Undemocratic State Research Articles

Michelangelo Antonioni’s tetralogy of alienation on cinema screens in the People’s Republic of Poland: A study of the critical reception

The People’s Republic of Poland, an undemocratic state that existed from 1947 to 1989, was politically dependent on the Soviet Union. It relied on its cultural policy of heavily rationing access to products made in capitalist countries; few exceptions were made to this policy, but of them, Italian director and filmmaker Michelangelo Antonioni’s filmography was one of the most important, even though not all of his films were released to the Polish public until 1989. This article focuses on the critical reception of Michelangelo Antonioni’s ‘tetralogy of alienation’ in the People’s Republic of Poland during the 1960s and 1970s. Antonioni’s tetralogy comprises L’avventura (The Adventure), La notte (The Night), L’eclisse (The Eclipse) and Deserto Rosso (Red Desert). In this article, I examine how Polish critics grappled with the differences between the cinematic world depicted in these films and the realities of the ‘people’s democracy’ in Poland. I focus on the cultural reception of these films, utilizing reviews published in film magazines, cultural magazines and the daily press from the period.

The struggle for land in coastal Ecuador during the PAIS alliance pink-tide governments: trapped in patronage, corruption, and violence

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the barriers that peasant associations faced to access seized land in Hacienda Las Mercedes through the Plan Tierras. I argue that the mobilization for land transited between an undemocratic state that has historically served the agrarian elite and a state impregnated by patronage, corruption and violent practices that wrested autonomy from and divided peasant organizations to prevent the effective distribution of seized hacienda land. Persistent peasant mobilization illustrates how the struggle for land was also a struggle against a state apparatus that continued to serve the interests of the agrarian elite eager to recover its former properties.

Sudden weather disasters as triggers for ethnic protest in autocracies?

Under what conditions do disastrous storms and floods provoke anti-government protests in autocracies? While grievances, as they often occur after disastrous weather events, are necessary preconditions for protests, they are by no means sufficient. This is particularly true in undemocratic states, where protesters typically fear repressive sanctions. Therefore, this essay hypothesizes that disastrous storms and floods primarily result in anti-government mobilization in autocracies when they occur in the homelands of marginalized ethnic groups. In such scenarios, the immediate hardships caused by the disaster come on top of underlying more structural grievances. Moreover, groups with shared ethnic identities are more likely to mobilize for collective action. This argument is tested using quantitative cross-national protest-event data from the Mass Mobilization in Autocracies Database (MMAD). The results of numerous regression analyses on a sample pre-processed with Coarsened Exact Matching to address potential concerns of endogeneity yield robust support for the outlined hypothesis.

International legal framework regulating military exercises Lawfare potentially associated with military exercises as a hybrid threat

This article analyses international law norms and diplomatic mechanisms concerning militaryexercises. As such a topic is relatively new, with the international legal system being breachedby authoritarian regimes using lawfare, the legal aspects of military exercises have not yetbeen researched and thus require more focus, especially from the standpoint of hybrid threats.International law itself is leaky and lacks enforcement measures, since sanctions are not anelement of the international legal arrangement. It lacks a centralised enforcement mechanism,the principles and rules governing responsibility for wrongful acts require the wrongdoerscooperation, and the mechanisms and procedures to deal with the consequences of suchwrongful acts, including restitution and compensation, are not universally recognised. Mostcountries in the global arena follow the paradigm of the United Nations, where states mustmaintain their relations in a peaceful manner in order to achieve security and stability. However,some undemocratic states, mainly the Russian Federation and the Peoples Republicof China, have been presenting hostile postures towards the Western worlds values, wherehuman life tops the hierarchy of protected values. Traditionally, military exercises have beenused as a messaging tool between strategic competitors and potential adversaries to signaltheir own military strength. Russia and China are fully aware of the lack of hard law concerningthe subject of military exercises; they readily seize the resulting opportunities to create andexploit legal grey zones, as well as to frequently breach international law, while knowing thatlittle can be done against their malevolent conduct.

Post-transitional Justice in Nigeria and the Igbo Nationalism Question

The 1990s saw the resurgence of transitional justice as a mechanism for reconciling groups and individuals in hitherto authoritarian and undemocratic states. The former military-governed states and post-conflict states in Africa adopted a truth commission approach to transitional justice and latched on to the window of opportunity that could engender new beginnings. Nigerians generally applauded the initiative of the Obasanjo civilian administration (1999-2007) of setting up a Truth Commission to investigate the human rights violations against individuals and groups between 1966 and 1999. With the aid of secondary data, this article adopts the descriptive and historical methodological approaches to interrogate the fissiparous tendencies of the Igbo ethnic nationality in Nigeria. The article employs content analysis to examine the variables that induced both the selfdetermination drive of the Igbo and the responses of the Nigerian government between 1999 and 2018. The work investigates the nexus in the activities of the two prominent separatist revival groups - the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) - and the Nigerian state, against the backdrop of the recommendations of the Truth Commission. The government’s inability to negotiate the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth Commission, and therefore redress the perceived historical injustices to the Igbo, resulted in continued exclusion, marginalisation and peripheralization of the Igbo in the Nigerian state.

