UN Programme Research Articles

Inspections and evaluations as part of United Nations internal oversight

The article deals with the issue of inspections and evaluations as part of the internal oversight of the United Nations. It is described the powers and activities of the Inspection and Evaluation Division (IED), which operates within the structure of the Office of Internal Oversight Services. In particular, it is indicated that the Inspection and Evaluation Division conducts programme evaluations to conduct analytical and critical assessments of programme implementation and legal frameworks, checking whether changes in them require a review of implementation methods and the relevance of administrative procedures. The main functions of the Division include: preparing a report on programme implementation at the end of each biennium containing qualitative and quantitative information; assessing, on a systematic and objective basis, the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency and efficiency of the Organisation’s activities in achieving its objectives; submitting a report to the UN General Assembly on strengthening the evaluation function and related oversight activities within the UN; conducting special inspections of programmes and organisational units to identify problems affecting the efficiency and effectiveness of the implementation of programmed activities and recommending corrective measures to improve programme delivery; providing internal management advisory services to programme managers, upon request etc. It is stated that the Division carries out several types of evaluation activities, including: programme evaluations; thematic evaluations; inspections; biennial studies on evaluation; evaluation dashboard etc. Themes covered by evaluations include: peace and security; sustainable development; human rights and humanitarian assistance; and organisational management and support. The main target audiences and users of the IED evaluation materials are: the Secretary-General, UN programme managers and staff, member states, primarily the Committee for Programme and Coordination (CPC) and the Administrative and Budgetary Committee (Fifth Committee) of the General Assembly and Security Council, UN stakeholders and partners.

The paradox of success: Evolutionary dynamics between human rights and small arms

This article shows how increasingly converging human rights and humanitarian discourses, accompanied by existing structural asymmetries, can reconstitute rights and obligations within a prominent weapons category: small arms and light weapons (SALWs). Its contribution is to theoretically refine and apply a power-analytical approach to the convergence of humanitarian, human rights, and weapons law and, in particular, the nexus between human rights and SALWs. We focus on the dynamics leading to the adoption of two major agreements very different in nature: the UN Programme of Action and the Arms Trade Treaty. Charting multiple, intermeshing, and often contradictory operations of power, we analyze the shifting role of human rights and the emergence of an entirely new phenomenon: human rights-centered arms control. Attention is drawn to the underlying paradox: Although the norm of human rights has risen from obscurity to prominence in arms control, the arms industry has been given stronger political and legal protection. Although policy advocates and norm entrepreneurs have usually preferred complete humanitarian disarmament, what we can abstract from this analysis is that a less ambitious, human rights-centered weapons treaty may well be the preferred model of arms control for a commercially prominent, widely circulated, and often-used category of weapons defying stigmatization. What follows are concluding remarks and a graphic synthesis of key findings (Figure 1).

The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

Science–Policy Interfaces Related to Biodiversity and Nature Conservation: The Case of Natural Capital Germany—TEEB-DE

Responding to the UN programme “The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity” (TEEB), TEEB-DE (2012–2018) was a science–policy interface (SPI) set up in Germany with the objective of mobilising scientific expertise for a better consideration of biodiversity and ecosystem services in political and corporate decision-making. The aim of this paper is to contribute to an assessment of TEEB-DE by analysing its objectives, structure, processes and outputs. The analysis is guided by a theoretical framework that takes credibility, relevance and legitimacy (CRELE) as normative criteria for examining SPIs. Methodologically, the paper relies on a fine-grained analysis of published documents and interviews with key figures of TEEB-DE. The results allow for a preliminary assessment of TEEB-DE in regard to CRELE and illuminate how its conceptual foundation—namely the ecosystem services concept—was discussed in the public realm. We also consider a number of trade-offs which the coordinators of TEEB-DE had to negotiate. In conclusion, we identify some proposals for designing future SPIs in the domain of biodiversity and nature conservation in Germany such as paying greater attention to policy windows, broadening the thematic scope beyond economics and providing better opportunities for debate and contestation.

International drug control governance: Is a joint UN programme on drugs relevant?

International drug control governance: Is a joint UN programme on drugs relevant?

Offline: Who should lead UNAIDS?

