Underground Newspapers Research Articles

ПРАВОПИСНА ТА ЛЕКСИЧНА ВАРІЯНТНІСТЬ У ПУБЛІЦИСТИЦІ ПЕРІОДУ ДРУГОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ (НА МАТЕРІЯЛІ ГРАКУ)

The article examines the cases of correlation between language standardization and ideology. The theoretical part of the study explores the history of the Ukranian spelling establishment. Then, the subcorpora of German, Soviet and underground periodicals have been created in General Regionally Annotated Corpus of the Ukrainian Language. In the practical part of the paper, an analysis of language norm variation in newspapers of different political orientation published during the Second World War in the General Regionally Annotated Corpus of the Ukrainian Language has been carried out, and the influence of ideology on the formation of language norms has been traced. The analysis concerns some phonetic and morphological peculiarities of the Ukrainian language. It was found that the German occupation newspapers and underground newspapers of OUN-UPA gravitate towards the Spelling of 1928, although some variability can be traced, and the Soviet ones gravitate towards the Spelling of 1933. It was established that the choice of a variant depended on the political orientation of the publication. At the lexical level, Soviet periodicals gravitate towards foreign words, while German and underground periodicals again show different tendencies.

The American Counterculture: A History of Hippies and Cultural Dissidents

Cultural memory of the hippie movement of the mid-twentieth century has been, in many ways, reduced to a series of snapshots. A young woman places a flower in the barrel of the gun a police officer is pointing at her. Young people in loose-flowing tie-dyed clothes smoke pot and dance to psychedelic music. Young men and women flash the “peace” sign. In The American Counterculture, Damon R. Bach argues that, like the general public, historians have approached the topic in a simplistic way, developing a narrative that suggests that the counterculture only existed for a short period of time and that its goals did not change. Instead, the author contends that the counterculture went through numerous changes and was porous in terms of who was considered part of the movement at any given time. Furthermore, he argues that “The most significant of these transformations was its transition from the cultural to the political” (xi). Claiming that no historiography of the counterculture movement, its major players, and events exists, he sets out to create one using primary source documents like underground newspapers and interviews.Bach argues that the alienation of middle-class white youth in the 1950s was a major cause of the counterculture, and that hippies worked to build alternate communities in order to change society as a whole. Dope (marijuana and LSD as opposed to addictive drugs), rock music, and open sexuality were part of the hippie lifestyle, and how much each of these elements factored into the counterculture changed over time. The book discusses well-known events, like Woodstock and the Chicago National Convention, as well as many lesser known and local events, building a strong case to support Bach's arguments.A major challenge that the author faces is that the 1960s and 1970s have passed into history for younger people while older people still have memories of the time. As a result, what people know about the period varies greatly. Thus, some descriptions of events and people feel overwritten while some readers will be confused by the casual mention of new groups, places, and events. For instance, much of the narrative about the 1950s is familiar. On the other hand, readers may be unfamiliar with the White Panthers Party, which is mentioned in passing early in the book (24) but not described until much later (148–49). Fortunately, the book has an excellent index and an extensive bibliography to help a reader over any hurdles.In addition to being well-researched and introducing a good variety of source material, the book is well-organized. In general, it is in chronological order, with each chapter addressing a period of years. Each chapter starts by summarizing the major changes that occurred in the counterculture during the time period under discussion followed by subheaders that address events and topics from that period. For instance, Chapter 4, “Freaks and Hairies Everywhere: The Rise of the Countersociety and its Apogee, 1970–1972,” begins by arguing that various counterculture groups worked together during this period, that the counterculture became more diverse, and that it began to advocate for women's and gay rights. Subtopics include “Counterculture Environmentalism and Earth Day,” “New Left-Counterculture Fusion and the Rise of the Countersociety,” and “Rock Festivals and Rock Revolutionaries.” This organization makes the book an excellent reference for anyone researching the period as it relates to the counterculture.The book is least effective when addressing how the hippie movement interacted with other movements of the time. The lack of detail about these other movements leads to some broad and inaccurate characterizations. For instance, the description of Stonewall glosses over the contribution of trans women, avoiding a discussion of how the counterculture responded to these individuals, and the women's movements are simplified to the point that the only women's movement appears to be that of straight, White women. Nevertheless, this book could be a challenge to students of the other movements to provide a similar historiography.The book points out that the hippie counterculture was successful in changing American culture, including greater environmental awareness, a change in sexual attitudes, and the move toward eating healthier food. Furthermore, it raises a number of intriguing questions that researchers might be interested in pursuing, such as, how did White privilege distinguish and affect the movement? Is degeneration into violence inherent in prolonged activism and alternate communities or is it avoidable? Can alternative communities survive long-term? The answers to such questions could be just as important for understanding subcultures today.

