United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees Research Articles

The Venezuelan Humanitarian Crisis, Out-Migration, and Household Change Among Venezuelans in Venezuela and Abroad.

International migration is increasingly characterized by the need to evade threats to survival. Nevertheless, demographic understandings of how families-rather than individuals alone-decide to migrate or separate in response to threats remain limited. Focusing on the recent humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, we analyze 2012-2016 data on Venezuelans in Venezuela and 2018-2020 data on UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees)-registered Venezuelans in nine receiving countries to illuminate the evolution of threats Venezuelans sought to evade, how threat evasion transformed households away from previous norms, the selection of migrants into different receiving countries and household structures, and demographic disparities in migrants' odds of reporting changes to their household because of specific migration-related processes (e.g., leaving someone in Venezuela, leaving someone in another country). Results underscore a simultaneous escalation of economic, safety, and political concerns that informed Venezuelans' increasing intentions to out-migrate. Where Venezuelans migrated and who ended up in their households abroad varied by demographic background and migration experiences. Among UNHCR-registered Venezuelans, 43% left family members in Venezuela, and more than 10% left or were left behind by members in another country. Such household separations, however, were unevenly distributed across factors such as age, gender, and country of reception.

Beyond Access: Building the Resilience of South Sudanese Refugee Higher Education Students from the Bidi Bidi Settlement, Uganda

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), set a global target of 15 percent enrolment of refugees, in higher education, by 2030. Relatedly, UNHCR stated that beyond access, higher education should build individual and collective resilience of refugee students. This paper looks at the support mechanisms various stakeholders use, to build the resilience of South Sudanese refugee higher education students, from Bidi Bidi settlement in Uganda. This is within the context of Uganda’s Education Response (ERP) for refugees and host communities. The study adopted a qualitative approach, an exploratory case study design, and an advocacy/ participatory philosophical lens, using the intersectional theory. Twenty-seven (27) purposively sampled participants took part in the study. They included 12 undergraduates from two private Ugandan universities, a total of 13 government and non-governmental organization (NGO) officials, and two officials from public and private universities, all involved in refugee higher education. Data was collected through a literature review, in-depth interviews with key informants and students, and a students’ focus group discussion. The study established that, within the context of Uganda’s ERP, South Sudanese refugee higher education students have their resilience built through support, mainly from HEIs and NGOs. The support uses multiple approaches and takes place mainly within the HEIs, with a bit in the settlement. However, it is offered within each stakeholder’s context and thus takes on a silo rather than integrated approach. Support also does not always consider the individual and complex student needs. Nevertheless, the support, which is relatively student-centred does register good social and academic resilience. The study therefore recommends that through a situational analysis and needs assessment, Uganda develops clear objectives, activities and outcomes in the ERP, to guide stakeholders, towards strengthening refugee higher education students’ resilience. The study also designed a model towards enhancing student resilience

Social Inclusion and Justice for the Internally Displaced by the Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict in Benue State, Nigeria

Executive Summary Herdsmen-farmers conflict has displaced 1.5 million residents of Benue State, Nigeria, according to government officials. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) have lost livelihoods, farms, personal property and community infrastructure. The paper highlights the social challenges they have experienced and the response by government and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) to their situations. Based on interviews with 12 IDPs belonging to the displaced population from Guma Local Government Area of Benue State and interviews with seven humanitarian workers, the paper finds that the IDPs: • Have lost family members, neighbors, farms, churches, health centers, and means of mobility. • Cannot safely return home or access their ancestral lands. • Cannot support themselves. • Cannot attend public school or progress to a university. • Lack access to quality health care. • Live with multiple families in insecure shelters. • Cannot reliably obtain birth registration and replace other destroyed documents. • Can register their names, family relations, and former villages, but not their losses, which might lead to compensation and help them to rebuild their lives. The paper makes the following recommendations. • Registration, Effective Remedies and Access to Justice: The Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs (FMHA) and United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) should document personal and community socio-economic losses to ascertain the extent of damage to IDPs in order to facilitate effective remedies. The Ministries of Justice, the National Human Rights Commission, and UNHCR should support the IDPs by providing them with information and procedures that allow them to secure full compensation for their losses, and with safe, permanent solutions to their situations, including full integration into their host communities, safe and voluntary return home, or resettlement in a third community. • Engage IDPs as Stakeholders: The Benue State Government should ensure that BSEMA communicates to IDPs the possibilities for voluntary and dignified safe return. If return is not immediately foreseeable, BSEMA should offer IDPs the means to relocate and resettle elsewhere. • Provision of Sustainable Social Amenities: BSEMA, the FMHA, and international humanitarian agencies (IHAs) should provide sustainable healthcare, shelter, education in IDP camps, financial assistance and the means to access services outside of IDP camps. • Peace through Establishment of Ranches: Benue State Government’s Peace Commission should resolve the herdsmen-farmer conflict and restore peace by promoting peaceful co-existence between the conflicting parties. Herdsmen should be educated on the procedures for legal land acquisition for ranching, and farmers should be able to seek legal redress when their farms are damaged by grazing cattle. BSEMA and the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs should also facilitate voluntary, safe and dignified return of IDPs or their resettlement in another community. • Safeguard IDP Camps: BSEMA and the Nigeria security agencies should safeguard official and unofficial IDP camps. • Inclusive Policy Implementation: The FMHA in collaboration with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) should develop humanitarian response plans that are beneficial to all IDPs in Nigeria irrespective of the cause of their displacement.

