terrorism, migration, climate change and cybersecurity. Crises emerging within the European Union have become a serious obstacle to further integration; consequently, the focus of the EU’s anti-crisis policy is gradually shifting from external problems to internal ones.

The Commonwealth and Rhodesia, 1965-1980

ABSTRACT This article discusses the significance for the Commonwealth of the period between Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965 and the formal end of British sovereignty in 1980. Rhodesia was one of many severe problems that confronted the Commonwealth during this period, but its response to the UDI helped to shape the contemporary Commonwealth in terms of its organisation, values, and statesmanship. This article suggests that although the independence of Zimbabwe represented a triumph for the Commonwealth, it also generated a mixed legacy because Zimbabwe and the Commonwealth have since failed to live up to the frequently-espoused rhetoric of racial justice, democracy, and human rights.

The Making of Contemporary Art in Tanzania

The Making of Contemporary Art in Tanzania

British Public Opinion on the Rhodesian Issue, 1963-1980

From 1965 to 1980 the rebel colony of Rhodesia was rarely out of the news. It formed one of the most significant issues in British politics, and multiple governments were unable to resolve the dispute. Yet, despite the extensive work done so far on the Rhodesian issue, little has been said about the views of the British public. This article uses the many opinion polls taken on the subject to explore the topic during the period just before and during Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence. It considers the interest that the British public took in Rhodesia, as well as their level of knowledge about the topic, and how they viewed the racial struggle that took place there. It shows how the crisis of the 1960s captured the public imagination, before interest declined in the early 1970s, only to be renewed at the end of the war. It also explains how it would be simplistic to say that people in Britain were necessarily wholly against the use of force in 1965, but that they turned against it more firmly as time went on. Again, on the subject of sanctions views were divided throughout the period. It further demonstrates that there the British public had complicated views about a majority rule state, even if they believed that it was an inevitable, and justified outcome of the situation. Ultimately, however, it argues that people in Britain felt that Rhodesia was a complex and distant problem for which any expedient solution was generally perceived as satisfactory. Finally, it suggests that public attitudes to Rhodesia and UDI are indicative of significant developments in how the British viewed the Empire and their post-Imperial obligations during the period 1965–80.

From ‘the people’ to the crowd: The push for independence in Catalonia

This article examines the sociological value of Elias Canetti’s work on crowds and power. It explores crowd action and imagery in the push for Catalan independence through the analysis of materials published on Twitter by Tsunami Democràtic, which emerged to coordinate the response to the sentencing of Catalan political leaders after the unilateral declaration of independence. It then goes on to discuss how a crowd-based approach offers a supplementary perspective to contemporary studies of populism, on the one hand, and to accounts that primarily focus on the role of social media in organizing political protest movements, on the other. An analysis of crowds not only avoids both methodological holism and methodological individualism. It also helps to understand why so many people were mobilized beyond the power of concepts, ideologies and discourse.

The political stance of sport: FC Barcelona and the sovereignty process of Catalonia (2012-2017)

ABSTRACT This paper will evaluate the political stance of sport analysing the case of FC Barcelona (Barça) during the sovereignty process of Catalonia. The main objective is to clarify Barça’s commitment with the sporting values between the 2012 Diada and the unilateral declaration of independence of October 2017, and to do that, we perform a critical discourse analysis through the methodological triangulation. We analyse the official statements, public declarations and interviews of the club members to comprehend the involvement of Barça in the political events that occurred in Catalonia. The theoretical framework rejects the use of politicization as a valid concept to understand the political implications of sports institutions, since it is an oversimplification of the complex relationship between sport and politics. The conclusion is that Barça has defended the political values of sport – dialogue, mutual respect and democracy – looking for a peaceful solution to the political conflict in Catalonia.

La cuestión catalana: origen, desarrollo, y perspectivas

Catalonia is one of the richest regions in Spain and, thanks to its Statute of Autonomy, it enjoys a self-government comparable to that existing in federal States. It has been part of Spain for as long as Spain exists, but in the course of history there have been several episodes of disagreement and attempts at receiving independence. Since the beginning of this century, a sovereignty process has been launched by supporters of secession, ignorant of the Constitution and Spanish legality, that culminated, in October 2017, with a unilateral declaration of independence, which involved temporary intervention by the Spanish Government and the trial and condemnation of the main leaders, in addition to not being recognized by any country or international organization in the world. Catalan society is plural, formed in part by emigrants from other parts of Spain, and is very divided on this issue. Supporters of independence have never managed to obtain 50% of the votes in any of the numerous elections carried out, although there is a majority favorable to increasing the level of autonomy. The solution to this conflict can only come with the achievement of a political agreement that establishes a new relationship between Catalonia and the rest of Spain, which satisfies a majority, without the need to break up. But this solution will be difficult because of both the radicalism of some separatist leaders and the lack of agreement between the Spanish parties on how to approach the issue.