„O Niepodległą i Chrystusową Polskę” – „Orlęta” rudnickie (1947-1949)

Established in 1947 in Rudnik nad Sanem, “Orlęta” was the largest, after the war, illegal organization in the former province of Rzeszów. It was created by several students of the State Junior High School and High School in Rudnik nad Sanem: Stanisław Mandecki, Lesław Popowicz, Władysław Konefał and Kazimierz Dechnik. In the organization, the rules of the Roman Catholic religion were in force, which served the idea of the Polish Christ and were expressed in the slogan borrowed from the scouting of the pre-war Homeland - Science - Virtue. The organization developed quickly and soon it had more than 100 members from the age of 16 to 25. The “Orlęta” departments were also established in Nisko, Stalowa Wola, Łańcut, Rzeszów, Brzozów and Biłgoraj. There was a strict conspiracy. “Orlęta” focused on self-education and awareness. All the time, the boys took part in the campaign of picking up communist posters, posters, banners and red flags, as well as displaying and distributing patriotic leaflets and proclamations. They also published two underground newspapers. The Orlęta also carried out several military actions aimed at gaining funds for the organization’s activities. Liquidation of the “Orlęta” began in 1949. Its members, after a series of trials, spent several years in prisons. The leader of the group Stanisław Mandecki was sentenced to 15 years in prison, of whom he served seven years and three months.

Historia „Słowa Polskiego” podczas II wojny światowej

THE HISTORY OF SŁOWO POLSKIE DURING SECOND WORLD WAR The article presents the history of one of a few Polish underground newspapers Słowo Polskie, which was issued by National Military Organization (NOW) during German and the second Soviet occupation in Lviv (1943-1946). The publication was based on NOW members’ relations, gathered by Boleslaw Tomaszewski. The author describes the structure of NOW, as well as the places where printing houses and contact points were located.

Generał Zbigniew Nowek – działacz społeczny, dowódca służb specjalnych (1959–2019)

Zbigniew Nowek (1959–2019) – since the late 1970s, an activist of the democratic opposition. In 1980–1981, he was the chairman of the Independent Students’ Association of the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. Co-founder of the independent publishing house «Alternatywy». During the period of martial law, he was the publisher and printer of huge amounts of leafl ets and underground newspapers in Gdańsk, as well as books, postcards, posters, etc. In 1998–2001, head of the State Protection Offi ce, in 2005–2008, head of the Intelligence Agency, elevated to the rank of general, in 2010 r. deputy head of the National Security Bureau.

ПРЕСА ЖИТОМИРЩИНИ В ПЕРІОД ДРУГОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ: ЯКІСНИЙ АНАЛІЗ

38 newspaper editions of the Zhytomyr region during the Second World War (1939-1945) was selected as the object of the study. The subject of the study is the conditions of origin of newspapers, the peculiarities of their operation and time of publication, as well as the features of the materials of these publications. Research methods are traditional analysis (qualitative); historical method; logical method; synthesis; generalization. It is expedient to divide newspaper editions into legal editions of the Ukrainian independence movement; official German publications; underground Soviet publications; underground nationalist publications. After the occupation, the first newspapers began to appear in the Zhytomyr region in late summer and early autumn 1941, and the most were influenced by the independence movement. Immediately, the occupying German authorities, using censorship, launched a propaganda campaign about the benefits of the "new order". From the end of November 1941, the publications came under the control of the occupying German government and became its main information and propaganda body. One of the tools of alternative propaganda influence on the local population was the underground Soviet periodicals. For some time an underground nationalist publication was published in the region but had no significant impact on the population. Since 1944 (the time of the return of the Soviet army) all publications of the Ukrainian independence movement, the German official press and nationalist periodicals have ceased to be published. Only one of the underground pro-Soviet newspapers, which became official, continued to be published. Comparison of the number of publications on the territory of Zhytomyr region in the war, pre-war and post-war periods gives grounds to hypothesize that the possible dependence of the number of publications from the degree of freedom of the press. The study of foreign language periodicals, in particular in Polish, remains promising.

