Unconventional Political Activities Research Articles

Advancing SDG 16 through political participation on social media: A Comparative Study of Social Capital between South Korea and the United States

The United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16) aims to promote peaceful, inclusive societies and build effective, accountable institutions. Despite the growing influence of online media on political activities in the digital age and the increasing importance of achieving SDG 16 through political participation, there has been a lack of empirical research on this topic. This cross-cultural comparative study investigates the relationships among online communication, social capital, and political participation in South Korea and the United States. Online surveys were conducted in both countries, focusing on people's interest and trust in online communication, types of online social capital (bonding and bridging), and engagement in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation. Our findings underscore the pivotal role of social media as a platform for citizens to voice their political opinions and partake in democratic processes. We discovered a significant correlation between heightened interest and trust in online communication and increased political participation in both countries. This correlation is instrumental in achieving SDG 16.7, which advocates for inclusive and participatory decision-making. This study also highlights the nuanced differences in the relationship between online social capital and political participation. In South Korea, bridging online social capital is associated with unconventional political activities, whereas in the United States, bonding online social capital is linked to these forms of engagement. However, in both countries, participation in presidential elections is associated with bridging online social capital, providing a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics at play. The potential of social media to expand opportunities for citizens to participate in the political process and hold their governments accountable contributes to achieving SDG 16.6, which aims to develop effective, accountable, and transparent institutions. However, the study also serves as a reminder of the challenges posed by online polarization and misinformation. To fully realize the benefits of social media in promoting inclusive and sustainable social development, addressing these issues and fostering healthy online communities are essential.In conclusion, this study underscores the importance of promoting online communication and building robust online communities as key strategies for achieving SDG 16, engaging a wide range of stakeholders in the process of building a more equitable and sustainable future.

Likely Participants in Unconventional Political Activities in Nigeria

Likely Participants in Unconventional Political Activities in Nigeria

Noví mladí Masaryci? Podpora demokracie a jejích principů u českých adolescentů

This article investigates levels and predictors of support for democracy and two democratic principles (free speech and minority rights) among Czech 14- to 17-year-olds. An analysis of survey data collected in primary and secondary schools in four regions in 2014 (N = 1,959) reveals that among young Czechs general support for a democratic regime is relatively independent from more specific pro-democratic attitudes (although there is an association between general support for democracy and the abstract principle of freedom of speech). On a general level, democracy was supported by about two-thirds of adolescents in the sample. Similar or even higher levels of support were found for the two principles of democracy when presented in abstract terms. However, when these principles were presented to them in specific, less clear-cut contexts, support for them was much lower. Specifically, despite their strong support for free speech, about half of respondents supported restricting unconventional political activism. Moreover, a similar proportion of participants seemed to downplay minority rights when the majority rule was emphasised. Results of the analysis also revealed that support for different aspects of democracy was predicted by various psychological and socioeconomic factors.

Ar politinis aktyvumas skatina subjektyvią gerovę: ką rodo Europos socialinio tyrimo duomenys

Background. There are quite a few studies about the connection between political activism and subjective wellbeing. The main problem is that most of such research has been done using student samples but not all the population. Purpose. The purpose of this study was to analyse the connection between political activism and subjective wellbeing using representative sample of the European population. The main research question is whether political activism is positively related to subjective wellbeing. Methods and data. This article is based on European Social Survey data of the 6th round, mainly on the data of the rotating module “Personal and Social Wellbeing” and core modules “Media and Social Trust” and “Politics”. Interviews were carried out with 54 673 respondents aged 15 and over in 29 European countries. The method of statistical data analysis was the correlation analysis of measures of political activism and measures of subjective wellbeing (Pearson’s r coefficient). Results. Results indicated statistically significant correlations between the indicators of political activism and dimensions of subjective wellbeing. Conclusions. Political activism induces subjective wellbeing and is a prerequisite to feeling good. All the indicators of subjective wellbeing correlated with at least two indicators of political activism. These correlations were mainly positive, with a few exceptions of unconventional political activism. The strongest positive and statistically significant correlations between the indicators of political activism are with items of community wellbeing and supportive relationships.

