Turn Violent Research Articles

Unpacking the dynamics of natural resource conflicts: The case of African rosewood

Fueled by surging demand in Asia, the exploitation of African rosewood (Pterocarpus erinaceus) has become a lucrative venture in sub-Saharan Africa that has sparked widespread resource conflicts over the last decade. While some of these conflicts have produced fatal outcomes, little is known about the nature of these conflicts and the underlying drivers. Drawing on empirical evidence from four communities in northern Ghana where African rosewood extraction is rife, this paper unpacks the drivers and dynamics of African rosewood conflicts. We find that violent conflicts over African rosewood exploitation are driven by negative othering, engrained power differences, and resource appropriation by external actors. These drivers are connected in complex ways to the flow of transnational capital and commodity chains beyond local politics. This paper contributes to the broader literature on natural resource conflicts, especially the ongoing debate on why resource conflicts turn violent. Given the potential for resource conflicts to contribute to unsustainable resource exploitation, environmental policy must pay attention to these multi-scalar dynamics and drivers.

When Safe Spaces Turn Violent: How Managers Secure and Defend New Business Unit Legitimacy

New Business Units (NBUs) are commonly perceived as a legitimate innovation mechanism. While many corporations have introduced NBUs to help facilitate internal corporate venturing, NBUs often prematurely close long before ventures can demonstrate success. Moving beyond existing literature on NBUs, we study the internal dynamics of NBU legitimation work by managers inside a multinational conglomerate. At the large corporation, we find that mid-level managers played a critical role in attaining strategic and political legitimacy through molding and signaling as two legitimation building strategies. Following a legitimation crises, we find that mid-level managers sought to overcome strategic incongruence and political hostility through organizing a countermovement and functional disobedience as two defensive legitimation strategies. These findings uniquely shed light on legitimacy dynamics of NBUs and advance our understanding of how managers create NBUs and how they may respond when internal and external factors threaten the NBUs’ survival.

Policing Work: Emotions and Violence in Institutional Work

We merge research on institutional policing with the growing interest in violence in organization studies to explore how citizen enforcement of regulations can evoke emotion and even, under certain circumstances, turn violent. We draw on long interviews to explore how fly fishing guides enforce catch-and-release fishing regulations in the absence of the state. Our primary theoretical contribution is the development of the policing work construct, including a typology of different policing tactics. Therein, we unpack how emotional thresholds explain shifts away from peaceful enforcement tactics fostered by everyday emotions and towards violent tactics reinforced by extraordinary emotions and a desire for vengeance. We also reflect on the constitutive role of violence in policing work, shedding light on vigilantes as a veiled yet crucial line of defense for enforcing institutions. Finally, we show that institutional custodianship can be claimed by ordinary citizens, motivated by their deep connection to and guardianship of an institution’s integrity.

When Partners Turn Violent: Understanding Causality & Signs.

When Partners Turn Violent: Understanding Causality & Signs.

Electoral violence and the legacy of authoritarian rule in Kenya and Zambia

Why do the first multiparty elections after authoritarian rule turn violent in some countries but not in others? This article places legacies from the authoritarian past at the core of an explanation of when democratic openings become associated with electoral violence in multi-ethnic states, and complement existing research focused on the immediate conditions surrounding the elections. We argue that authoritarian rule characterized by more exclusionary multi-ethnic coalitions creates legacies that amplify the risk of violent elections during the shift to multiparty politics. Through competitive and fragmented interethnic relations, exclusionary systems foreclose the forging of cross-ethnic elite coalitions and make hostile narratives a powerful tool for political mobilization. By contrast, regimes with a broad-based ethnic support base cultivate inclusive inter-elite bargaining, enable cross-ethnic coalitions, and reduce incentives for hostile ethnic mobilization, which lower the risk of violent elections. We explore this argument by comparing founding elections in Zambia (1991), which were largely peaceful, and Kenya (1992), with large-scale state-instigated electoral violence along ethnic lines. The analysis suggests that the type of authoritarian rule created political legacies that underpinned political competition and mobilization during the first multiparty elections, and made violence a more viable electoral strategy in Kenya than in Zambia.