Who is best qualified to lead an organisation—UNAIDS— that has not only suffered severe reputational loss, but also faces threats to its continuing existence? UNAIDS is a jointly sponsored UN programme that has, in its own words, “led and inspired global, regional, national, and local leadership, innovation, and partnership to ultimately consign HIV to history”. But some observers believe this glorious history is just that—history. Rob Yates was recently appointed head of Chatham House's Centre on Global Health Security. He wrote on Twitter last week that a new Executive Director of UNAIDS should have the “courage and ability to wind up the organisation and integrate it into @WHO”. Kul Gautam, a former Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, argued that “now it's time to question [UNAIDS] continuation”. Anthony Costello, most recently a Director at WHO, commented, “No one questions the need for a strong and distinct body for the HIV response. It's whether UNAIDS would function better under the democratic accountability of the World Health Assembly which might have prevented its shameful recent history”. Laurie Garrett, a Pulitzer-Prize winning writer on global health, noted that those selecting the next Executive Director “MUST define clearly why the world needs UNAIDS & how it should fit in the global health landscape.” Is it time to choose a leader who will close down UNAIDS? Maybe one day. But not now. Predictions about the end of AIDS have been badly misjudged. According to the Global Burden of Disease Study, there were almost 1 million deaths from AIDS in 2017. Those deaths occur throughout the lifecourse, but the toll is especially severe among 15–49-year-olds (676 100 deaths). There are almost 37 million people worldwide living with HIV. And the incidence remains shockingly high—1·9 million people newly infected every year. Although the number of AIDS-related deaths is projected to fall, even by 2040 those deaths will still be unacceptably high (742 million, with a worst-case scenario of 2·3 million deaths). The AIDS epidemic is at a critical moment. Decelerating the political response by extinguishing UNAIDS now would be a catastrophic error. There are five candidates: Salim Abdool Karim (an infectious diseases epidemiologist and Director of the Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South Africa); Sani Aliyu (physician, infectious diseases expert, and Director-General of Nigeria's National Agency for the Control of AIDS); Chris Beyrer (physician, HIV specialist, former President of the International AIDS Society, and Professor of Public Health and Human Rights at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health); Winnie Byanyima (engineer, politician, diplomat, and now Executive Director of Oxfam International); and Bernard Haufiku (physician and Namibia's former Minister of Health and Social Services). Each candidate has strengths. Aliyu spearheaded Nigeria's AIDS response under difficult political circumstances. Haufiku has ministerial experience. Byanyima knows how to run a complex global organisation. Karim is a highly respected HIV scientist whose work has transformed clinical practice. And Beyrer, whose partner died of AIDS in 1991, successfully uses human-rights approaches to protect and advance the health of marginalised communities in Asia, Africa, Latin America, Russia, and the US. There are disappointments. Only one woman? No forum for public debate and scrutiny? Appointment not election? The next Executive Director of UNAIDS must fulfil five criteria. First, s/he must have the personal integrity to restore trust and credibility to a damaged organisation—and to give governments confidence to invest in the AIDS response. Second, s/he must have proven scientific understanding of the AIDS epidemic in order to be able to use evidence as a platform for political advocacy. Third, s/he must have demonstrable ability to represent and engage with civil society. Fourth, s/he must be able to point to their commitment to key vulnerable populations. And finally, s/he must be able to show transformational leadership of a large organisation. The Programme Coordinating Board of UNAIDS met in Geneva last week and “commended the strong competencies of all short-listed candidates”. After interviews, a Committee of Cosponsoring Organisations will deliver no more than three names to the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres. It is no exaggeration to say that his choice may determine the future fate of the AIDS epidemic.

