Ukrainian Activists Research Articles

Intersectionality in the activity of lesbian and feminist movements in Ukraine

The article defines manifestations of the concept of intersectionality between Ukrainian feminist and lesbian movements. The research is based on the results of theoretical analysis and results of 13 semistructured in-depth interviews with 13 Ukrainian activists of feminist and lesbian movement from Kyiv, Kharkiv, Lviv, Uzhhorod, Odesa, Zaporizhzhia, Zhytomyr and Kherson, who were involved in feminist and lesbian movements in different periods – from the end of the 1990s to the beginning of the 2000s, in the mid-2000s and after 2014. As a result, the patterns of intersectionality between these two movements were defined.The concept of intersectional was defined in the mid-20th century by the American researcher Kimberle Crenshaw. It involved the rethinking of the concept of identity and social inequality under the influence of diverse individual experiences and socially significant characteristics. This concept became fundamental for the activity of new social movements at the end of the 20th century, in particular lesbian and feminist ones that are interrelated due to common resistance practices, ideological aspects, and people’s potential as well as the topic of the fight for women’s rights.Ukrainian feminist and lesbian movements are not exceptions, as they have manifested this intersectionality since their establishment as public social movements in Ukraine after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. This feature makes them different from the movements in countries of Western Europe and the USA, where lesbians used to be excluded from the mainstream feminist movement.After the analysis of in-depth interviews with activists of feminist and lesbian movements, it was defined that intersectionality between feminist and lesbian movements in Ukraine can be defined in ideological, thematical and practical aspects – common ideological basis, resistance practices represented in demonstrations, common actions, significant dates and topics, that prove that these 2 movements are interrelated and interconnected.

Identification of captured soldiers of the tsarist army based on nationality in Austria-Hungary, 1915: separation of Ukrainians

The article summarizes the process of identifying and separating Ukrainians from tsarist army soldiers who were captured by the Austrian-Hungarian forces. In 1915, such efforts were initiated by members of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU) who surveyed camp inmates and compiled a list of prisoners willing to move to a Ukrainian camp in Freistadt. The procedure was complex because many inmates supported the imperial ideology, including the Black Hundreds and Little Russians who exerted psychological pressure on the prisoners and attempted to prevent communication between the Ukrainians and the ULU envoys. The compiled lists of Ukrainian nationals laid long-lasting foundations for the ULU’s efforts to unite Ukrainians and establish a community of Ukrainian activists, albeit a small one, who were willing to risk their lives and carry out the difficult task of spreading national liberation ideas not only in POW camps, but also on Ukrainian lands in Russia. Owing to the ULU’s efforts, Ukrainian prisoners were transferred to the camp in Freistadt which was the center of Ukrainian life in 1915–1918.

УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ ПАРАМІЛІТАРНИЙ РУХ У ТАБОРІ ВЕЦЛЯР, НІМЕЧЧИНА, 1916 – ПЕРША ПОЛОВИНА 1918 рр. (ЗА МАТЕРІАЛАМИ ТАБОРОВОЇ ПРЕСИ)

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the development of the Ukrainian paramilitary movement in the camp of Ukrainian prisoners of war Wetzlar (Germany) in 1916 – the first half of 1918, which began with the founding of the gymnastic society «Sich». Quite soon it turned into a paramilitary structure with a relatively small number of its members with a developed national worldview. Its members jointly performed gymnastic exercises accompanied by an orchestra, performed night duty in the camp, keeping an eye on fire safety. The turning point in the history of the society was December 1917, when the newly elected leadership of «Sich» took decisive measures to normalize the situation in it. The most important of his decisions was the creation of the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment, the appointment of centurions, chicken officers and chief of staff, the organization of training classes, ordering the regimental flag. It is obvious that the establishment and further development of the camp «Sich» was authorized by the German authorities, who hoped to strengthen their combat resources at the expense of Ukrainians, primarily in frontline operations against the Russian Imperial Army. However, these hopes were unfounded, and although some of the Sich-man was indeed enrolled in German military service, this category of campers served their time in military command posts in the Volyn lands occupied by Germany. At the same time, two transports were formed from the number of «Sich» activists and Ukrainian activists from other camp organizations, which were incorporated into the Syn’ozhupanna Division. The most significant merit of the Wetzlar «Sich» was the national awareness and organizational training of more than a thousand of its members, who were instilled with strong patriotic feelings. The «Sich» organization of captured Ukrainians in Wetzlar and the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment formed here became one of the foundations for the creation of the armed forces of Ukraine in the most necessary period for it – during the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of 1917–1921.