MALAWI: Protests Turn Violent

MALAWI: Protests Turn Violent

Responsible Investment Issues in Special Economic Zone Investment in Mainland Southeast Asia

Responsible Investment Issues in Special Economic Zone Investment in Mainland Southeast Asia

Will there be blood? Explaining violence during coups d’état

Although just under half of all coup d’état attempts involve fatalities, there has been surprisingly little attention to the conditions under which coups turn violent. Existing research emphasizes the incentives coup plotters have to avoid bloodshed but does not explain the conditions under which violence nonetheless occurs. This article develops a theoretical framework that predicts that the extent of violence that occurs during coup attempts will vary systematically with central features of incumbent regimes and coup plotters. It then tests these predictions using new data on the fatalities associated with 377 coup attempts between 1950 and 2017. Coups against military regimes are found to be less violent than those against civilian dictatorships. This is because military rulers are better able to estimate the likelihood of the coup succeeding and more sensitive to the costs associated with using violence to suppress a coup. Since their post-coup fates tend to be better than those of other authoritarian leaders, they also have fewer incentives to hang on to power at any cost. The analysis also demonstrates that coups led by senior officers involve less bloodshed than those by junior officers and enlisted men. However, coups against rulers that counterbalance their militaries are no more violent than those against rulers that do not. The results shed new light on the dynamics of coup attempts.

Preparing Boys for War: J. M. Barrie's Peter Pan Enlists in World War I's "Great Adventure"

Preparing Boys for WarJ. M. Barrie's Peter Pan Enlists in World War I's "Great Adventure" Laura Ferdinand Feldmeyer (bio) To die will be an awfully big adventure. SIR JAMES BARRIE, PETER PAN On May 3, 1922, renowned author and playwright Sir James Barrie stood fearful and silent before the students of the University of St. Andrews.1 Three years earlier, he had been honored by the student body when they elected him rector of the university—a position given to men, and later women, of "great worth and fame" to serve on the University Court as a student advocate.2 Elected in 1919 at the close of World War I, Barrie had delayed his inaugural address several years, delivering it at last near the end of his term as rector in his self-proclaimed "first and last public appearance."3 Finally provoked by the audience to speak, Barrie delivered his famous speech "Courage," which personified "Youth" and "Age" as symbolic characters. In it he questioned Britain's engagement in World War I, accused Age of ignorantly glamorizing warfare, and urged the Youth to demand a say in the national matters that concerned them. Seeing himself as part of Age, which he also referred to as "the Old Men," Barrie confessed, "When war did come, we told Youth, who had to get us out of it, tall tales of what it really is and the clover beds it would lead to. We were not meaning to deceive, most of us were as honourable and as ignorant as the Youth themselves; but that does [End Page 57] not acquit us of stupidity and jealousy, the two black spots in human nature which, more than love of money, are at the root of all evil."4 Unknown to the audience (and unknown to the public until 1935), Barrie had participated in the War Propaganda Bureau (WPB), a secret government operation that turned to English writers for help.5 Although most of the papers of the WPB (also referred to as Wellington House) were lost or destroyed when the bureau shut down at the end of World War I, there is strong evidence that Barrie—along with other writers such as Rudyard Kipling, John Galsworthy, and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle—contributed to the bureau that organized "public statements of the strength of the British case and principles in the war by well-known men of letters."6 However, as Jeffrey Reznick writes in John Galsworthy and Disabled Soldiers of the Great War, "many former WPB writers and other authors became deeply embittered about the Allied propaganda machine and their role in the creation of patriotic pamphlets, heroic fiction and 'front line' but glamorized reporting" long before the end of the war.7 Remorseful of his involvement in creating and promoting the "tall tales" that equated war with a great adventure, Barrie sought to empower youth: "You have more in common with the youth of other lands than Youth and Age can ever have with each other. … Even the hostile countries sent out many a son very like ours, from the same sort of homes, the same sort of universities, with the same sort of hearts, who had as little to do as our Youth had with the origin of the great Adventure."8 Barrie's use of the phrase "great adventure" would have undoubtedly recalled one of Peter's most famous lines ("To die will be an awfully big adventure") in the minds of the audience, as Peter Pan, in addition to being a popular play and novel, had become one of Britain's most pervasive propaganda tools during the war. As such, Peter's youthful declaration of bravery became an anthem of pro-war sentiment: a great adventure for "The Great War." In the context of our contemporary culture—in which the phrases "boy crisis" and "crisis of masculinity" have entered our everyday vocabulary with publications such as the Peter Pan-referencing Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them (1999) by James Garbarino—histories that discuss the ways in which boys are taught to be men take on a new poignancy and immediacy. As...