Значение правовых позиций международных и внутригосударственных судебных органов для предотвращения сецессии: теоретико-исторический аспект

The legal regulation of secession – the unilateral withdrawal of a part of territory from the parent state, is carried out at the junction of two branches of law – international and constitutional. Due to the absence in most of written constitutions of norms directly related to secession, and the laconic nature of relevant principles of international law, allowing for the possibility of ambiguous interpretation, decisions of international and domestic judicial authorities on the admissibility of secession play a special role in the legal mechanisms for its prevention, which determines the relevance of the chosen themes. Based on the analysis of the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of the United Nations of July 22, 2010 “On compliance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo”, we formulate a conclusion about the absence of uniform international legal criteria to determine the admissibility of secession. In our opinion, the Inter-national Court of Justice has not resolved the legal issue underlying the pro-tracted political conflict, has not created a new norm of customary interna-tional law, but has not provided the supporters of the unilateral declaration of independence with the necessary and sufficient arguments for the legal justification of their position. This allows us to speak about the importance of this decision in the international legal mechanisms for the prevention of secession, which, however, are at the stage of formation. Their development should take place synchronously with the constitutional and legal intrastate mechanisms, which in modern conditions should be aimed at finding a bal-ance between the interests of the center and regional communities, establish-ing a dialogue with supporters of independence and protecting the national and cultural identity of population.

Rhodesia and FIFA: racial discrimination, political legitimacy and football, 1960 to 1980

ABSTRACT Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) was a member of FIFA from 1965 until its suspension in 1970, playing a single qualifying match against Australia for the 1970 World Cup. Rhodesia was under sanctions as a result of the white minority regime’s unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) from Great Britain, which affected athletes’ ability to participate in international sport. Football was the most popular sport for the black majority, though like other sports it was organized around private clubs, allowing informal racial segregation to persist. The Football Association of Rhodesia (originally the Southern Rhodesian Football Association) was the official FIFA affiliate, though it faced persistent challenges to its control of Rhodesian soccer as a result of its white leadership. A new racially integrated organization, the National Football Association of Rhodesia (NFAR), became the controlling body for football under black leadership by the mid-1970s. NFAR became the Zimbabwe Football Association and was admitted to FIFA in 1980.

La Declaración Unilateral de Independencia del Parlamento de Cataluña en relación con la Declaración Unilateral de Independencia de Kosovo: una perspectiva no solo constitucional

The Unilateral Declaration of Independence took place in Catalonia on October 27, 2017 and had legal and political consequences that are still being resolved. In this paper, it will be discussed its similarities and differences with the UDI carried out by Kosovo and its effects on the international community. It could be said that the International Court of Justice in its Advisory Opinion does not prohibit the Kosovo UDI and its has been used by Catalan independence nationalism as a valid argument to reinforce its idea of secession, which they transform into a unilateral secession derived from the right of self-determination. In the following pages, the implications of this argument will be outlined, as well as the different relationships established in the case between constitutional law and international law

A MULTICULTURAL DYSTOPIA: THE ETHNICIZATION OF EDUCATION IN POST-INDEPENDENCE KOSOVO

Taking the unilateral declaration of independence as an historical milestone, this essay investigates the role of education within Kosovo’s current national system questioning whether education and, in particular, educational decentralization complemented by enhanced non-majority rights for the Kosovo-Serb community, has contributed to fostering a multicultural society or has, by contrast, reinforced the ethno-cultural divide between Kosovo-Albanians and Kosovo-Serbs. This will be done through an analysis of the gap between multicultural policies and effective practises over aspects of language, curriculum, teachers’ attitude and textbooks within the Kosovo-run system. The second part of the essay will address the response of the K-Serb community through the use of education as a tool of ‘resistance’ in the reiteration of its political stance in line with the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 with implications for social cohesion and the future of Kosovo. The “conceptualization” of these two parallel systems may be either indicative of future integration or conversely the expression for a call of full autonomy on the part of the K-Serbian inhabited north or, even worse, symptomatic of a return to violence. Article visualizations:

Gathering Farmer-Pastoralist Livelihoods in Rhodesia: 1965-1980

Abstract This study analyses livelihoods and their sustainability among blacks in Northern Mount Darwin District (NMDD), Rhodesia, between 1965 and 1980. It explores livelihood streams gained from gathering multiple forest products, farming and keeping livestock in the context of severe land shortage. It examines major socio-economic challenges that were part and parcel of the exploitative colonial system: the international sanctions imposed on Rhodesia after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965 and the economic problems associated with the war of liberation during the 1960s and 1970s. The study adopts several interdisciplinary research techniques including historical and case study approaches. The exploration of black livelihoods in the NMDD case study shows that the region suffered extreme state negligence in the provision of public services like education, health, roads, water and sanitation. The study privileges the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) that integrates assets, constraints and human capabilities in a logical and comprehensive manner to analyse the status, form, nature and condition of livelihoods in Rhodesia. Vulnerability to colonial oppression and exploitation were major factors that NMDD families endeavoured to manage through diverse ways of making a living dominated by farming.