Reports of Delegations of the Union of the Liberation of Ukraine as a Source for Studying Specifics of International Relations and Conditions of Stay of Prisoners of the Tsarist Army in Austria-Hungary, 1915

The article analyses the source and information potential of the reports of the delegations of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, which were sent to multinational camps of captured soldiers of the tsarist army for the purpose of compiling lists of Ukrainians for their subsequent transfer to the Ukrainian Freistadt camp. The importance of the topic chosen for research lies in the fact that the information gleaned from these reports makes it possible to clarify in detail the main manifestations of the daily life of prisoners, as well as to learn some features of their national character. At the same time, the mentioned reports fully illustrate certain aspects of the organizational activities of the Union, which made it possible to lay a lasting foundation for the unity of Ukrainians in the multinational camps of prisoners of war from the tsarist army. The stay of the IED delegates in the camps made it possible to form a small circle of Ukrainian activists capable of risking their lives to carry out the difficult task of spreading national liberation ideas among prisoners of the tsarist army. The methods used by the author of this article include the narrative methodology, which involves the description of a social phenomenon, as well as military anthropology, with its focus on the study of world pictures, symbolic systems and fundamental forms of human behavior, mostly hidden and not clearly formulated. It became possible to analyze the general psychological state of prisoners in the conditions of camp isolation thanks to the use of the methodology of social determinism. The characteristics of the national types of prisoners of the tsarist army are of significant scientific interest, the knowledge of which is an important task of Ukrainian historical science — especially in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022–2023. Studying the mental traits of captured Russians and Russified Jews, who were ready for any tricks against those Ukrainians who dared to have their own opinion, allows us to understand the depth of the fall of the modern Russian ethno-social conglomerate.

Society «Educational community named after Mykhailo Drahomanov in the Wetzlar Ukrainian POW camp, Germany, 1917 - early 1918) (based on the materials of the «Hromadska Dumka»)

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the activity of the «Educational Community named after Mykhailo Drahomanov» in the camp of Ukrainian prisoners of war in Wetzlar (Germany), which during 1917 achieved the greatest achievements in its activities, which was due to the general intensification of national organizational work in the Wetzlar camp after the overthrow of the Russian tsar. In their work, the enlightened people focused on two main categories - the illiterate, for whose services the People's School worked, and at the same time those who already had a certain educational qualification (including graduates of the mentioned school), who had all the opportunities to replenish the baggage of their knowledge. A notable feature of the current work of Ukrainian activists was the involvement of prisoners in political presentations, which prepared a significant number of camp inmates to accept the idea of creating an independent Ukrainian state. The credit for this belonged primarily to educators from among Galicians, who at the call of the IDF worked in the camps and managed to raise a whole cohort of Ukrainian patriots among the prisoners, who continued the work of their teachers, giving lectures in separate barracks (by conducting readings of abstracts and impromptu evenings), as well as and outside the camp (during the dispatch of prisoners to work as part of work teams). One of the significant results of this work was the formation of a distinctly national worldview in the majority of the prisoners of this camp, which made it possible for them to further join the ranks of the armed forces of the Ukrainian People's Republic, which, starting from the moment of the Bolshevik coup, stood up to protect Ukraine from aggressive encroachments by Moscow.

Потеря Я-уникальности как элемент пропаганды в языке советской публицистики

The loss of SELF-uniqueness as a propaganda element in the language of Soviet journalism The article describes the process of planned influence on people’s psyche by means of verbal manipulation, propaganda tactics taken from advertising tradition, as well as its various forms aimed at controlling consumer awareness in the Soviet reality of the 1930s and 1940s. A comprehensive methodological approach was used in the study, combining various methods (inductive and deductive as well as descriptive and interpretative). The study has proved that the tendentious and trite model of suggestive advertising texts as a combination of propaganda goals and consumer information, rejectingany creativity and individuality, caused the destruction of social consciousness and dehumanization of a man enslaved by the Soviet totalitarian system. The paper shows political Russification activities aimed at the destruction of the Ukrainian nation, emphasizing the description of the linguistic genocide situation. It has been observed that Ukrainian intellectuals’ attitude towards the Ukrainian culture and language was not always responsible. Negative effects of the mechanisms creating a new social unit, indifferent to the cultural property and art of their own nation, as well as constituting a new mythology have been noticed. It has been found that some of the then Ukrainian activists saw an opportunity to counter the influence of the Soviet propaganda in the restitution of SELF-uniqueness, national awareness and return to national cultural traditions. The conducted analysis has also revealed the quasi-polemical nature the language of Soviet journalism, which designed a parallel reality.