Child feces disposal practices in humanitarian and non-humanitarian settings across 34 low- and middle-income countries

Globally, safe sanitation has improved significantly in the last two decades, but unsafe child feces disposal remains a growing challenge in many regions, exposing household members and communities to infectious pathogens. The drivers associated with child feces disposal in several contexts including humanitarian settings are not well understood. This study investigated child feces disposal (CFD) practices and associated factors in low- and middle-income countries, including in humanitarian settings. Data from 352,173 women in 34 countries, collected between 2012 and 2021 through Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), were used. We utilized multivariate logistic regression to assess CFD practices among children under two years old and the factors linked to these practices. We incorporated data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) regarding refugee camps' locations in the analysis. Time series and local spatial autocorrelation analyses were run to examine changes in safe CFD practices over time and space, respectively. Results showed minimal improvement in safe child feces disposal over the past decade, with 55.6 % of respondents in non-humanitarian settings and 38.1 % in humanitarian settings improperly disposing of feces. Improper CFD correlated with increased odds of diarrhea in non-humanitarian settings (OR 1.09 95 % CI: 1.05–1.13) but not in humanitarian settings (OR 1.14 95 % CI: 0.53–2.49). The most significant factors (p < 0.05) associated with safe CFD included being in the richest wealth quintile (OR 3.27 95 % CI: 3.06–3.49), having basic education (OR 1.28 95 % CI: 1.22–1.33), children eating solid food (OR 1.53 95 % CI: 1.48–1.57), improved sanitation access (OR 1.88 95 % CI: 1.81–1.96), and listening to radio at least weekly (OR 1.40 95 % CI: 135–1.46). Policymakers and development partners must include safe CFD guidelines in national policies and programs, as well as prioritize investments in household-level sanitation and educate caregivers about safe CFD practices.

Fleeing a Well-Founded Fear of Persecution to Be Persecuted Again? The Case of LGBTIQ+ Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Uganda

Abstract This work focuses on the legal promotion and protection of the rights of LGBTIQ+ asylum seekers and refugees in Uganda. Uganda’s treatment of LGBTIQ+ communities is one of the harshest in Africa, with the adoption of legal instruments criminalizing LGBTIQ+ people, as well as same-sex relations. These instruments apply to all LGBTIQ+ people present in Uganda, including asylum seekers and refugees. Refugees have never been granted refugee status on the basis of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. Asylum claims based solely on sexual orientation and/or gender identity are systematically rejected by the Ugandan Commissioner for Refugees. This article shows that, despite efforts by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and non-governmental organizations, Uganda remains a country hostile to LGBTIQ+ asylum seekers and refugees specifically, and to LGBTIQ+ communities generally. LGBTIQ+ refugees must conduct a discreet life to avoid being penalized because of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. The ambiguous positions of African institutions, such as the African Union, do not help in securing such people’s rights and protection. Serious changes are needed if Uganda is to adhere to human rights principles that safeguard the rights of LGBTIQ+ communities.

