Ugaritic Texts Research Articles

Stages of Ancient Israelite Religion: From Polytheism to Monotheism

In the past scholars traced monotheism to the time of Moses, around 1200 BC. But in the last decades that date changed to 7th-6th century BC. Further, the discovery of the Ugaritic texts in 1928 on the north coast of Syria has helped historians of religion to notice the development of Israelite religion from a polytheistic Canaanite stratum to monotheistic Yahwism. Through examining biblical and extra-biblical texts, archaeological material, and inscriptions, this study traces the religious similarities of the Israelite and Canaanite culture. Genesis 49, Psalm 82 and Deuteronomy 32:8-9 are thoroughly analyzed and conclusions are made about Israel’s original God, and the original tiers of the pantheon. In the pre-exilic period (and perhaps as early as the 8th century BC) Israel enjoyed perhaps a lesser pantheon than that in the Ugaritic texts, but certainly it was considerably more extensive than what the biblical record reports. The God of Biblical Israel may not actually be very different from the gods of the neighboring nations, but claiming that he is, is an important part of the rhetoric promoting devotion to that God alone.

Sans érasure

Abstract A curious phenomenon that is attested in the Ugaritic texts, elsewhere in the ancient Near East, the Hebrew Bible, the Dead Sea Scrolls, medieval texts, and beyond is a scribal practice I call sans érasure, a case in which a scribe leaves an error uncorrected and proceeds to write or copy the correct letter, word, line, or verse following the error. In this article, a number of rather clear examples are adduced from the Ugaritic texts, and a number of examples from the Hebrew Bible are proposed. Several of these cases would seem to be recognized in the Masoretic tradition in instances of ‮לא קרי‬‎ (written but not read). Some of the biblical examples resolve longstanding philological cruxes. Among the examples are several from the book of Job and the last verse in Lamentations. An explanation for the practice is suggested.

Jesús, la mujer y los perros (Mt 15,21-28; Mc 7,24-30)

The encounter of Jesus and the Canaanite or Syrophoenician woman (Mt15:21-28; Mk 7:24-30) has often been interpreted on the basis of Jesus’ disturbingand apparently unfriendly phrase in Mt and Mk. For some commentators, both pericopesmay represent a break in Jesus’ attitude to the Gentiles and for others a continuity.This article explores the possibility that the episode of the Syrian womanincludes some Canaanite elements such as those found in the Ugaritic text RS 24.258 (KTU 1.114) about the dogs under the table, with some hints for the understanding of the pericopes.

Not a Negation? A Logico-Philosophical Perspective on the Ugaritic Particles lā/ ’al

The negative particles lā/ ’al in Ugaritic change from positive to negative in modal contexts, conditional, questions, disjunctions, etc. They have usually been studied from a Semitic and linguistic points of view. On the basis of their occurrence in Ugaritic texts, we pretend to explain their uncommon behaviour from a philosophical and logico-semantic perspective. Is it possible to translate this linguistic structure in our Modern languages? Starting from a general view of their use in Ugaritic language, we claim that this phenomenon can be more clearly understood in relation to modality. We interpret these negation as a negative evidential paradigm and we explain how they change in different contexts. Methodologically, we make use of formal tools of Dynamic Epistemic Logic in order to provide a more fine-grained understanding of these negations, and their dynamics.

The Good, the God, and the Ugly: The Role of the Beloved Monster in the Ancient Near East and the Hebrew Bible

Ancient Near Eastern texts teem with horrifying and grotesque beings that pose some significant threat to the cosmos, humanity, and its institutions. Adopting Noël Carroll’s definition, such beings are monsters: interstitial not only physiologically and ontologically, but also cosmically and morally. This essay takes a comparative and literary approach to beloved monsters in Ugaritic, Mesopotamian, and Hebrew Bible texts. It suggests that in Ugarit and Mesopotamia, such monsters play a crucial role in advancing the goals of antipathic heroes while maintaining the integrity of sympathetic deities. It then considers the beloved monster in the Hebrew Bible and its interpretations. Finally, the essay makes note of the phenomenon’s transformation in contemporary speculative fiction. The essay argues that the beloved monster in Ugarit and Mesopotamia keeps together a fragmented cosmos, while in the Hebrew Bible it refracts through the facets in a prismatic God.