Three Accounts—Two World Wars—One Town: Narratives of War and Genocide in Eastern Galicia

This article belongs to the special cluster, “Biographies of Belonging in the Holocaust”, guest-edited by Natalia Aleksiun and Hana Kubátová. This article argues for using personal accounts in reconstructing the inner lives of interethnic communities in Eastern Europe in times of crisis. Focusing on the Eastern Galician town of Buczacz as representative of numerous other such communities, it also suggests that the events of the Holocaust must be seen within the larger context of coexistence and violence since 1914. After briefly examining the relevant historiography, the article turns to a close analysis of the diary of a Polish headmaster, written in 1914–1922; the World War II diary of a Ukrainian gymnasium teacher, and recollections of the Holocaust by a Jewish radio technician, composed in 1947. All three men lived in Buczacz; all three wanted their accounts to be read by others, but they are only now being made available to the public by the author. Each provides a strikingly different perspective: that of a Polish nationalist educator whose sons were fighting to create an independent Poland; that of a Ukrainian activist who resented Polish rule and Jewish influence but felt ambivalent about wartime and genocide profiteering by fellow Ukrainians; and that of a young Jew who meticulously recorded both collaboration and rescue by his gentile neighbors and ended up fighting in a local Polish partisan unit. And yet, seen together, these personal narratives shed light on aspects of mass violence in that region largely missing from more general or nationally oriented histories.

Methods of struggle of the Russian Black Hundreds against Ukrainians in the prisoner-of-war camps in Austria-Hungary and Germany (1914-1917)

The article is aimed at analyzing forms and methods of struggle of the Russian Black Hundreds against Ukrainian activists of the tsarist army in the prisoner-of-war camps on the territory of Austria-Hungary and Germany (Freistadt, Rastatt, Wetzlar, Salzwedel), being ukrainized at the end of 1914-1915, which was accompanied by the removal of ethnic Russians from those camps.
 The research novelty of the article lies in the objective evidence of those factors that initially made it almost impossible to carry out cultural and educational work among captured Ukrainians, as well as the reconstruction of the process of gradual overcoming by the camp residents of their non-acceptance of national liberation slogans and the idea of Ukrainian independence.
 Conclusions: It is proved that despite various methods of intimidation (physical violence against Ukrainian activists, destruction of books and magazines, boycott of schools, anonymous leaflets of threatening content, writing down registration numbers of prisoners, etc.), the Black Hundreds did not succeed in preventing the activities of cultural and educational circles created in the camps by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU). In a short time, the majority of camp residents joined Ukrainian organizations in the camps, which enabled to minimize the influence of anti-Ukrainian forces. So Ukrainians managed to overcome their centuries-old fear of tsarist despotism, which constrained their ideas and actions with the threat of inevitable punishment. Their desire to gain as much knowledge as possible in conditions of captivity, their readiness to acquire new skills and abilities that they might need during civilian life – suppressed all frightening efforts of the Black Hundreds. It became possible to achieve because of the involvement of captured Ukrainian officers into national organizational activities. Thanks to this, thousands of Ukrainians devoted to the cause of national liberation were brought up in the camps, ready for the armed defense of Ukraine against the Bolshevik invasion.

To the Question of Chronology of the Organization of the Ukrainian Intelligentsia of Sevastopol "Kobzar" at the Beginning of the 20th Century