Anote's Ark by Matthieu Rytz

Reviewed by: Anote's Ark by Matthieu Rytz David Lipset Anote's Ark. Documentary film, DVD, 77 minutes, color, 2018. Written and directed by Matthieu Rytz. Produced and distributed by EyeSteelFilm, Montreal, Canada. It makes for a pathetic and rather contemptible commentary on the immoral nature of global capitalism that among those fighting at the forefront of the Anthropocene are the leaders of states whose economies contributed nothing at all to its causes. For example, Sir Michael Somare, during his fourth term as the prime minister of Papua New Guinea (2002–2011), called for the establishment of a Coalition for Rainforest Nations in 2005 and gave speeches at the United Nations urging that developed countries take responsibility for greenhouse gases and help small island states adapt. In [End Page 243] 2010, he was also one of the first signatories of the Oslo partnership that established the UN Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (redd+) to begin global cooperation to safeguard tropical forests. Matthieu Rytz, a photographer and visual anthropologist, has now worked with Anote Tong, the former president of Kiribati (2003–2015), on an absorbing, if flawed, documentary, which focuses on local and international dimensions of President Tong's work on behalf of his imperiled people and their island's eroded, vulnerable beaches. The movie consists of two interrelated narratives. One introduces daily life on Kiribati. We see appealing images of the islands from above—their neighborhoods, lengthy coastlines, and modest land area—while we hear hymns. We see Kiribati outriggers sail across the surrounding turquoise seas as children play in the shallows. Boys, meanwhile, climb coconut palms. Women put toddlers to sleep. People attend Christmas services where, dressed in traditional ornaments, community members, clergy included, dance and sing. The moral heroes of this narrative are an ordinary young married couple, Ato and Sermary, who are seen in the ocean pulling in a drift net, after which Sermary cleans and cooks the catch. But the Anthropocene intrudes. Young men repair a seawall whose sandbags were swept into the water. Sermary talks about how waves broke over her house during a previous storm. The house had electricity at that time so, when she gathered up her kids to take them to safety, she worried that the water might electrocute them. Troubled about what the next storm event and the next high tide might do, she petitions President Tong to help the family leave Kiribati. As noted in the credits at the end of the movie, Sermary shares the same surname and is possibly a kinsman of the president, but the movie does not specify what their relationship is. Neighbors, however, do suspect that Sermary is trying to finagle free airplane tickets to New Zealand from him. President Tong is the moral hero of the second narrative. Before we are introduced to him, we hear him in voice-overs expressing anxiety about Kiribati's future. The first time we actually see him, he is riding a boat in the Arctic, watching huge glaciers break apart and churn in the massive ice flow. "Climate change," he observes, "is not a political issue. It is an issue of survival." Tong's itinerary makes up quite a bit of this second narrative. The president attends meetings of the UN Human Rights Council, which he challenges to "make a contribution to get some real action on the ground so we can give some sense of comfort … and security to our people." He goes to the Vatican and meets the pope. He attends the World Humanitarian Summit in Sydney. He is interviewed by Al Jazeera tv and the Australian Broadcasting Company. Perhaps the culmination of his travels occurs at the signing of the 2015 Paris Agreement, where President Obama pledges funds to vulnerable populations to help them rebuild after climate-related disasters. Afterward, an interviewer asks President Tong what Kiribati will gain from the Paris Agreement, since [End Page 244] its emissions targets will have no effect on the global climate until after Kiribati is long gone. "What is going to happen to us," he proclaims, "is going to be the fate of the rest of the world." Desperate, Tong goes to Tokyo, where...

Global burden of disease of HIV-associated cryptococcal meningitis: an updated analysis

Cryptococcus is the most common cause of meningitis in adults living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa. Global burden estimates are crucial to guide prevention strategies and to determine treatment needs, and we aimed to provide an updated estimate of global incidence of HIV-associated cryptococcal disease. We used 2014 Joint UN Programme on HIV and AIDS estimates of adults (aged >15 years) with HIV and antiretroviral therapy (ART) coverage. Estimates of CD4 less than 100 cells per μL, virological failure incidence, and loss to follow-up were from published multinational cohorts in low-income and middle-income countries. We calculated those at risk for cryptococcal infection, specifically those with CD4 less than 100 cells/μL not on ART, and those with CD4 less than 100 cells per μL on ART but lost to follow-up or with virological failure. Cryptococcal antigenaemia prevalence by country was derived from 46 studies globally. Based on cryptococcal antigenaemia prevalence in each country and region, we estimated the annual numbers of people who are developing and dying from cryptococcal meningitis. We estimated an average global cryptococcal antigenaemia prevalence of 6·0% (95% CI 5·8-6·2) among people with a CD4 cell count of less than 100 cells per μL, with 278 000 (95% CI 195 500-340 600) people positive for cryptococcal antigen globally and 223 100 (95% CI 150 600-282 400) incident cases of cryptococcal meningitis globally in 2014. Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 73% of the estimated cryptococcal meningitis cases in 2014 (162 500 cases [95% CI 113 600-193 900]). Annual global deaths from cryptococcal meningitis were estimated at 181 100 (95% CI 119 400-234 300), with 135 900 (75%; [95% CI 93 900-163 900]) deaths in sub-Saharan Africa. Globally, cryptococcal meningitis was responsible for 15% of AIDS-related deaths (95% CI 10-19). Our analysis highlights the substantial ongoing burden of HIV-associated cryptococcal disease, primarily in sub-Saharan Africa. Cryptococcal meningitis is a metric of HIV treatment programme failure; timely HIV testing and rapid linkage to care remain an urgent priority. None.