Politik Hukum Kekuasaan Kehakiman di Indonesia

Judicial power is a branch of power in every country, whether in a democratic state, a state towards a democracy, or an undemocratic state. This happened on the influence of the doctrine of separation of powers which wanted the branches of power to be divided over the legislature, executive, and judiciary. Judicial power in Indonesia at the beginning of independence was intended as a separate branch of power from political institutions, the power of an independent judiciary must still be upheld both as a principle in the state based on law and to allow judicial power to ensure that government is not carried out arbitrarily. The development of judicial power is inseparable from the legal politics of judicial power itself. Because legal politics is subtantively about the friction between politics and law, to examine legal politics is to discuss policies related to the state system. The purpose of the writing is to find out and analyze the political dynamics of judicial power in Indonesia. This type of writing is normative juridical, meaning that this article focuses on the study of the implementation of all positive legal norms and rules. In this research, the approach is conceptual, legal and historical approach.

A better foundation for national security? The ethics of national risk assessments in the Nordic region

Aiming at analysing all major security risks to a country, comprehensive National Risk Assessments (NRAs) can be used as a foundation for national security policies. Doing so manifests a modernist dream of securing societies through the anticipatory governance of risks. Yet, this dream resembles a nightmare of undemocratic state control in the name of security. Based on a critique of the politics of NRAs, this article offers a theoretical framework for evaluating their scientific and political credentials. Drawing on political theory of technocratic expert rule, ethical criteria of epistemic reliability and political representation are introduced to the debate. These criteria are then applied to an analysis of the NRAs of Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Iceland. I argue that although these NRAs are convincing correctives to the risk perceptions of politicians and civil society, they are insufficiently reliable and representative for defining the scope and priorities of national security policies at large.

Total and Authoritary State Regimes

This scientific article analyzes and dialectically evaluates non-democratic state regimes, which, from the position of the author, cannot be definedas anti-democratic regimes. This assessment of the undemocratic state regime is transferred to its two main varieties - authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, focusing on the negative and positive aspects of both. Special attention is paid to the problem of correlation between totalitarian and authoritarian state regimes.

On non-democratic state regimes

This scientific article analyzes and dialectically evaluates non-democratic state regimes, which, from the position of the author, cannot be defined as anti-democratic regimes. This assessment of the undemocratic state regime is transferred to its two main varieties - authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, focusing on the negative and positive aspects of both. Particular attention is paid to the problem of correlation between totalitarian and authoritarian state regimes.

Метафорические модели дискурсивного конструирования негативного образа России в испанских СМИ

This article deals with the problem of discourse designing of the negative image of Russia in Spanish mass media using metaphorical models with the target domain “Russia”. Within the framework of this study, a metaphorical model is defined as a mental scheme of connections between different conceptual domains, which is formed and fixed in the minds of native speakers. The material includes Spanish articles from reputable sources (El País and BBC News in Spanish) mentioning Russia (over 500,000 characters in total). With the use of discourse, corpus and lexical-semantic analysis as well as conceptual analysis of metaphorical models, the author found that the negative image of Russia is constructed in Spanish political media discourse through the following metaphorical models: “Russia is the country of Putin”, “Russia is the heir to the USSR” and “Russia is a pseudo-saviour of the world”. The following frames can be distinguished within the structure of the model “Russia is the country of Putin”: 1) Russia belongs to Putin; 2) Putin is a lifelong president; 3) Putinism is an ideology of Russian citizens. The metaphorical model “Russia is the heir to the USSR” includes the following stereotypical scenarios: 1) authoritarian, undemocratic methods of governance; 2) “Soviet” way of living; 3) backward economy. The frame that exists within the model “Russia is a pseudo-saviour of the world” actualizes the scenario of providing humanitarian aid for show. Among the lexical and grammatical representatives of these metaphorical models are the following: prepositional construction with de and the proper name Putin; adjectives with the semes “infinitely long, eternal” and “entire”; adjectives containing semes of distance/separateness; lexeme soviético, etc. The nominative field of the considered image contains both direct nominations, represented by the toponyms Rusia, Moscú and Kremlin, and metaphors that are mainly related to the size of the state. The stereotypical features of the source domain make it possible to create a negative image of Russia as an authoritarian, undemocratic state with an almost monarchical system, outdated Soviet governance methods, saviour-ofthe-world ambitions, and ostentatious behaviour in the international arena.