The study is devoted to the question of time, period and forms of existence and changes in the leadership of the organization of the Ukrainian intellectuals “Kobzar”, founded in the early twentieth century in Sevastopol and associated with the name of engineer Levko Matsiievych, who was one of the most prominent Ukrainian activists of national movement in the city in said period of time. According to available data, the secret organization “Kobzar”, nameless at the time, was founded in 1901 on the basis of an amateur workers' theater in the People's House of Sevastopol, which operated as a group of Ukrainian dramatic art lovers under the direction of Levko Matsiievych and Oleksandr Kovalenko. Members of the organization established branches among the employees of the seaport and garrison of Sevastopol, later joining the Ukrainianization of local military units. The organization could be involved in the united autonomous community of Sevastopol, which was part of the General Non-Party Ukrainian Organization. According to available data, in 1905/1906 the organization “Kobzar” either began legal activities under the leadership of Levko Matsiievych or started any at all but data from Matsiievych's biography in 1906–1908 does not allow us to claim that he led the organization “Kobzar” or engaged in public activities in Sevastopol at all. From 1905 to 1907, the organization “Kobzar” was the center of the Ukrainian national and public movement, which united servicemen of the Black Sea Fleet and civilians of Sevastopol. In March–April 1917, virtually all members of the organization “Kobzar” joined the Main Council of the Ukrainian Black Sea Community. Subsequently, existing in various forms under German, Bolshevik, Denikin and Wrangel rule in Crimea, the Ukrainian national formation of Sevastopol ceased to exist in the late 1920s with the establishment of Soviet power on the peninsula.

Kathryn Ciancia. On Civilization’s Edge: A Polish Borderland in the Interwar World.

Kathryn Ciancia. <i>On Civilization’s Edge: A Polish Borderland in the Interwar World.</i>

State Regulation of the Activities of the Public Organizations in Canada and Ukrainian Activists in 1918-1939

State Regulation of the Activities of the Public Organizations in Canada and Ukrainian Activists in 1918-1939

Ivanna Blazhkevych on the development of early education as a foundation of creating a powerful state

In-depth research has been done on Ivanna Blazhkevych (1886-1977), a Ukrainian activist, writer, and teacher, in relation to the growth of early childhood education as a tool for enhancing the state. The essay provided support for Ivanna Blazhkevych's periodization of her major life stages and the evolution of her cultural, educational, and scientific theories. The primary foci of I. Blazhkevych's pedagogical, cultural-educational, and creative work have been identified as follows: pre-school-pedagogical (organization of pre-school institutions; justification of pre-school education methods; identification of kindergarten students' educational requirements); educational (assistance in the fight against illiteracy); ethnographic (collection of ethnographic material: recording folk songs, legends, and sayings); national-patriotic (writing books for children).

Factors of Ukrainian men involving in men’s movements that support gender equality

In recent years, Ukraine has received more attention to the issues of masculinity, the position of men and their participation in activism in support of gender equality. In Ukraine, there are several men’s organizations and initiatives that support the ideas of gender equality: dad schools, men against violence, HeforShe Ukraine and HeforShe Congresses, profeminist schools for men, national networks of male leaders against violence, an international union of courageous dads, etc. Feminist public activists appear to talk about the benefits of gender equality. The men’s movement for gender equality in the world and in Ukraine is seen as focusing on either women’s rights or men’s rights. According to men’s movement researcher Michael Messner, institutional privileges and costs of masculinity are the aspects of the classification of male movements. As a result of the analysis of six in-depth interviews with Ukrainian activists of men’s movements, Michael Messner’s ideas were illustrated with examples from Ukrainian society. Factors involving men in men’s movements for gender equality differ depending on the type of the men’s movement. Women’s rights movements were characterized by awareness of cases of discrimination against women and a corresponding sense of solidarity and compassion. Movements for men’s rights – by awareness of cases of discrimination against men in their own experience, a sense of the need to respond to the movement for women’s rights, and the situation of men’s movements in Ukraine, i.e. factors that directly affect men. In addition, it has been found that there are common factors in involving men in women’s and men’s rights movements, such as the existence of a feminist movement, a sense of the need for change, and a desire to be involved in local or global change. Expert interviews have found that the use of personal experience is the most effective way to influence the level of men’s involvement in men’s movements for gender equality, including in Ukraine. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. In addition, it is important to demonstrate the experience of men who understand the benefits of gender equality for men as well. They, according to experts, will be able to serve as examples for other men to follow. Separately, experts noted the role of education in the desire to join the struggle of men for the idea of gender equality. Both non-formal education programs and formal education on equal rights and opportunities can be tools for introducing changes in men’s attitudes to discrimination.