Teaching sustainability in Norway, China and Ghana: challenges to the UN programme

The article compares how the UN-initiated education for sustainable development (ESD) has fared in three seemingly dissimilar countries: Norway, a wealthy, ‘post-materialist’ liberal democracy, Ghana, a developing democratic country, and China, a fast catching-up, centrally- steered economy. The study – based on an analysis of national ESD programmes, schoolbooks and qualitative interviews with teachers and students – discusses some of the pivotal reasons for the decline in ESD schooling in all three countries. It also explores surprising ‘archipelagos of pedagogical innovation’, as shown by one of the high schools in Ghana. Our conclusions are that, apart from specific, cultural and political contexts which influence ESD, students’ socio-environmental literacy in the examined countries has been affected by an ever more pervasive competitive and neoliberal mindset. Further, in all three cases, the agenda of ‘sustainable development’ suffers from a ‘narrative and mythical deficit’: a lack of a mobilizing story, the absence of which reduces the attractiveness of sustainability ideals and inhibits their empowering potential.

Progress and prospects for the control of HIV and tuberculosis in South Africa: a dynamical modelling study

In September, 2016, South Africa adopted a policy of providing antiretroviral treatment to everyone infected with HIV irrespective of their CD4 cell count. Studies of universal treatment and expanded prevention of HIV differ widely in their projections of effects and the associated costs, so we did this analysis to attempt to find a consensus. We used data on HIV from the Joint UN Programme on HIV and AIDS (UNAIDS) from 1988 to 2013 and from data from WHO on tuberculosis from 1980 to to 2013 to fit a dynamical model to time trends in HIV prevalence, antiretroviral therapy (ART) coverage, and tuberculosis notification rates in South Africa. We then used the model to estimate current trends and project future patterns in HIV prevalence and incidence, AIDS-related mortality, and tuberculosis notification rates, and we used data from the South African National AIDS Council to assess current and future costs under different combinations of treatment and prevention approaches. We considered two treatment strategies: the Constant Effort strategy, in which people infected with HIV continue to start treatment at the rate in 2016, and the Expanded Treatment and Prevention (ETP) strategy, in which testing rates are increased, treatment is started immediately after HIV is detected, and prevention programmes are expanded. Our estimates show that HIV incidence among adults aged 15 years or older fell from 2·3% per year in 1996 to 0·65% per year in 2016, AIDS-related mortality decreased from 1·4% per year in 2006 to 0·37% per year in 2016, and both continue to fall at a relative rate of 17% per year. Our model shows that maintenance of Constant Effort will have a substantial effect on HIV but will not end AIDS, whereas ETP could end AIDS by 2030, with incidence of HIV and AIDs-related mortality rates both at less than one event per 1000 adults per year. Under ETP the annual cost of health care and prevention will increase from US$2·3 billion in 2016 to $2·9 billion in 2018, then decrease to $1·7 billion in 2030 and $0·9 billion in 2050. Over the next 35 years, the expansion of treatment will avert an additional 3·8 million new infections, save 1·1 million lives, and save $3·2 billion compared with continuing Constant Effort up to 2050. Expansion of prevention, including provision of pre-exposure prophylaxis, condom distribution, and male circumcision, could avert a further 150 000 new infections, save 5000 lives, and cost an additional $5·7 billion compared with Constant Effort. Our results suggest that South Africa is on track to reduce HIV incidence and AIDS-related mortality substantially by 2030, saving both lives and money. Success will depend on high rates of HIV testing, ART delivery and adherence, good patient monitoring and support, and data to monitor progress. None.