‘We will not be pacified’: From freedom fighters to feminists

Whether hailed for transitioning to the ballot box, or condemned for failing to hold elections, Africa’s postcolonial states exhibit profound contradictions in the arena of gender politics. Where reforms have been achieved, implementation remains minimal, as undemocratic state structures and uncivil societies alike lack the political will to change. This article addresses the emergence of feminism as an intellectual and political force for freedom that radically challenges the ongoing exploitation and oppression of women in Africa. It focuses on the contribution of radical intellectuals to the theory and practice of women’s movements, arguing that the research, analysis, and activism they carry out defines them as a radical public intellectual cadre that continuously mobilizes with, by, and for women to pursue liberation for themselves as much as others.

The system of organization of authorities in determining the state regime

The authors of the article consider the place of organization of executive authorities in determining the state regime through the provisions of administrative law. The article emphasizes the importance of functioning of a democratic regime as opposed to authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Attention is also drawn to the fact that in democratic regimes, the focus is on the individual and his rights. Contrary to this assertion, a parallel is drawn with the Soviet command and administration system, which centered on the state. In addition, the article indicates that the existence of a state regime depends to a large extent on the power and administrative activity of the authorities, as well as the internal subordination within the system of authorities. The article highlights the fundamental principles and institutions of a democratic society and the state, in particular the principle of separation of powers and the rule of law. The system of interaction between the state and society, citizen and executive bodies, state bodies and local self-government bodies is considered. Attention is drawn to the main models of interaction between executive authorities and local self-government bodies. Also, the article deals with the main task of the science of administrative law in order to better understand the concept of «state regime». The article draws attention to public administration entities, their rights and responsibilities, where their management activities play a major role. It is emphasized that non-legal methods and forms of government are a sign of undemocratic state regimes. It is also emphasized that the transition from command and control remnants of the Soviet system continues and that is why Ukraine continues to carry out new reforms. Because of this, the state and society are constantly experiencing waves of ups and downs. Key words: state regime, system of organization of the authorities, subjects of public administration, state, society, person.

Some are more equal than others: Palestinian citizens in the settler colonial Jewish State

ABSTRACT This article aims to examine whether the passing of the Basic Law: Israel – the Nation State of the Jewish People represents a transformative moment in the history of the State of Israel, as some critics claim, that undermines the State’s unique democratic features precisely the principle of equality. In this respect, this paper aims to revisit the principle of equality as it is enshrined in the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel and as it applies in practice, law and court rulings. Specifically, the article will explore how the principle of equality come to manifest itself in the relationship between the State and the Palestinian citizens in three key moments; first, a pre-State stage, in the making of the Declaration; second, a post establishment stage, in the granting of suffrage and citizenship rights; and third, in the aftermath of the 1992 ‘constitutional revolution’ with the passage of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. The article argues that the Nationality Bill does not represent a transformative moment, it rather reflects a continuous process that stems from the Zionist colonial ideology in historic Palestine. Therefore, rather than transforming Israel into an undemocratic apartheid State as some critics argue, the Nationality Bill rather makes sure that the State of Israel cannot be easily transformed into the State of all its citizens.

Pandemia e o colapso do neoliberalismo

O artigo analisa a pandemia do coronavírus à luz do colapso do neoliberalismo. Os níveis de neoliberalismo no Brasil variaram nos últimos trinta anos e nem mesmo os governos progressistas conseguiram romper com o sistema de acumulação neoliberal implementado no país. Por intermédio de pesquisa bibliográfica de abordagem qualitativa, o artigo apresenta reflexões sobre o neoliberalismo e sua política econômica que favorece a acumulação de capital e a concentração de poder, renda e riqueza, contribuindo para a decomposição da classe trabalhadora, a diluição de formas de solidariedade e a imposição de políticas econômicas e sociais excludentes, com a conversão das democracias sociais em Estados desdemocratizados, com impactos corrosivos na rede de proteção social em tempos de pandemia. Crises epidêmicas ampliam desigualdades e tensões em nossos sistemas, levando-nos a reavaliação dos problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais mais profundos da nossa agenda democrática.

Представления о России и русском национальном характере в современном рекламном дискурсе: лингвокогнитивный анализ

We refer to the concept of the country’s image, which arose in the practice of politicians, government executives, and marketing specialists and has been actively developed in recent dec-ades in the works of representatives of various branches of scientific knowledge: linguists, political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, etc. Media discourse becomes a communication space within which messages are created, on the one hand, reflecting the stereotypical attitudes of the internal and external audience regarding Russia and the Russian people, on the other, correcting negative and reinforcing positive ethnic stereotypes. In this work, the media image of Russia is modeled on the basis of texts of commercial, social and political advertising, speeches of political figures, in particular, in the framework of the election campaign. As a basic methodology, we use the frame modeling method, reconstructs the “Russia” frame in Russian and foreign advertising discourse. Russian commercial advertising forms a positive image of a great, beautiful country with a strong and spiritually rich people, and the concept of “Russian” is used in texts exclusively with positive connotations. Russian social advertising creates the image of a country with a rich history and a great past, however it represents modern Russia as a country in which spiritual values play an increasingly smaller role. The external image of Russia can be generally assessed as negative. The sphere in which the least attractive image is realized is politics. The political theme is updated in all considered types of media discourse and forms the image of a backward, undemocratic state with high corruption and Soviet heritage.