The Initial Period of Activity of the Central Council of Ukraine: Since March 3 (16) till the National Congress in April 1917

Among many issues related to the phenomenon of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the specifics of the development of the earliest stage of its history attracts special attention of the researchers. It is no accident, because during this period the Ukrainian national movement in the Russian Empire, which was in fact totally banned with the outbreak of the First World War, proved its strength and its ability to become a real factor in mobilizing the masses. The logic of historical events initiated almost immediately by the appearance in early March 1917 in Kyiv of the organizational center of Ukrainians led to a revolutionary transformation of public consciousness in terms of moderate demands made in pre-revolutionary times by a relatively small group of public figures, as well as to a strong assertion of the sovereign will of the Ukrainian people, who had irreversibly embarked on the path of state formation. The demands mainly concerned schooling, basic opportunities for development of national culture and extremely limited forms of local self-government.In view of this, the article considers both the historical context, circumstances and conditions of the establishment of the Central Council of Ukraine, and the peculiarities of positioning the representatives of various political currents during the least documented period: from the end of February 1917 to the All-Ukrainian National Congress (April 6-8, 1917). Based on the analysis of the recollections of participants and witnesses of the process, periodicals and official publications of the Central Council of Ukraine, the names of the Ukrainian figures who were its founding members, were clarified. It was emphasized that, despite the dissatisfaction of the older Ukrainian activists associated with the Society of Ukrainian Progressives, this revolutionary parliament began to form as a broad union of groups, parties and organizations representing the full range of Ukrainian political forces at the time. Particular attention is paid to the fact that at the initial stage of formation of the Central Council of Ukraine the problem of consolidation has become one of the most pressing on the agenda of national life.

The First Case Against a Ukrainian Party (From the History of the National Movement in the Imperial Era)

The article analyzes the materials of the case “On the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries,” opened in 1901 by the Poltava Provincial Gendarmerie. The incorrect name of the organization aside, it was indeed the first case of its kind, in that its participants and key episodes were associated with a Ukrainian political party (the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, RUP). The case of 1901 has never been a subject of special academic attention. Only some of its aspects found reflection in a broader 1928 work by A. Duchynsky. It is not represented in modern studies on the operations of tsarist law enforcement agencies against Ukrainian parties. This article is based mainly on archival documents from the Poltava Provincial Gendarmerie collection (Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv, f. 320), additionally drawing on published imperial laws and regulations. The materials obtained are verified through the latest scholarship on the history of the Ukrainian national movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The 1901 case conforms to the patterns in the work of imperial law enforcement that can be seen as characteristic for that period: better results in the initial, simplest stages (the tracing of connections, searches, arrests) and rather helpless, ineffective performance in investigation and interrogation. Furthermore, the case demonstrates the unpreparedness of the political police in the face of the intensification and radicalization of the national movement and its complete incompetence in the matter of Ukrainian organizations, their structure, personnel, ideology, etc. On the other hand, the case materials show that Ukrainian activists, despite the young age and inexperience of most of them, showed confidence and courage in confronting the tsarist gendarmes. Due to this, the investigation failed not only to obtain any significant information about the RUP, but even to establish the fact of its existence, which gave the party the opportunity to develop further and soon play a prominent role in the peasant uprising of 1902 in the Poltava and Kharkiv regions.

Perpetuation of Taras Shevchenko's memory in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region at the beginning of the XX century

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.

The Newspaper «Rozsvit» as a Medium for Thoughts and Aspirations of Ukrainian Prisoners of War at the Camp Rastatt in Germany: 1916–1917

The article analysses the media content of the camp newspaper «Rozsvit», which concerned the circumstances of the out-of-camp life and life of Ukrainian prisoners from the camp Rastatt (Germany), sent to work as part of worker teams. The aim of the research is to study the peculiarities of the process of retransmission of thoughts and aspirations of the captured Ukrainians of the mentioned camp on the pages of the newspaper «Rozsvit» in 1916–1917s. The historical method, source analysis and synthesis are used to effectively achieve the goal. The study finds that the newspaper effectively served as a communicator between the camp and the worker teams. Regular acquaintance with the materials of the newspaper, which came to the worker teams through the activities of “men of trust”, was an important part of the short evening leisure of prisoners, satisfying their need for news. «Rozsvit’s» editorial office corresponded with Ukrainian activists in worker teams and regularly informed its readers about the achievements of the national circles and organisations founded in them. With its publications, the newspaper had a powerful influence on the formation of the national and political worldview of those prisoners, who were part of the worker teams, serving for them almost the only “window” into the world of politics, public life, agriculture and art. «Rozsvit» regularly reported on donations made to prisoners for charitable purposes, thus demonstrating their high level of civic and national identity. The novelty of the study lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of an array of sources on the specifics of the functioning of the community of captured Ukrainian soldiers in the camp Rastatt in the period of 1916–1917s.