Image of the Dragon in RS 16.266 (= KTU1–3 1.83)


 
 
 The fragmentary Ugaritic text RS 16.266 (= KTU1–3 1.83) contains a number of lexical and other problems exacerbated by the state of the tablet and difficulties in defining the plot and characters involved in the text. One of these lexical issues involves the analysis of two verbs that appear to be from the root √trp. In the present paper, I survey previous hypotheses as to the etymology and semantics of this verb and contrast the deficiencies of these with the merits of identifying a thus far unrecognized cognate set in lexemes from the root √trp in later Aramaic dialects, i.e., Syriac, Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, and Mandaic. The verbs in this cognate set have the semantics ‘to strike (esp. of a snake)’, and thus clarify both the activity and morphology of the fearsome dragon described in RS 16.266.
 
 

A Subdued Demon in Exodus 15:7-8

AbstractThe Song of the Sea is long known to contain allusions to mythological motifs related to Canaanite religion that have been adapted to the faith of Israel. On the basis of a recent study of the Ugaritic texts KTU 1.107 and 1.100 it is shown that Exod 15:7-8 falls in this category of reinterpretation. It is proposed to render verse 7b ‘you sent your Ḥoron, he devoured them like stubble’. Suffixed personal pronouns with the names of deities are attested in Ugarit and ancient Hebrew inscriptions. However, in Exod 15 Ḥoron has been reduced to a redoutable assistant of God, an executioner called up to punish God’s opponents.

Where the Gods Are: Spatial Dimensions of Anthropomorphism in the Biblical World

Where the Gods Are: Spatial Dimensions of Anthropomorphism in the Biblical World

Filología e informática Epigrafía ugarítica

Las bases de datos relacionales ofrecen muchas oportunidades para el desarrollo de las ciencias humanas. El investigador ha de buscar criterios de selección, clasificación y definición de los fenómenos estudiados. Una vez introducidos los datos, las relaciones entre ellos se establecen reproduciendo el conocimiento del especialista y las diversas etapas que recorre su razonamiento científico. Es necesario desarrollar aplicaciones adaptadas a las relaciones que cada especialidad establece entre sus datos. Como ejemplo en el campo de la Filología, se presenta la elaboración de un sistema de siglas, la introducción de colaciones y de connotaciones epigráficas de los textos ugaríticos en el Banco de datos filológicos semíticos noroccidentales.

Dennis Pardee,The Ugaritic Texts and the Origins of West-Semitic Literary Composition

Dennis Pardee,<i>The Ugaritic Texts and the Origins of West-Semitic Literary Composition</i>

Political Favoritism in Saul’s Court: נעם ,חפץ, and the Relationship between David and Jonathan

Considerable recent debate has surrounded the interpretation of the relationship between David and Jonathan as portrayed in the books of Samuel. Building on the now-classic article by William Moran in which he argues that the term love (אהב) has a specialized political connotation in biblical and ancient Near Eastern treaty relationships, this paper demonstrates that the Hebrew terms חפץ (“delight”) and נעם (“lovely”) in 1 Sam 19:1 and 2 Sam 1:23, 26 should be understood primarily with a political nuance. In particular, חפץ can denote individual favor or preference within an existing political relationship while נעם can indicate divine favor or the beneficence of a royal figure. Supporting evidence for understanding חפץ and נעם with a political nuance is drawn from the Hebrew Bible as well as from Old Aramaic, Phoenician, Assyrian, and Ugaritic texts. Taken together, the terms אהב, חפץ, and נעם underscore the political aspects of the relationship between David and Jonathan as depicted literarily in the books of Samuel.