The American Politics of French Theory: Derrida, Deleuze, Guattari, and Foucault in Translation

The American Politics of French Theory: Derrida, Deleuze, Guattari, and Foucault in Translation

The Counterculture of the 1960s and the Birth of Underground Press in the United States

The Underground Press Syndicate (UPS), later known as the Alternative Press Syndicate (APS), was a network of countercultural newspapers and magazines formed in mid-1966 by the publishers of five early underground newspapers: The East Village Other, The Los Angeles Free Press, The Berkeley Barb, The Paper, and Fifth Estate. The Syndicate was initiated by Allen Cohen, editor of the legendary 1960's edition of the San Francisco Oracle. By 1974, most underground newspapers in the United States had ceased to exist, but their influence was felt throughout the 1970s and the following years, leading to the emergence of small-town and suburban press offering a wide audience alternative views on local news, cultural news, Native American politics, ecology, youth, and anti-war movements.

Counterculture Of 1960-S and «Underground Press» in the Usa

The Underground Press Syndicate (UPS), later known as Alternative Press Syndicate (APS), was a chain of countercultural newspapers and magazines created in the middle of 1966 by publishers of five early underground newspapers «The East Village Other», «The Los Angeles Free Press», «The Berkeley Barb», «The Paper» and «Fifth Estate». By 1974 the majority of underground papers in the USA ceased to exist but they had an impact on journalistic processes during 1970-s that led to the press development in small towns and countryside giving alternative opinion about local news, cultural news, Native Americans’ politics, ecology, youth and anti-military movements. The article considers the history of “underground press” in the USA, its role and importance for Countercultural Revolution of the 1960-s, which was countrywide in the USA and covered all areas of life.

Lives Reclaimed: A Story of Rescue and Resistance in Nazi Germany by Mark Roseman

Reviewed by: Lives Reclaimed: A Story of Rescue and Resistance in Nazi Germany by Mark Roseman Gerald J. Steinacher Lives Reclaimed: A Story of Rescue and Resistance in Nazi Germany. By Mark Roseman. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2019. 332 pages. $30.00 (cloth). What are the possibilities and limits of a group of decent, idealistic people when their democratic society is overtaken by a totalitarian dictatorship? How can they remain true to themselves and others under such new and extreme circumstances? These questions are at the core of Mark Roseman's new thought-provoking book, Lives Reclaimed: A Story of Rescue and Resistance in Nazi Germany. This is the story of a remarkable German group with about 200 members called the Bund (the league). They shared a left-leaning philosophy that promoted life in community, caring for others, a passion for nature, hiking and gymnastics, and a strong belief in the ultimate progress of history towards a better human society. Trapped in Nazi Germany, the group members assisted each other during the hardships of war and persecution but also showed empathy and support for others outside the group. Ultimately, their ideals made them risk their own lives to save the lives of others. The questions of how and why they did this are at the center of Roseman's book. The Bund's origins go back to the immediate aftermath of World War I and the first German democracy with its hopes for a [End Page 391] better future. Artur Jacobs was one of many who shared the optimism and vision for a different society. In his late 30s, this high school teacher believed in the power of education to fight nationalism and warmongering and to bring about social justice and international understanding. An outspoken advocate for education reform, Jacobs soon joined a group of similarly-minded educators. In 1924, their organization officially came into being: Bund—A Community for Socialist Life. During the years of the Weimar Republic, the group flourished, experimenting with new ways of living. Some elements of the Bund were reminiscent of sects, advocating limits to personal freedom and private life in a number of ways. For example, the group intervened in marriage decisions. Like the later communes of the 1960s, Bund idealists rejected many "bourgeois conventions" and embraced liberal body culture; however, "free love" was not on the agenda. As Roseman points out, in the late 1920s the group was more like a socialist-inspired secular version of a monkish order, with a strong focus on physical exercise and working out in nature, than a political group. But unlike some orders, the Bund did not retreat from the world. On the contrary, it hoped to actively shape and contribute to a better future. The majority of its members were women, most of them living in the Ruhr region, which at the time was the heartland of the German steel and coal energy industries. Companies like Krupp, Thyssen, and Mannesmann maintained their headquarters there. A significant minority of the group were of Jewish background or had, like the Bund leader Artur Jacobs, a Jewish spouse. During the Nazi years of brutal persecution, this would turn out to be a significant test for this group of idealists. When Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor in January 1933, the Nazis gradually dismantled what was left of the Weimar democracy and the constitution became an empty shell. The anti-Nazi opposition from socialist and Christian forces was soon crippled. The Bund too was weakened, and the active membership shrank to perhaps just below 100. Despite all this, the inner core did not give in, kept together, and stayed faithful to their beliefs. [End Page 392] To this day, the Bund stands out as one of the few oppositional groups never discovered and dismantled by the Gestapo. This was due undoubtedly to luck and also related to the group's nature. The majority of its members were female, and the Nazis minimized the threat posed to their regime by women. The group also did not engage in traditional resistance activities such as producing leaflets, publishing underground newspapers, painting protest messages on walls and sidewalks, and committing sabotage acts or assassinations. For...