Aligning United States Law with International Norms Would Remove Major Barriers to Protection in Gender Claims

Abstract The protection of women and girls fleeing gender-based harms has been controversial in the United States (US), with advances followed by setbacks. The US interpretation of particular social group and its nexus analysis, both of which diverge from guidance by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), is the most significant barrier to protection. It has become almost impossible for women and girls to rely upon the particular social group ground because of current requirements that social groups not only be defined by immutable or fundamental characteristics, but also be socially distinct and have particularity. Establishing nexus is also a significant obstacle, with the US requirement of proof of the persecutor’s intent. In the first month of his administration, President Biden issued an executive order on migration, which raised hopes that these obstacles to protection would be removed. The order committed to protecting survivors of domestic violence and to issuing regulations that would make the US interpretation of particular social group consistent with international standards. The target date for the regulations was November 2021, but they have yet to issue. This article examines how the evolution of the US interpretation of particular social group and nexus has diverged from UNHCR recommendations. It shows how protection has been denied in gender cases involving the most egregious of harms. The article concludes by providing recommendations for realignment with international standards, which set a benchmark for evaluating the promised Biden administration regulations on the issue.

Perlakuan Diskriminatif Terhadap Pengungsi Kulit Hitam Di Ukrainperlakuan Diskriminatif Terhadap Pengungsi Kulit Hitam Di Ukraina

Introduction: When the Russian invasion of Ukraine caused thousands of refugees to seek refuge in neighboring countries, not a few of the black refugees were discriminated against and made it difficult for Ukrainian border officials to find protection. This fact illustrates the violation of Human Rights, especially for black refugees, because it is not in accordance with the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol. This makes the author examine the Discriminatory Treatment of Black Refugees in Ukraine.Purposes of the Research: This study aims to examine how discriminatory treatment of black refugees can be qualified as a violation of human rights, how is the responsibility of UNHCR in dealing with the issue of refugees being discriminated againstMethods of the Research: This research is a normative juridical research by means of research conducted by collecting primary, secondary, tertiary data, obtained by using library research. The data that has been collected is analyzed systematically based on legal disciplines to achieve clarity on the issues to be discussedResults of the Research: The results obtained from this study are, discriminatory treatment of black refugees can be qualified as a violation of Human Rights because it violates the principles of Human Rights which are jus cogens, and is not in accordance with the rights of refugees as regulated in the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol. Then the responsibility of UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in dealing with the issue of discrimination against black refugees is coordinating with the Government of Ukraine and third countries or countries that provide asylum, in providing protection by providing facilities and ensuring that refugees are treated equally in fulfilling their rights, to find safe and appropriate shelter.

Legal obstacles in registering the birth of a child who has reached the age of one or more according to the civil law of Ukraine

The article is devoted to the study of the issue of legal obstacles in the registration of the birth of a child who has reached the age of one or more, in civil registry offices. It was analyzed a number of legal acts of domestic legislation in the field of civil and family legislation of Ukraine, scientific research on birth registration was done. An analysis of the legal acts regarding the registration of the birth of children in the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine, for which the general rules for the registration of newborns apply: it is carried out in the nearest departments of civil registry offices in the safe territory of Ukraine.&#x0D; The article analyzes the international document - the Convention on the Rights of the Child, according to which the participating states undertake to provide the child with such protection and care as is necessary for his well-being, taking into account the rights and obligations of his parents, guardians or other persons who meet for her by law, and for this purpose all appropriate legislative and administrative measures are taken.&#x0D; Thanks to the analysis of data from the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), was investigated the issue of the lack of birth registration for a significant number of newborns in the areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions not under the control of the government of Ukraine, due to which they may be at risk of statelessness, since at the age of 14 they will not be able to apply for a passport of a citizen of Ukraine. It was emphasized that there is a need to protect the rights and interests of children regarding their birth registration.&#x0D; Since parents, when applying to the civil registry offices with an application for state registration of the birth of a child who has reached 1 year or older, may face an obstacle in registering the birth of their children, due to the lack of a complete package of documents, namely: certificates of the child’s stay under the supervision of the institution health care, certificates from the child’s place of residence. Proposals regarding the simplified procedure for the state registration of the birth of children have been provided.&#x0D; It was emphasized that there is a need to protect the rights and interests of children regarding their birth registration, and proposals were made for a simplified procedure for registering their birth. In particular, it is proposed to amend Article 13 of the aforementioned Law of Ukraine «On State Registration of Civil Status Acts» regarding state registration of the birth of a child, namely: regarding the possibility of carrying out state registration of birth at the place of residence of the child and at the place of residence of the parents or one of them, excluding the requirements for presenting a certificate from the place of residence of the child during the state registration of the birth of a child who has reached one year or more, a certificate about the child’s stay under supervision healthcare facility.