The need for standardisation of the HIV continuum of care

In July, 2014, the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) proposed an ambitious new target calling for 90% of HIV-infected individuals to be diagnosed, 90% of them to be on combination antiretroviral therapy (ART), and 90% of them to achieve sustained virological suppression, worldwide.1 Achieving this 90-90-90 target by 2020 would, by 2030, decrease the burden of HIV/AIDS by 90% from that in 2010. However, to meet these targets standardised and continuous global monitoring of HIV care outputs should become a priority. The HIV continuum of care provides a framework for the quantification of attrition as HIV-infected individuals move along a series of HIV-care related steps, from being diagnosed with HIV, to linkage and retention in HIV care, to initiating ART, and finally, to achieving sustained virological suppression (the ultimate goal of ART). The HIV continuum of care has become a key approach to monitoring in numerous HIV programmes.2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 However, with little standardisation of the definitions of steps in the continuum comparisons between programmes are difficult, if not inappropriate. Here, we use the definitions and outputs of four continuums from the USA;2 British Columbia (BC), Canada;4 France;5 and Denmark3 to argue for a standardisation in continuum step definitions (appendix). Numerous and substantial differences exist in these four continuums for the definitions of steps from the population of interest (or denominator) to viral suppression. The population of interest is the estimated HIV-positive population in the continuums from BC, France, and the USA; whereas, the number of diagnosed HIV cases is used in the Danish continuum. Thus the Danish continuum overestimates the proportion of individuals retained throughout. Linkage and retention in care step definitions varied across the continuums from BC, Denmark, and the USA and included clinical, medical billing, and ART prescription requirements or inclusion in an established cohort. France was the only continuum not to distinguish between linkage and retention in care, instead showing a step referred to as “in care”. As a result, the linkage and retention in care steps could not be meaningfully compared. This deficit may be difficult to overcome given the heterogeneity of data used to characterise these steps in the various settings. The step known as “on ART” was defined in the USA and Denmark as any ART record within the year of interest. Alternatively, BC and France used more stringent definitions capturing long-term use of ART within the calendar year. In their current form, the steps could not be compared, but this failing could be easily overcome with harmonisation. The only continuum to report on ART adherence was BC. For virological suppression, Denmark had the most liberal definition: latest viral load of less than 500 copies per mL. By contrast, BC had the most conservative definition of two or more measurements less than 50 copies per mL over a period of 3 months or longer within a calendar year. France defined suppression as having a viral load of less than 50 copies per mL within a calendar year. Finally, the USA defined suppression as a VL of 200 copies per mL or less at the latest available test. As a result, the reported proportion of patients suppressed was 35% in BC, 70% in Denmark, 52% in France, and 25% in the USA. Clearly, cross-continuum comparisons are problematic because of the different definitions. Thus, we argue that continuum comparisons can only be made confidently with standardised guidelines for the development of continuums. Although defining a standardised universal HIV continuum will no doubt have its challenges, these are not insurmountable. A simpler continuum model that focuses on the UNAIDS 90-90-90 target could be comprised of three steps: the number of individuals diagnosed with HIV as a proportion of the estimated HIV-infected population (step 1), the number of HIV-diagnosed individuals on ART (step 2), and the number of individuals virologically suppressed among those on ART (step 3). Further consensus on the specific methods to estimate each of these stages in a given programme is needed. Establishing global monitoring of these three steps would allow for continuum comparisons. Certainly, further continuum steps (e.g., linkage to care, retention in care, ART eligibility, or adherence to ART) could be added to address the needs of any future research and surveillance efforts of individual programmes. A concerted global effort to standardise and harmonise continuum definitions should begin immediately to facilitate the global monitoring of the UN 90-90-90 target, to identify specific areas requiring novel or enhanced public health interventions that will optimise outcomes for patients, and to enable direct comparisons of continuums between programmes.