Ośrodki wydawnicze wileńskiej konspiracji 1939–1945


 During the successive occupations (Soviet, Lithuanian, German and again Soviet), Wilno was one of the most thriving publishing centers of conspiracy press. Between 1939 and 1945, there were probably 54 press titles published by ZWZ-AK, Regional Delegation for Wilno, Wilno Democratic Concentration, political parties, communist underworld, youth organizations and even individuals. Furthermore, there are 24 known conspiratorial pamphlets published at the time. The military and political undergrounds became the most important publishing focal points for conspiracy press. However, there were also publishers from outside this group - political organizations that did not answer to central authorities, independent groups of a military character, large numbers of youth organizations, individuals issuing underground newspapers. These publications are both a historical source of the Polish armed struggle against the occupant in Wilno and neighboring areas, mostly populated by Poles at that time, and a testament to the debates on political topics within the conspiracies.

Underground Newspapers' Criticism of Pro Japanese Collaborators during the Period of March 1st Movement

Underground Newspapers' Criticism of Pro Japanese Collaborators during the Period of March 1st Movement

Prasa konspiracyjna w służbie kontrpropagandy — funkcje, cele, zjawiska językowe na przykładzie gazet podziemnych 1939–1945

Underground press in the service of counterpropaganda — functions, goals, linguistic phenomena as seen in underground newspapers of 1939–1945In the article the author examines the most important strategies of the linguistic fight against the Nazi propaganda employed by the underground press published by political parties active in the Polish Underground State during the Second World War. A theoretical introduction contains an outline of the model of political communication under German occupation 1939–1945 as well as the most important functions of articles that could be placed between political propaganda and wartime propaganda.

Book Review: Smoking Typewriters: The Sixties Underground Press and the Rise of Alternative Media in America