Teaching spanish to migrants in the Soconusco region, Chiapas, Mexico

This research was conducted in the state of Chiapas, throughout the Soconusco region. Students from BA in English Language Teaching at UNACH (Universidad Autonoma de Chiapas) participated as teachers in basic Spanish courses for the migrant population, from January 2020 to April 2021. This paper aims to give an account of the partial results of a study; its main objective is to analyze the nature of teaching Spanish to migrants and people in mobility from different countries. Migratory movements are a phenomenon of special incidence in contemporary societies according to the Manifest of Santander (2009), one of the first works carried out in Spain in terms of language teaching to migrants and refugees. Given the need to incorporate the teaching of the target language into the global policies of care for immigrants, since their learning of the target language depends a lot on the active insertion in the host community (Manifest of Santander cited in Garcia et al. 2014). The Language school at the UNACH is a public educational institution with social responsibility that has collaborated with COMAR (Comisión Mexicana de Ayuda a Refugiados) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) seeking to protect the rights and welfare of refugees, migrants and people in mobility during their stay in Mexico. Thus, the Language School has carried out the implementation of teaching basic Spanish courses as a foreign language to refugees and migrants from countries such as Haiti, Surinam, the United States, Jamaica, Switzerland, Saudi Arabia, and Canada. However, due to the COVID-19 contingency, these courses were changed from face-to-face sessions to virtual mode during that period and after the contingency, the courses had been taught in face-to-face sessions again. In this sense, this research yields interesting contributions that can be taken into account for a significant teaching-learning process of Spanish as a foreign language or as a second language in the region of Soconusco answering the following research questions: What is the training of teachers who teach Spanish as a second language in the Soconusco region? What difficulties did they have while teaching Spanish as a second language? How effective were Spanish classes for migrants and refugees?

Predictors of Acculturation and Adaptation in a Sample of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon

While the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has a record of approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees in Lebanon, no studies have focused on understanding the processes of acculturation and sociocultural/psychological adaptation among them in Lebanon. The aim of this study was to evaluate Syrian refugees’ patterns of acculturation and adaptation; to evaluate their association with social and psychological factors such as perceived discrimination, cultural distance, and attachment; and to look for predictors of acculturation and adaptation. The sample consisted of 241 Syrian refugees between 18 and 64 years of age. Correlations were found between acculturation and adaptation, both of which were impacted by reasons for displacement. Moreover, results showed that low cultural distance, perceived discrimination, and insecure attachment predicted both psychological and sociocultural adaptation, whereas lower perceived discrimination, attachment avoidance, and high attachment anxiety predicted high host acculturation. Findings are discussed in light of potential interventions facilitating refugees’ adaptation to the Lebanese culture.

Criminal Law Protection of the Ukrainian External Voting to the State Authorities in Post-War Conditions (A Case Study of Poland)

Background. The article explores the potential of conducting elections for state authorities of Ukraine in the foreign electoral district (external voting) in the conditions caused by the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), with the caveat that the real numbers may be higher due to not all migrants from Ukraine being able to register as refugees, 6.2 million Ukrainians currently reside abroad, with 5.8 million of them situated in Europe. The Republic of Poland hosts the largest number of Ukrainian refugees with temporary protection status, exceeding 1.5 million. Therefore, the research focused on the case of the Republic of Poland, expecting that its findings could be extrapolated to other states where a significant number of Ukrainian citizens reside. Considering that about 20% of Ukrainian citizens reside abroad, including both refugees and those who permanently lived abroad until 24 February 2023, Ukraine must devise effective mechanisms for organising external voting; otherwise, if measures are not taken, less than 0.5% of voters abroad will be able to vote. In particular, it is necessary to develop models ensuring the criminal legal protection of external voting, as election abuses can affect voting outcomes significantly, distort the process, and even lead to the usurpation of power. Methods. Throughout the research, various methods, including logical (analysis, synthesis, generalisation, extrapolation, analogy, modelling, hypothesis), historical, systemic-structural, comparative-legal, and dogmatic methods, have been used. Logical methods played a crucial role in analysing the operation of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, regarding possible electoral offences committed outside Ukraine during Ukrainian elections held abroad. The historical method was utilised to analyse the experience of the Ukrainian parliamentary elections in 2019. The system-structural method has been applied to formulate proposals for ensuring the legal protection of elections to state authorities outside of Ukraine. The comparative legal method was applied when comparing provisions in the criminal legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland, specifically those pertaining to liability for election offences. The dogmatic method has been used in the interpretation of the norms of the Penal Code of the Republic of Polandestablishing liability for election offences, in the understanding of the norms of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses regarding their application to election offences committed outside Ukraine. The article delves into two primary aspects. Firstly, it examines the jurisdiction under which criminal liability for election offences in Ukrainian external voting is imposed, explicitly identifying the relevant legislation of the involved state. Secondly, it addresses the problems of applying the principles of the operation of the Criminal Code of Ukraine in space concerning the prosecution of electoral criminal offences, including foreigners. Result and conclusions. The authors substantiate the necessity of creating supplementary election precinctswithin the territory of the Republic of Poland, designated for conducting Ukrainian elections beyond the premises of diplomatic institutions of Ukraine and equating them in terms of legal status to the premises of diplomatic institutions of Ukraine. The latter is possible by concluding a bilateral agreement between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland on assistance in conducting Ukrainian external voting on the territory of the Republic of Poland.