Global concerns on human settlement and cross-cutting issues in living environments

The total population of the world reached 7 billion in October 2011, and the United Nations has forecasted that the world population in 2050 will be around 9 billion. What are the environmental implications of rapid population growth? Globally, over half of the world’s population (54%) lives in urban areas in 2014 although there is still substantial variability in the levels of urbanization across countries. If we review the history, in 1800, only 3% of the world’s population lived in urban areas. In 1900, almost 14% of populations were urbanites and in 1950, 30% of the world’s population resided in urban centres. The world has been experiencing unprecedented urban growth in recent decades. The coming decades will bring further profound changes to the size and spatial distribution of the global population. The continuing urbanization and overall growth of the world’s population is projected to add 2.5 billion people to the urban population by 2050, with nearly 90% of the increase are being concentrated in Asia and Africa. At the same time, the proportion of the world’s population living in urban areas is expected to increase, reaching 70% by 2050. The process of urbanization historically has been associated with other important economic and social transformations, which have brought greater geographic mobility, lower fertility, longer life expectancy and population ageing. Cities are important drivers of development and poverty reduction in both urban and rural areas, as they concentratemuch of the national economic activity, government, commerce and transportation. Urban living is often associated with higher levels of literacy and education, better health, greater access to social services, and enhanced opportunities for cultural and political participation. Nevertheless, rapid and unplanned urban growth threatens sustainable development when the necessary infrastructure and policies have not been developed or not been implemented to ensure that the benefits of city life are equitably shared. Today, despite the comparative advantage of cities, urban areas are unequal and hundreds of millions of the world’s urban poor live in sub-standard conditions caused by rapid sprawl, pollution and environmental degradation, together with unsustainable production and consumption patterns. The United Nations’ system has an essential role to support work for amore sustainable future for everyone. The concept was globally inaugurated in 1987 by the World Commission on Environment and Development (so-called BrundtlandCommission). In the last two decades, the concept of ‘Sustainable Development’ has become essential political and ethical guideline for dealing with the Earth’s ecological and social crisis. The paper on the historical evolution of the concept of sustainability is thought to be a contribution to the 20 th anniversary of the report of the Brundtland Commision, which paved the way to the Rio summit and defined ‘sustainable development’ in 1987 as ‘a development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’. This particular way of thinking and acting is deeply rooted in the cultures of the world. The United Nations has introduced a programmatic guideline for the 21 st century’s urbanization and this should be integrally connected to the three pillars of sustainable development: economic development, social development and environmental protection. The UN programme for human settlements (UNHABITAT) was established in 1974 to provide a focal point for all urbanization and human settlement matters within the UN system and is mandated by the UN General Assembly, which has an aim to help the urban poor by transforming cities into safer, healthier, greener places with better opportunities where everyone can live in dignity. The main documents outlining UNHABITAT’s mandate are the Vancouver Declaration on Human Settlements (Habitat I), the Istanbul Declaration on Human Settlements (Habitat II), the Declaration on Cities and Other Human Settlements in the new Millennium Development Goal (MDG). The MDGs are eight goals that all 191 UN member states

Balance sheet in the REDD +: Are global estimates measuring the wrong costs?

This article challenges some of the assumptions underpinning the UN programme to Reduce Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+) in developing countries. Firstly, it argues that the cost-effectiveness of REDD+ may have been exaggerated as current estimates ignore some cost categories as well as the evolution of drivers. Whilst REDD+ remains a ‘low-hanging fruit’ for climate mitigation, if all costs were included estimates would be at the high end of the currently accepted range. Secondly, the article highlights that REDD+ will be affected by a large funding gap at least until the entry into force of a new climate protocol in 2020. This gap is due as much to the poor status of public finances in donor countries as to the languishing state of carbon markets, and it calls for a revision of the assumptions regarding the design of the programme. Finally, it is advocated that, in order to contribute to the development of the programme, economic research on REDD+ should consider different policy options, assessing their efficiency and identifying measures that increase their cost-effectiveness.