Why 'Smart' Sanctions Still Cause Human Insecurity

This article seeks to answer the questions of whether sanctions are ‘smart’ as designed and why if they are not. Evidence appears to suggest that smart sanctions are not ‘intelligent’ enough to change political leaders’ alleged violent behavior or to protect innocent civilians from direct or physical as well as indirect or structural violence. Targeted government officials can always find ways to outsmart the sanction sender actors by resisting the latter’s coercive efforts because of their willingness and ability to take repressive action against their people and find alternative trading partners as well as support from powerful undemocratic states. Instead of minimizing human suffering, sanctions tend to exacerbate regime insecurity and perpetuate international alliance politics. The cases of Myanmar and North Korea validate this proposition.

Why 'Smart' Sanctions Still Cause Human Insecurity

This article seeks to answer the questions of whether sanctions are ‘smart’ as designed and why if they are not. Evidence appears to suggest that smart sanctions are not ‘intelligent’ enough to change political leaders’ alleged violent behavior or to protect innocent civilians from direct or physical as well as indirect or structural violence. Targeted government officials can always find ways to outsmart the sanction sender actors by resisting the latter’s coercive efforts because of their willingness and ability to take repressive action against their people and find alternative trading partners as well as support from powerful undemocratic states. Instead of minimizing human suffering, sanctions tend to exacerbate regime insecurity and perpetuate international alliance politics. The cases of Myanmar and North Korea validate this proposition.

Ensuring the State’s Legal Liability is the Key Challenge of Legal Reform in the Modern Ukraine

Special attention has been paid to the fact that the doctrine of legal liability of the state to a person is increasingly affirmed in Ukraine as a theoretical basis for the functioning of state power in general and all its agencies in particular. However, despite the large number of scientific developments, the national legal science still can not boast of an unambiguous and generally recognized understanding of the essence of the phenomenon of legal liability of the state.
 It has been stressed that legal liability was interpreted for a long time as a kind of “continuation” of the state itself: in the context of the concept of state coercion means it was solely perceived as an instrument of state power for punishing offenders. However, such a concept denied the question about legal liability of the state itself as an equal personality of the subject of law.
 It has been stated that the phenomenon of legal liability of the state one can consider a certain continuation of the political and legal strategy on self-limitation of the state by law. Such liability is naturally considered a characteristic feature of the legal type of statehood, and it directly concerns only the democratic type of states. Instead, undemocratic states do not bear or acknowledge (or only declare) any real legal liability to society. Therefore, in terms of a democracy, the state is a real subject of liability to society, which is guaranteed on the normative and institutional levels.
 The current stage of development of the institution of legal liability of the state is characterized by the highest normative level of its institutionalization – constitutional one. This level ensures: 1) the irreversibility of the state’s course on the establishment of legal statehood; 2) fixing the starting, the main elements of the normative model of legal liability of the state; 3) completion of the registration of legal personality of the state in the modern world, which was incomplete without constitutional establishment of its legal liability; 4) the parity nature of the relations of the state with other subjects of law on the basis of a combination of dispositive and imperative, public and private components. The constitutional model of the state’s legal liability to a human being is based on the same principles in Ukraine. Such liability, in particular, is not limited to the political or moral liability of public authorities to society, but has the features of legal liability as applying measures of public and legal (constitutional or international) nature to the state and its agencies for the failure or improper performance of the duties.

Сучасні недемократичні форми державного (політичного) режиму

Сучасні недемократичні форми державного (політичного) режиму

English

Every state has its own reason of survival whether it is democratic or undemocratic, constitutional or unconstitutional, tyrannical or republican. Thus, the concept of reason of state depends on the nature of the state. Reason of state in a democratic order is different from that of undemocratic state. This study gave more emphasis on the philosophical works of Niccolo Machiavelli. Based on his philosophical works, the study argue that Machiavelli’s reason of state in The Prince, even though it is implicit, is tyrannical or “reason of power” in its character and not fit for human habituation. On the other hand, his thought in the Discourses promotes constitutional reason of state. As a result, different thinkers considered him as one of the advocator of constitutional reason of state.    Key words: Reason of state, the prince, the discourses, reason of power.