EU migration policy: policy of humanism vs threat to national security

Uncontrolled migration sweeping Europe is a priority of the political leadership led by a number of European states such as France, Italy, as well as their allies in the United States. The climate crisis in Europe also plays an important role here, which can be resolved, according to Germany, with the help of future “new citizens” who arrived from countries in Africa and the Middle East, exclusively with a Muslim population. What are the migration and immigrant policies in EU countries? How is the immigration policy of European countries being transformed? A detailed analysis of the current state of affairs in Europe is based on official data from the national statistical services of Germany, France, Great Britain, the Ministry of European Integration of the Republic of Serbia, the Department of Civil Liberty and Immigration of the Italian Republic, as well as international organizations - the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Eurostat, World Bank. The article examines the security problem in connection with the penetration of radical Islam along with refugees. The authors reveal the consequences of the migration crisis in Europe and make an attempt to answer the question: is the reception and integration of refugees an act of humanity or a problem of national security for EU countries.

Peran United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee dalam Membantu Kebutuhan Kesehatan Pengungsi Konflik Tigray di Ethiopia (2022-2023)

This article aims to explain the health conditions of Tigray Conflict refugees and the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in assisting the health needs of Tigray Conflict refugees in Ethiopia in the period 2022-2023. The author uses the theory of international organizations which sees that international organizations have five important roles in resolving problems. This theory is very relevant to the context of the author’s research by looking at UNHCR as an international organization which has one of the five important roles of international organizations, namely as an Aid Provider in resolving conflict in the Tigray region. The type of research used in this article is descriptive, using a library study method which is carried out by collecting data from journals, books, websites and articles as a data collection technique. Based on the results of this research, UNHCR as an international organization working in the field of refugees took part in handling refugees due to the conflict that occurred in Ethiopia, specifically in the Tigray region, namely the conflict between the central government and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), so the author found that UNHCR had plays a role in providing assistance in the form of basic health services, distribution of vaccines and immunizations, as well as workshops and mental health services.

Characteristics of hemoglobin distributions in preschool children and non-pregnant women of reproductive age and their implications for establishing quality control criteria for hemoglobin data in field surveys: evidence from 483 surveys conducted in refugee settings worldwide