Smoking Typewriters: The Sixties Underground Press and Rise of Alternative Media in America. John McMillian. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 304 pp. $27.95 hbk.The first chapter of Smoking Typewriters, John McMillian's historical study of underground newspapers during 1960s, opens with a description of national office of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) in Chicago as it was in middle part of that decade. Day and night, McMillian writes, amid frequently ringing phones, taptap- tap of perhaps a dozen typewriters, and periodic rumble of a nearby elevated train, young reporters and editors worked and slept and ate in a room that one writer at time described as something between a newsroom and a flophouse. On one wall, a picture of a mimeograph machine was captioned Our Founder.The image seems perfect to capture spirit of this critical era, when very young people were asking very hard questions about meaning of power and role of press. As subtitle suggests, McMillian's book focuses not just on SDS but a variety of alternative newspapers that arose during what he calls the Sixties-the era itself, with all of its implications, as opposed to actual decade of 1960s. Popping up like mushrooms after a spring rain (as one radical journalist put it) or like weeds (as Time wrote), papers such Los Angeles Free Press (aka Freep), Berkeley (California) Barb, New York's East Village Other, East Lansing's (Michigan) The Paper, and Austin (Texas) Rag, were central to changes Sixties are remembered for. As McMillian puts it, Along with new gravitas in rock and roll, rising tide of campus-based activism, and outre countercultural style, underground newspapers began contributing mightily to New Left's sense that it stood at heart of a new society.McMillian's study is important. As he notes in introduction, most of work done on Sixties press has been written retrospectively by who were part of it. Certainly, that work is irreplaceable, but as a younger historian who blends a clear appreciation for era with critical detachment of time, McMillian helps us see underground press movement in broader, clearer terms. An assistant history professor at Georgia State University and founding editor of The Sixties: A Journal of History, Politics, and Culture, he knows times well, enabling him to offer an understanding of political and social context with an empathetic-and yet not hagiographic-appreciation.Drawing on archival materials and interviews or correspondence with who were involved, he shows us how underground press emerged in context of those outspoken thinkers and writers who directly challenged American culture and values in 1950s and early 1960s-the beat poets, social critics, novelists, and dramatists who produced work that rested uneasily alongside popular characterizations of Eisenhower era as one of tranquility, optimism, and innocence. Yet study takes us close enough to see motivations and struggles of individual leaders, such as Freep founder Art Kunkin, described as Marxist, half hippie; cherubic teenager Michael Kindman, who helped found Paper at conservative Michigan State; and, particularly, Liberation News Service founders Raymond Mungo of Boston University and Amherst's Marshall Bloom. He also shows us individual activists' contradictions. Thomas King Forcade, national coordinator of Underground Press Syndicate, transformed it from a chaotic and somewhat anemic organization into a legal corporation through increased advertising for member papers. …

A “Dirty Old Man” on Stage: Charles Bukowski and the Underground Press in the 1960s

While the underground press was instrumental in turning Charles Bukowski into a popular figure in the alternative publishing scene in the late 1960s, its relevance in Bukowski's early career has been largely overlooked. For Bukowski, the underground newspapers were an ideal outlet for his prolific output, and, unlike the little magazines—where his work was nonetheless staunchly championed—they paid him for his literary efforts. This previously uncharted territory is here illustrated by means of a critical journey through the main periodical appearances of the period, stressing how crucial Open City—where his infamous, unvarnished “Notes of a Dirty Old Man” columns made their debut—Nola Express, Los Angeles Free Press and many other underground outfits were in helping Bukowski become an international icon.

Underground Newspapers during the March First Movement

Underground Newspapers during the March First Movement

Collecting the Wretched Refuse: Lifting a Lamp to Zines, Military Newspapers, and Wisconsinalia

Newspapers/periodicals librarian James Danky does collection building wherever he goes and with whomever he communicates, it seems. Thanks to his efforts, the Madison-based Wisconsin Historical Society collects materials from categories other librarians usually overlook, including zines (homemade periodicals, produced for reasons other than to make money, usually photocopied and published irregularly), something he compares to "other print forms that served the same purposes"—radical handbills of the 1880s, poetry pamphlets of the 1950s, and underground newspapers of the 1960s. Danky also collects Wisconsin-based periodicals, no matter how small their circulation, nor how esoteric their content, from Cheese Reporter to Clothed with the Sun; prison publications; and military, embassy, and consulate publications. WHS is the only institution in the United States collecting military base publications, a genre full of racy-sounding titles like Shoot 'Em Down and Danger Forward. These magazines and papers provide unique, close-up views of soldiers' lives, or at least a glimpse at the culture in which they work.

Alternative media, diasporas and the mediation of the Zimbabwe crisis

Historically, societies living under repressive regimes have always come up with alternative forms of communication as tools of subversion. While underground newspapers and ‘pirate radio’ have been some of the most common forms, the advent of new communication technologies in recent years has brought new forms of alternative media with greater possibilities for transnational and even wider citizen participation and empowerment. This study starts from the premise that Zimbabwe's restricted democratic space has spawned a multiplicity of alternative public spheres that enable groups and individuals to continue to participate and engage in the wider debate on the mutating crisis gripping the country since the turn of the century. The paper looks at how Zimbabweans in the diaspora are creatively exploiting new media to resist state propaganda churned out through the mainstream media. The study analyses foreign-based news websites on Zimbabwe and seeks to ascertain the nature and extent of their contribution to the ongoing discourse on the Zimbabwe crisis. It looks at the organisational and production aspects of these alternative media, and how these affect their performance as alternative channels of discourse.