Activities of the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs : UN Programme on Space Applications and the Human Space Technology Initiative

Activities of the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs : UN Programme on Space Applications and the Human Space Technology Initiative

Why UNODC Has to Do More to Engage its Civil Society Partners

The meaningful engagement of civil in international decision-making is widely recognized as best practice, and has been emphasized since the inception of the United Nations.In 2012, UNAIDS released Guidance for Partnerships with Civil Society, including People Living with HIV and Key Populations, which outlines how UNAIDS, its cosponsors and secretariat should strengthen and operationalize meaningful and respectful partnership work with civil society – without which the 2011 Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS cannot be fulfilled.This document outlines several principles for this partnership, including: evidence-informed and ethical responses; people living with HIV as leaders; responsibility of the entire Joint UN Programme on AIDS; mutual respect and accountability; and the need for genuine partnership.

How do policy ideas spread among international administrations? Policy entrepreneurs and bureaucratic influence in the UN response to AIDS

AbstractThis paper focuses on the circulation of policy ideas within international administrations. Based upon a study of UNAIDS, the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS, it shows how bureaucracies can capitalise on policy-oriented information and knowledge to strengthen their influence within their own environment. Using a policy transfer approach as its analytical framework, the paper draws particular attention to the UNAIDS Secretariat, considered as a “transfer entrepreneur”. It argues that, in the 2000s, the Secretariat has demonstrated a capacity to collect, develop and disseminate policy ideas and, consequently, has gradually participated in UN policy development on AIDS. It thus suggests that the Secretariat has extended its authority within the UN system despite limited resources. In conclusion, the paper points out the need to examine policy transfer among international administrations through actors, interests and strategies, as a complement to holistic approaches.1

Capacity building in space technology development: A new initiative within the United Nations programme on space applications

Since 1971 the UN Programme on Space Applications, implemented by the Office for Outer Space Affairs, has been organizing workshops, symposiums and expert meetings and providing training opportunities in the practical applications of space technology. In 2009 the Office launched the Basic Space Technology Initiative (BSTI). The BSTI encompasses a range of activities in support of capacity building in space technology development in response to the growing interest of academic and governmental organizations in many countries to establish basic, indigenous capabilities to develop nano- and small satellites. Considerations such as the education and training of experts, the creation of required testing and building infrastructure, opportunities for international cooperation and the applicable legal and regulatory frameworks are therefore of particular interest to these organizations. The BSTI aims to assist them with their efforts. This paper describes the origins of the initiative, the activities that have been conducted to date and the work planned for 2011 and beyond.

The United Nations Programme on Space Applications: Status and direction for 2010

The United Nations Programme on Space Applications was established in 1971 to assist countries in making full use of the benefits of space technology and its applications for social and economic development. Since its inception the programme has organized numerous training courses, workshops, seminars and conferences and provided funding support for more than 10 000 experts, mainly from developing countries, to participate in those activities. The programme has continuously evolved over four decades, taking into account the latest developments in the field of space activities, to best serve the capacity-building needs of countries and to help ensure that space-based solutions contribute to improving life on Earth. This report describes the status and direction of the UN Programme on Space Applications as recommended for approval by the UN’s Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS) Scientific and Technical Subcommittee at its 47th session held in Vienna in February 2010.

Southern Africa's response(s) to international HIV/AIDS norms: the politics of assimilation

AbstractThis article is interested in the impact of a singular international phenomenon, namely the global securitisation of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, on the domestic structure of three Southern African states: Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa. These countries are geographically located in the epicenter of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic, Southern Africa. However, notwithstanding their common HIV/AIDS burden, Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa present quite different political cultures and institutions which reflected upon the distinctive way they responded to the influence of international HIV/AIDS actors and norms. So, by investigating the latter's impact in these rather diverse settings, the present analysis aims to empirically demonstrate and compare variations in the effects of norm adaptation across states. To carry out this evaluation, the study provides a framework for understanding the securitisation of HIV/AIDS as an international norm defined and promoted mainly by the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the US government and transnational HIV/AIDS advocacy networks. The HIV/AIDS securitisation norm (HASN) is an intellectual attempt of the present work to synthesise in a single analytical concept myriad of ideas and international prescriptions about HIV/AIDS interventions.