BackgroundCurrently, there is a lack of clear guidance on hemoglobin (Hb) data quality parameters and plausible flagging ranges for population-representative surveys. There is a need to determine which properties of Hb data indicate lower data quality and increased measurement error and which represent intrinsic statistical properties of Hb distributions rather than quality problems.MethodsWe explored statistical characteristics of Hb distributions and plausible exclusion ranges in population-representative surveys of non-pregnant women of reproductive age (WRA) (15–49 years, n = 401 surveys) and children (6–59 months, n = 461 surveys) conducted in refugee settings by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Hb distribution characteristics [standard deviation (SD), skewness and kurtosis] were compared to those from Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS).ResultsOverall, 0.08% of child and 0.14% of WRA Hb values were outside of the previously proposed 4.0–18.0 g/dL plausible range. Surveys conducted in Uganda tended to have unusually high SD compared with surveys from other settings, possibly an indication of problematic measurement quality. We therefore used summary results on SD, skewness and kurtosis excluding surveys from Uganda when comparing with DHS results or proposing plausible ranges. Both WRA and child Hb distributions tended to be left-skewed and had excess positive kurtosis. Mean survey-level SD was greater, mean skewness more negative, and mean kurtosis more positive in WRA surveys compared to child surveys. All these findings were broadly similar to those from DHS surveys. Mean SD in DHS surveys was higher than that in our data for both children (1.48 vs. 1.34) and WRA (1.58 vs. 1.43).ConclusionsWe observed several statistical characteristics of Hb distributions that may not necessarily be indicative of data quality problems and bear strong similarities with the characteristics found in DHS surveys. Hb distributions tended to be negatively skewed and positively kurtotic, and SD in many surveys exceeded 1.5 (previously proposed upper plausible range). Based on our empirical evidence, surveys with skewness above + 0.2 and kurtosis below -0.5 or Hb SD outside the range of 1.1–1.55 g/dL for children (6–59 mo) or 1.1–1.65 g/dL for non-pregnant WRA (15–49 y) may require further quality investigation.

Saudi Arabia and the International Refugee Regime

Abstract As a non-signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, Saudi Arabia is often portrayed as a State that refuses engagement with the global legal norms and supporting institutions focused on the protection of refugees. This article contends that this is not the case, and closely examines Saudi Arabia’s relationship with the international refugee regime by asking what was Saudi Arabia’s role in the drafting of the main refugee protection instruments, and what is its approach – past and present – to acceding to the 1951 Convention? How does Saudi Arabia engage with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) – on the global plane but also through UNHCR’s activities in the country? Drawing on hitherto unresearched material from the UNHCR archives pertaining to the years 1962–94, as well as interviews with key government and UNHCR actors, this article argues that Saudi Arabia engages substantively with the international refugee regime. It discusses how Saudi Arabia participated in the drafting processes of the main refugee protection instruments and shows that accession to the 1951 Convention appears to have been seriously considered at certain junctures. The article also explores Saudi Arabia’s relationship with UNHCR. In addition to focusing on Saudi Arabia’s role in the UNHCR Executive Committee, it looks more closely at UNHCR’s activities in the country, identifying three phases of UNHCR involvement – establishment (1987–97), expansion (1998–2005), and consolidation (2005–). It finds that UNHCR’s approach to Saudi Arabia is characterized by pragmatism rather than by principle, and that Saudi Arabia has been able to influence the way UNHCR implements its mandate in the country, as well as beyond. Importantly, Saudi Arabia is a gatekeeper for UNHCR operations in the Gulf region and in Muslim-majority countries more generally. Similarly, UNHCR is an important vessel for Saudi Arabian humanitarianism.

Doing Refugee Right(s) with Technologies? Humanitarian Crises and the Multiplication of “Exceptional” Legal States

Abstract Like borders, refugee protection settings beyond the EU often serve as testing grounds for technologies. This article takes a socio-legal perspective to show how humanitarian experimentation in these contexts is made possible through different, interacting challenges to sovereignty. It argues that the understanding that actors or their positions are “exceptional” allows for and justifies data practices that would otherwise not be legally permissible. Examples of data practices in refugee protection settings are connected to work in geopolitics, science and technology studies, and sociology of law. The article shows how the position of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as negotiator on behalf of refugees and an emergency-driven techno-solutionism not only interacts with the already precarious legal context most people seeking refuge find themselves in. It coincides with the legal positioning of International Organisations and with citizenship-oriented conceptions of privacy, further constituting people seeking refuge as (digital) rights optional. This is problematic not least because of concerns about adequate data protection or the implications of bias. Data flows and algorithms are generative of the politics of contemporary societies, implying that the structural undermining of digital rights of people seeking refuge in the present can also hinder their access to rights in the future.

Dynamical simulation of the Syrian refugee crisis: quantifying the driving factors of forced migration

With over 21 million refugees at the end of 2021, forced migration across national borders has become a global reality and a major international policy issue. This paper proposes a dynamical model based on the Syrian Refugee Crisis to quantify the factors that influence a refugee’s decision to migrate and the destination choice. The model simulates refugee migrations in space and time, from the moment they flee their country of origin until they are granted asylum in a host country or lose refugee status by attrition or repatriation. Migration is driven by comparative attractiveness scores based on differences in quality of life, political stability, societal violence, cultural familiarity, and distance between countries, while accounting for risk aversion and psychological inertia. By comparing simulation results to United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) data, we determine weight parameters that quantify the relative importance of each attribute in inducing a migration flow. The model is a computationally efficient forecasting and ex-post analysis tool, providing insight into the dynamics of refugee flow and effect of immigration policies.