Patriotism Means Resistance

Account of political activities surrounding the anti-war trials of the Beaver 55 and the Minnesota 8 in 1970. Analysis and interpretation based upon trial transcripts, underground newspapers, mainstream media events, and personal interview with the peace activists.

Junky and Important: The Collective Model in the Rearview Mirror

Ant Farm: 1968-1978. Organized by University of California, Berkeley Art Museum and Pacific Film Archive, January 21-April 26, 2004. Exhibition curators: Constance M. Lewallen and Steve Seid. Santa Monica Museum of Art, July 2-August 14, 2004; University of Pennsylvania, Institute of Contemporary Art, Philadelphia, September 10-December 12, 2004; Blaffer Gallery, the Art Museum of the University of Houston, January 15-March 13, 2005; ZKM (Zentrum für Kunst und Medientechnologie), Karlsruhe, Germany, April 30-July 24, 2005; Yale University School of Architecture Gallery, New Haven, August 29-November 4, 2005. Ant Farm: 1968-1978. By Constance M. Lewallen and Steve Seid. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. 201 pages. $60.00 (cloth). $29.95 (paper). Long overdue, this retrospective situates Ant Farm at the top of the lively heap of artist collectives that flourished in the United States in the years from 1968 to 1978. Unstintingly nomadic in pursuit of architectural commissions, media projects, and sheer pleasure, Ant Farm (founded by Chip Lord and Doug Michels, who were soon joined by Curtis Schreier, Doug Hurr, and Hudson Marquez) chose the Bay Area as its base—or heap. San Francisco's rich and quirky history of nurturing artistic and political avant-gardes made that choice obligatory. Ant Farm's vertiginous decade of activity registers as among the more compelling embodiments of the U.S. counterculture's rejection of the Leviathan that Eisenhower identified as the military-industrial complex. While the group's work bizarrely enough escaped engaging the three inescapable issues—the war, racism, and sexism—what they did produce attacked, or attempted through counterexample to negate, the colonization of everyday life by corporate culture in the United States. Ant Doug Michels has said they started out wanting "a cool name. We wanted to be an architecture group that [End Page 223] was more like a rock band . . . We would be doing underground architecture, like underground newspapers and underground movies, and [a friend] said, 'Oh, you mean like an Ant Farm?' And that's all it took. It was very Ant Farm. The founding of the name was indicative of how Ant Farm worked: the right idea comes, everybody acknowledges it is the right idea and instantly adopts it" (41). In 1968, to jump without a parachute into the horizontal sprawl of what Michels called the underground was infinitely more attractive than stepping up on to the fateful first rung of the rickety old career ladder that the Ants' university training as architects had prepared them to pursue. By 1968 the term underground was sounding romanticized and a little dated—it was already cropping up in the Sunday supplements, attaching bogus cachet to slightly offbeat or racy films. However, the cultural resistance that might once have been content to stay underground had emerged as a conscious counterculture, which was, of course, largely organized into collectives. The desire to reimagine everyday life in every conceivable direction and who knew how many dimensions was being taken up with fervor. Within the dozens of Bay Area collectives, people shared rent, cooked on a rotating basis, organized food co-ops, wore thrift store rags, bought or traded only used books and used records, dialed phony corporate credit card numbers to make long distance calls, sacramentally shared mind-expanding chemicals—a well-articulated panoply of operations that bespoke considerable economic control of proudly marginal lives. These community-wide resistant practices were in turn sustained by a spirit of play, free cultural centers, cheap coffee houses, free clinics, theater troupes, and an alternative press and radio station. In this context, a rare experimental architectural collective like Ant Farm could thrive, having already shucked off the weight of many of the repressive antidemocratic assumptions that underpinned high modernist architecture. Since the many active elements of the counterculture had already set in motion the process of decolonizing everyday life, the ever playful Ant Farm, named after a child's toy, approached in its early architectural projects...