THE SECRETS OF ОNATSKY PENSION AND THE RUSSIAN FACTOR (based on the documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Italy, 1930-1941)

The article deals with the activities of E.D.Onatsky (Onac’kyj) in the Kingdom of Italy in the early 30s of the XX century. The Ukrainian researcher, journalist and politician came to Italy as the head of the Press-office of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Italy. He carried out scientific, journalistic and politic activities in the interwar period. During this period, Italy changed its foreign strategy: it proposed a Pact of four, became one of the main political players in Europe, signed a cooperation agreement with the USSR. The Ukrainian political activities in this period were under attention of the Italian political police. The active phase of observation was in 1933-1934, when the Soviet authorities openly criticized the development of the Ukrainian activity in Italy. The spies didn’t know the specifics of Ukrainian identity and they usually perceived Onatsky’s figure through the Russian worldview. The economic activity of the Onatskys, who rented rooms to guests arriving from other countries, is becoming another element of suspicion about the figure of the Ukrainian activist. The research is based on the documentation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Italy, on Onatsky’s diaries and on the results of research carried out by other scientists.

PECULIARITIES OF CONDUCTING NATIONAL EDUCATIONAL WORK IN THE CAMP OF CAPTIVE UKRAINIANS WETZLAR, GERMANY (June 1916 - February 1917)

The article analyzes the peculiarities of conducting national educational work among the captured Ukrainian soldiers in the camp Wetzlar, Germany, during June 1916 – February 1917. Since the Ukrainization of the camp (September 1915), it has been held by members of the IED Education Department, and since May 1916 – after the establishment of the Educational Community named after M. Drahomanova – passed to the sphere of responsibility of its members from among the prisoners. Thanks to the arrival of a group of Ukrainian activists from the camp Freistadt (Austria-Hungary) it became possible to organize daily classes at the camp folk school of literacy and the sustainable operation of all educational courses. The community took care of providing the school with a teaching staff from among the prisoners themselves, at the same time it was very important to participate in the teaching work of civilian members of the IED Education Department – educators with high school or university education. In addition, members of the Educational Community prepared the convening of general camp meetings (chambers), appointed officers for cultural and educational work in individual blocks of the camp, took care of the camp library. Within the Community there was a teachers' group, whose members had the opportunity to improve their professional competencies at special seminars, which were convened from time to time in the camp. Given that the society brought together the most conscious and active part of the prisoners, the members of the Educational Community had a decisive influence on all aspects of cultural, educational and national-organizational life in the camp. In addition, the community actively participated in the intensification of the educational life of the prisoners, who were part of the workers' teams outside the camp. Largely due to their efforts, it became possible to nationally inform a significant number of captured Ukrainians, who later joined the ranks of the «Blue-Zhupan» division, taking an active part in the struggle for Ukrainian statehood.

THE MEMORY OF THE REPRESSED ACTIVISTS OF THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917–1921 THROUGH THE PRISM OF DECLASSIFIED ARCHIVES OF THE SOVIET SPECIAL SERVICES

Summary. The purpose of the study. The scientific article examines the impact of the process of declassification of the Soviet secret service archives on the restoration of historical memory regarding the participants of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution in 1917–1921 who lived in Volyn Voivodeship as political emigrants during the interwar period and were repressed after the establishment of Bolshevik rule. It has been proven that the declassification of archival and criminal cases against Ukrainian activists contributes to the return of their names to the public and media space. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism and verification. The study uses such methods as biographical, problem-historical, exploratory, as well as methods of microhistory and local history. The scientific novelty of the article is in the analysis of the processes of restoring the historical memory of the Ukrainian revolution activists in 1917–1921, who later became Ukrainian political emigrants in the territory of the Western Volyn, in particular Rivne region. It was found that an important impetus for this was the declassification of secret service archives and the return to public space of the names of repressed public, military and political figures. Conclusions. After the defeat of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921, its military, public and political figures were forced to leave the territory of the Second Polish Republic. Some of them settled in Volyn Voivodeship, forming a group of Ukrainian political emigrants. At the first stage of World War II, they came under pressure from the NKVD, many of whom were arrested and convicted. Bolshevik propaganda called Ukrainian People՚s Republic activists "petliurists", associated them with "enemies of the people", and tried in every way to denigrate and obliterate their names.The opening of the archives of special services and the declassification of archival-criminal materials served as an impetus to restore the memory of the participants of the first national liberation fighters, return the names of repressed figures to the modern public and media space, in particular in Rivne region.