Humanitarian Numbers in the Russian–Ukrainian War

In this interview, Irina Mützelburg discusses the production and spreading of humanitarian numbers in the on-going Russian–Ukrainian war since February 2022. She traces the emergence of the announced number of Ukrainian refugees several months before the beginning of the full-scale invasion and analyses the ways in which the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) compile statistics respectively on Ukrainian refugees abroad and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Numbers are produced to be coherent and higher, to illustrate the need for attention and funding. Furthermore, the debated issue of Ukrainians who (were) moved to Russia since the invasion is reviewed, discussing not only the numbers, but also the ways the Ukrainian and the Russian states frame the ways and reasons for which Ukrainians came to Russia. Finally, the interview covers the term ‘evacuee’ and ‘evacuation’ that both Russian and Ukrainian politicians and media use in unusual ways and which have been taken up by international media outlets. Irina Mützelburg is a post-doctoral researcher at the Centre for East European and International Studies in Berlin and a co-coordinator of the German-French ANR-DFG project, Limspaces, researching everyday life in Moldova and Ukraine. Currently she studies the educational situation of displaced pupils from Ukraine in Germany. She holds a PhD from Sciences Po Paris and has published on Ukraine, migration policies, norm transfer and public policy analysis in the Journal of Intercultural Studies, European Journal of Migration, Revue française de science politique, Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, Revue Gouvernance and Trajectoires. Her book Transferring Asylum Norms to EU Neighbours: Multi-Scalar Policies and Practices in Ukraine has been published with Palgrave Macmillan (London) in 2022.

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and education for Rohingya refugees in Malaysia

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and education for Rohingya refugees in Malaysia are examined in this paper. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) serve as a blueprint for achieving a better and more sustainable future for all. Its fourth goal is to improve educational quality and enable socioeconomic mobility to help people escape poverty. The problem for Rohingya refugees in Malaysia is that they are not officially recognized by the host government. This study has been conducted using a qualitative approach. Purposive sampling has been chosen to identify respondents like United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) personnel, Rohingya refugees, and local non-governmental organizations (NGOs). A semi-structured interview question was used to collect the information from the respondents. As a result, one of the consequences is that their children are not permitted to attend government-run schools for formal education. This situation has left them dissatisfied and concerned about their future in Malaysia. Nonetheless, in order to leverage the SDGs’ goal and achieve its motto of “leaving no one behind”, the UNHCR, as an international UN body, made an effort to provide access to the education sector. These efforts aim not only to improve educational quality, but also to strengthen ties between the refugee community and the host society. The local NGOs also collaborate with UNHCR in terms of financial support to further their secondary and even tertiary study. Despite those challenges, it still strives to achieve the SDG No. 4 target to reach the quality of education for Rohingya refugees. As a result, efforts to improve education for Rohingyas in Malaysia are ongoing, and all stakeholders must work together to make it a reality.

Applying the ‘Ceased Circumstances’ Cessation Clause: More Politics than Law?

Abstract Drawing on a detailed history of the ‘ceased circumstances’ cessation clause that was invoked for Eritrean refugees in 2002, this article highlights why the starting point for any analysis of the application of article 1C(5) of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees must focus as much on politics as on law. This is not only because of the impossibility of insulating States and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from the political pressures that surround any determination of ‘ceased circumstances’ in a particular country, but also because the very standards on which such a determination rests are inherently relational, circumstantial, and political. Despite guidelines on the application of the clause promoting an ‘objective and verifiable’ approach, they rest on assessments of a ‘functioning’ government and ‘effective’ protection, of acceptable standards of human rights, and of the ‘best interests’ of refugees, all of which are geographically and historically contingent. The article thus argues that focusing on the legal standards that ostensibly underpin any invocation of article 1C(5) may perpetuate the fallacy that these standards can ever be objectively determined and, in focusing attention on how to better clarify these thresholds and conditions, this approach may, in certain instances, divert attention from confronting the political pressures that govern the application of the clause.