Political Favoritism in Saul's Court: נעם, חפץ, and the Relationship between David and Jonathan

Considerable recent debate has surrounded the interpretation of the relationship between David and Jonathan as portrayed in the books of Samuel. Building on the now-classic article by William Moran in which he argues that the term love (אהב) has a specialized political connotation in biblical and ancient Near Eastern treaty relationships, this paper demonstrates that the Hebrew terms חפץ (“delight”) and נעם (“lovely”) in 1 Sam 19:1 and 2 Sam 1:23, 26 should be understood primarily with a political nuance. In particular, חפץ can denote individual favor or preference within an existing political relationship while נעם can indicate divine favor or the beneficence of a royal figure. Supporting evidence for understanding חפץ and נעם with a political nuance is drawn from the Hebrew Bible as well as from Old Aramaic, Phoenician, Assyrian, and Ugaritic texts. Taken together, the terms אהב, חפץ, and נעם underscore the political aspects of the relationship between David and Jonathan as depicted literarily in the books of Samuel.

The Other Version of the Story of the Storm-god’s Combat with the Sea in the Light of Egyptian, Ugaritic, and Hurro-Hittite Texts

The paper examines a group of texts from second-millennium bce Egypt, Hatti, and Ugarit that contains motifs relating to the Storm-god’s combat with the Sea. The similarity these accounts exhibit to one another and their divergence from Enūma eliš and related biblical passages suggests that they constitute a variant of this mythologem that circulated in the Fertile Crescent during this period. The primary elements of this version, its origin, and means of transmission are examined through a comparative analysis.

Psalm 2 and the Disinheritance of Earthly Rulers: New Light from the Ugaritic Legal Text RS 94.2168

Abstract This paper offers a fresh reading of Psalm 2 with special attention to the presence of legal motifs in the poem, including that of inheritance rights as a metaphor for YHWH’s delegation of earthly authority. A new impetus for such a reading comes from the recently published Ugaritic legal text RS 94.2168, which provides the first attestation in Ugaritic of a transitive verb BHL denoting the exclusion of a biological heir from the inheritance of his father’s estate. In light of this technical usage, it will be proposed that the Piel form יְבַהֲלֵמוֹ in Psa 2:5 is best understood, not as an act of terrifying the rulers of the earth, but as YHWH’s (metaphorical) disinheritance of them, a declaration that is naturally followed by the designation of his anointed one as the exclusive heir of the nations (2:8).

Greek and Canaanite Mythologies: Zeus, Baal, and their Rivals

AbstractHesiod's Theogony is normally read as a ‘hymn to Zeus’, praising the victory of the Greek Storm God over the previous generations of gods (Ouranos, Kronos, and the Titans). The backbone of the Theogony is the so‐called Succession Myth, widely accepted by scholars as an adaptation from the Near Eastern theme of the cosmic struggle between generations of gods, leading to the victory of the Storm God. The Mesopotamian Enuma Elish, the Hurro‐Hittite Song of Kumarbi, and less explicitly the Ugaritic and Biblical texts all reflect versions of this type of divine conflict. Behind the neat pattern of the succession, however, Greek sources contain scattered references to stories where even the power of Zeus is occasionally threatened. Through these allusions, we can reconstruct an ‘alternative’ motif of divine instability in Greek mythology. This essay will show that Greek and Northwest Semitic mythologies in particular converge in this less canonical picture of divine kingship, especially if we look at the concerns surrounding Baal's ascension to power in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle and his seemingly fragile position as the new ‘king in heaven’. The mythological representation of the dynamics among the gods, in turn, correlates with different perceptions of kingship among societies in the eastern Mediterranean. These shared theological concerns exemplify a phenomenon latent in many aspects of Greek ‘orientalizing’ literature and art, namely, a more direct and intense contact with the Northwest Semites (Canaanites, later Phoenicians, and others) than is usually granted. This brief overview will remind us of some of the methodological problems that challenge the study of comparative religion and mythology.