What's Trust Got to Do With It? The Effects of In‐Group and Out‐Group Trust on Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation*

ObjectiveThis article explores whether there is a systematic variation in conventional and unconventional political participation as a function of in‐group versus out‐group trust. We postulate that the narrower the moral community is, the more political participation is restricted to conventional activity that is perceived as an obligation, as a political act to be fulfilled, something akin to citizenship duty. However, individuals with high levels of out‐group trust—trust in people who are different or unknown—are more likely to participate in unconventional political activities that are public in nature and transcend concepts of duty, citizenship, or nation.MethodsTo obtain measures of in‐group and out‐group trust, we rely on various items in the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. Applying confirmatory factor analysis yields two separate forms of trust, which become our central predictor variables in addition to other, theoretically‐derived independent variables. We employ logistic regression with country cluster robust standard errors.Results and ConclusionThe results support our central assertions, even when controlling for the standard measure of generalized trust and a number of other factors. Individuals with higher in‐group trust report having voted at higher levels than individuals with lower in‐group trust. Individuals with higher levels of out‐group trust, however, participate more actively in nonconventional political activity. Surprisingly, the presence of out‐group trust has a slightly negative impact on voting. Our findings further emphasize the importance of differentiating between types of interpersonal trust, and answer recent calls for empirical research on the impact of forms of trust on political behavior.

Income distribution and political participation: a multilevel analysis

An extensive theoretical and empirical literature already investigates the impact of income inequality on citizens’ involvement in specific politically-oriented activities such as voting, membership of political groups, participation in political meetings, etc. In order to broaden still further the theoretical perspective on the connection between income inequality and citizens’ political participation, this paper links the literature on inequality and political engagement with the one proposing a conceptualization of different forms of political participation. More specifically, this paper proposes a conceptual framework that analyzes how income inequality interacts with individuals’ income position in explaining citizens’ involvement in conventional and unconventional political activities. The core of the paper focuses on a multilevel mixed-effects empirical analysis carried out on survey data collected by the European Values Study project; its results support the hypothesis that income inequality significantly shapes the effect of household income in determining citizens’ forms of political engagement.

A Civic Engagement Graduation Requirement on an Urban College Campus

As civic engagement is an essential part of a democratic society, many college educators believe that it should be encouraged or required of students. The survey reported here gathered information on past and present civic activities from 2,327 students at a large, very diverse urban community college. Results showed strong agreement with the proposition that the college had a responsibility to develop civically engaged students. Principal components analysis of responses revealed four distinct factors: general non-political civic engagement, and low-effort, high-effort, and unconventional political activities. Many students did not regard themselves as civically engaged yet reported extensive activity. More civically engaged students tended to be male, older, and not employed full-time. Ethnicity was related to engagement in complex ways. Students with a service-oriented program of study were expected to report more civic engagement, but evidence for this was minimal. Political party identification was a poor predictor of student responses.

Mass Political Interest in Urban China: An Empirical Study

In an increasingly materialistic society, are Chinese people still interested in politics and state affairs? More importantly, which type of people tend to be more interested in politics in China? This paper answers these two central questions. A study of these two questions carries both theoretical and practical implications. Based on a cross-regional survey of Chinese urban residents in ten Chinese cities, it was found that Chinese urban respondents are still interested or very interested in politics and state affairs. It was also found that people who show more interest in politics tend to be people who are dissatisfied with government policy performance and favour a multiparty political system and further political reform in China. The implication is that, if given the opportunity, the anti-regime people are more likely to participate in conventional and unconventional political activities.

Openness as a Predictor of Political Orientation and Conventional and Unconventional Political Activism in Western and Eastern Europe

This study provides a comprehensive investigation of the relationship between Openness and political orientation and activism in Europe. Analyses were conducted on the 4 waves of the European Social Survey, including large representative samples in up to 26 European countries (total N > 175,000). In line with previous studies, a robust, positive relationship between Openness and left-wing political orientation was obtained in Western Europe. However, in Eastern Europe, the relationship between Openness and political orientation was weaker, and reversed in 3 out of 4 waves. Moreover, Openness yielded significant positive relationships with unconventional activism and to a lesser degree with conventional activism. The magnitude of the relationship between Openness and activism was dependent on political orientation and region. Stronger associations between Openness and activism were found for those having a left-wing orientation in Western Europe, whereas in Eastern Europe, Openness was somewhat stronger related to activism for those having a right-wing orientation. In the discussion we elaborate on the role of the geopolitical context in the relationship between Openness and political variables.

The Political Integration of Immigrant and Visible Minority Women

This article examines how immigrant and visible minority status, and the intersection of the two, affect women’s ability and willingness to participate in conventional and unconventional political activities. Using a telephone survey undertaken with English-speaking women in nine of Canada’s ten provinces, we find that women’s political integration varies by the type of political activity in question but that it is particularly weak for immigrant women from an ethnic minority. We also find that resource and socio-demographic profiles are limited in their ability to explain participation deficits, especially for unconventional political activity, and that mobilizing networks offer some possible insight into women’s propensity to participate politically.

The Role of Social Networks in Immigrant Women's Political Incorporation

This article examines how immigrant women's social networks affect their propensity to vote and to participate in unconventional political activities, as well as their knowledge of politics and government services and programs. Our primary source of data is a telephone survey of women living in Canada's two largest metropolitan areas. Our findings show that contrary to the social capital literature, bonding ties do not exert strong negative effects on political incorporation, while bridging ties are not as helpful as hypothesized. What is important for immigrant women are the resources that are embedded in their social networks.

Voluntary Associations and the Political Engagement of Young Canadians

This essay investigates whether the generally positive relationship between membership in voluntary associations and political engagement that has been observed for adults in many countries also holds true for young Canadians who are becoming marginalized from democratic life. Drawing on survey data, the study assessed the impact of organizational type on youth involvement in conventional and unconventional political activities. It found that affiliations with certain voluntary organizations in the secular and religious domains exerted a significant impact on the likelihood of joining a political party. Some apolitical and political associational memberships in the secular domain were associated with a higher incidence of unconventional political activism. The impact of associational memberships on turnout and expressions of political interest, however, was largely neutral for Canadians under the age of 30. The findings show that different organizational affiliations lead to different civic outcomes for young Canadians.

Political Activism and Association Involvement: The French Choice in Comparative Perspective

The ‘Participatory Revolution’ of the past decades has caused not only a surge in political activism, but more importantly a reconsideration of the relevance of the level of political engagement: individual and collective levels of activism have started competing for political participants. In this context, a close analysis of the French case might reveal whether it is political involvement at the individual level, more than at the collective one, that drives the country's strong political activism. The testing of this political behavior paradigm will provide important conclusions on the validity of the literature on social capital, questioning the positive correlation between high levels of conventional or unconventional political activism and high levels of associationism and collective activity in social and political organizations.

Perceived Political Freedom in the Soviet Union

The question of how political freedom gets allocated in societies is one of utmost importance for political science. Different polities allocate freedom differently. At the macro-level, some progress has been made in measuring levels of political freedom and accounting for intersystem variability. At the micro-level, however, very little work has been conducted. This paper is an analysis of micro-level political freedom in the Soviet Union. Relying on a survey of public opinion conducted in the USSR in May 1990, the analysis focuses on how individual Soviet people perceive the availability of political freedom. Perceived freedom is conceptualized as involving both perceptions of cultural and governmental constraints on political expression. Beyond the important task of measuring and describing freedom, I also consider how perceived freedom affects political activity. Different sorts of political activity are investigated, ranging from conventional and unconventional political activism to discussions about politics among family and friends. While perceptions of government political repression seem not to affect levels of activism, perceptions of cultural intolerance serve to constrain political behavior. I also investigate the etiology of freedom perceptions, testing several hypotheses about the connections between political deviance, minority status, politicization, personality attributes and perceptions of repression and intolerance. The most unfree Soviet citizens are those with less sense of personal political competence, with marginal political interest, and who perceive a repressive government. Throughout this analysis, I make comparisons to a similar survey of opinion conducted in the United States (in 1987). Though my ability to conduct a comparative analysis based on only two systems is of course limited, my inquiry does take advantage of both data sets in an effort to understand how freedom gets allocated in both a relatively capitalist country and a relatively socialist country. In general, the Soviet people seem to be remarkably free, a surprising finding in light of the history of totalitarianism in that country.