ウガリト語の神話・祭儀文書に見られるアシュタルト

The goddess Ashtart is mentioned several times in the Ugaritic texts, but appears relatively rarely in the mythological texts. A. Caquot and M. Sznycer say that at Ugarit, Asthtart was a “colourless deity”. On the other side, “the singer of Ashtart” (šr. ‘ṯtrt), whom We can find in the administrative text (KTU2 4.168: 4) , is very unique in the ancient Near East. Why does the “colorless deity” in the mythological texts need her professional singer?We can find the entry ritual of Ashtart in several ritual texts (KTU2 1.43: 1-2 ; 1.91: 10; 1.148: 18). The goddess’s entry into the royal palace suggests the royal attention paid to her. It appears likely, from a comparison of the Ugaritic texts with the Mari evidence, that the entry ritual of Ashtart is a kind of kispu-festival. We can see that Ashtart is invoked in some incantational texts related to vanquishing venomous serpents (KTU2 1.100; 19b—20a; 1.107; 39b—40a).The Keret epic (KTU2 1.14: III: 41-42 ; VI: 26-28) and a mythical text (KTU2 1.92) show that Ashtart is beautiful but powerful, and she is a good skilled huntress. The Baal myth (KTU2 1.2: IV: 28-30) and a song to Ashtart (RIH 98/02) indicate that Ashtart has the overwhelming power to subdue hostile forces. We can also see that Ashtart is called together with the god Horon in the king Keret’s curse (KTU2 1.16: VI: 54-57).Ashtart is the protective goddess to kings of Ugarit, because of her power of breaking enemies. Ashtart is important for the protection of Ugaritic kings against their hostile forces. Because of her physical and magical power, the singer of Ashtart might be necessary for the rituals related to the protection of Ugaritic kings against their enemies and fears.

A Land Flowing with Fat and Honey

AbstractThe author contends that the word lb in the phrase r zbt lb wdbš should be read ēleb (fat), and not ālāb (milk), drawing support from biblical and Ugaritic texts.

Un chant nuptial ougaritique (RS 5.194 [CTA 24]). Nouvelle étude épigraphique suivie de remarques philologiques et littéraires

Following up on two studies of Ugaritic texts signed by a scribe named Ṯabʾilu, the proposal is offered here that the well-known poetic work chanting the marriage between the gods Yariḫu and Nikkalu is by the same scribe. The first part is devoted to the epigraphic argument while the second deals with the principal philological and literary matters. In an appendix, four fragments found in the same area of the mound of Ras Shamra are (re-)edited.

An ivory rod with a cuneiform inscription, most probably Ugaritic, from a final palatial workshop in the Lower Citadel of Tiryns

The subject of this contribution is the fragment of an ivory rod with six cuneiform signs that was found in 2002. The rod came to light in a destruction layer dating to LH III B Final within a workshop for skilled crafting inside Building XI which is situated in the northernmost part of the Lower Citadel of Tiryns. The inscription is interpreted as the first example of an Ugaritic text found outside of the Levant. The text is written from left to right combining Akkadian logographic numerical signs and at least one letter of the regular Ugaritic alphabet. After discussing different possibilities concerning the object’s function, an interpretation as a ›tally stick‹ is proposed, i.e. a mnemonic device to document numbers, quantities or possibly a message, that was used by Levantine or Cypriote specialists for skilled crafting who were working in Building XI on behalf of the palace. The find assemblage in Building XI serves as a reminder that it would be highly misleading to regard oriental objects like the ivory rod with cuneiform signs or wall brackets appearing in a Mycenaean harbor town such as Tiryns as mere ›exotica‹. Instead, contextual analysis demonstrates that the users were well aware of the special significance attached to such objects in the east and employed them in accordance with practices of Near Eastern or Cypriote origin, thus signaling their cultural affiliations.

Dennis Pardee, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit.

The work includes sixty Ugaritic texts, transcribed and translated, which according to the author (p. 1) “deal with the everyday contacts between the Ugaritians and their deities ... The texts fall into two primary categories: those that reflect directly the sacrificial cult as carried out in the various sanctuaries of the city of Ugarit (sections I‑VII) and those that witness the infusion of ritual practice into life outside the sanctuary itself (sections VIII‑XII)”. Along with texts which a...