Affection, désaffection et défection chez deux jeunes Frères musulmans en Égypte

The young Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood bloggers who began to raise their voice in 2006 represent an interesting case to analyze the affective dimension of disengagement process. Despite their adoption of a dissident stance – clearly related to their ideological defection as well as to their insertion into new activist networks – they did not immediately leave the Brotherhood. They continued to be dependent upon this organization which is known for its all-encompassing character. Comparing two trajectories which mix loyalty and disengagement allows one to draw connections between (rather than separate) the processes whereby one remains with or leaves the group. I argue that the paradoxical loyalty of dissidents is to be explained by the Brotherhood’s capacity as an organization to produce powerful emotional attachment – ukhuwa (fraternity). But the various ways in which the dissidents experience these intense affective states determine whether they pursue their commitment or withdraw. Indeed, ukhuwa is a double-edged feeling: while it is at the basis of the Brotherhood’s appeal, and while it is the core of the members’ loyalty, it can also be a source of exclusion and make relations turn violent. The article shows how this ambivalence characterizes the internal relations which structure the group. &#9632

Contraband and violence: lessons from the Southeast Asian case

This article looks at the intersection between contraband and violence in Southeast Asia. I argue that the two activities are often linked and play off one another in specific, contextualized ways. To make this case, I examine instances of smuggling in the history of the region; through the trade in human beings, both historically and today; through the transit of narcotics, again historically and today; and via the conduit of a range of other contraband cargoes. Race, religion, memory and geography all factor into the outcome of when smuggling may take on violent forms. I chronicle these occasions throughout the width and breadth of the region, stretching from the Thai/Burmese border in the north to the island world of Insular Southeast Asia in the south. Throughout the essay, I pay particular attention to the larger milieus of commerce, politics, and society that condition moments when acts of smuggling may in fact turn violent.

The role of testosterone in male dominance contests That Turn Violent

Usually face-to-face dominance contests between humans are nonviolent, even amiable. Most violence between young men occurs when dominance contests infrequently escalate beyond their usually bounds. Heightened testosterone is not a direct cause of male violence. Occasional outbreaks of violence occur for other reasons, and are often random outcomes. However testosterone does encourage (nonviolent) dominant behavior among young men, increasing the frequency of dominance contests, hence increasing the likelihood of violent outcomes. "Honor subcultures" such as are found in our inner cities place inordinate importance on the enhancement of personal reputations and the humiliation of losing face. This atmosphere of persistent challenge produces heightened testosterone in young black men of the inner city, raising the likelihood that they will engage in dominance competition, which in turn raises the likelihood of a violent, even fatal, outcome.

Lost boys: Why our sons turn violent and how we can save them

Violence such as that seen in Red Lake, Minnesota, USA, is an area in which many of us feel helpless, yet parents andothers may look to us for help in prevention – for ways to intervene early. Many of us have received little or no formaleducation about violence. Dr James Garbarino gave an outstanding talk at The Hospital for Sick Children in Torontofollowing the Columbine massacre and further provided Paediatrics & Child Health with his text for publication. With hispermission, it was adapted by Dr Haslam to provide an overview of Dr Garbarino’s keynote address. We hope to stimu-late you to learn more about violence and then work within your practice, your schools and your communities to helpsupport the “assets” for prevention that Dr Garbarino so eloquently spoke about.Drs Noni MacDonald and Elizabeth Ford-Jones, Co-Editors-in-ChiefDr James Garbarino currently holds the Maude C Clarke Chair in Humanistic Psychology at Loyola University Chicago.Previously, he held the Elizabeth Lee Vincent Professor of Human Development at Cornell University in New York.Dr Garbarino has served as consultant or advisor to a wide range of organizations, including the National Committeeto Prevent Child Abuse, the National Institute for Mental Health, the American Medical Association, the NationalBlack Child Development Institute, the National Science Foundation, the National Resource Center for Children inPoverty, Childwatch International Research Network, the US Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect, and theFederal Bureau of Investigation. In 1991, he undertook missions for the United Nations International Children’sEmergency Fund to assess the impact of the Gulf War on children in Kuwait and Iraq, and has served as a consultant forprograms serving Bosnian and Croatian children. In addition to his many other awards, the US National Conference onChild Abuse and Neglect honoured Dr Garbarino in 1985 with its first C Henry Kempe Award, in recognition of hisefforts on behalf of abused and neglected children. Among many books he has authored, edited or co-authored are AndWords Can Hurt Forever: How to Protect Adolescents from Bullying, Harassment and Emotional Violence (New York: The FreePress, 2003) and Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How we Can Save Them(New York: The Free Press, 1999).

Book Review: Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them , by James Garbarino, Anchor Books, 1999, 274 pp.

Book Review: Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them , by James Garbarino, Anchor Books, 1999, 274 pp.

Why Do Strikes Turn Violent?

Past research on violence in collective movements using the resource-mobilization perspective has focused almost exclusively on the instrumental role violence plays for outsider groups seeking political recognition. Little is known about the causes of violence among groups such as labor unions that are at least marginally incorporated into the polity. There have been no empirical studies of the determinants of strike violence in advanced countries during the post-World War II period when workers' interests have become institutionalized. This article uses strike-level data from Ontario from 1958 to 1967 to examine the causes of strike violence. Strike violence is related to features of the sociopolitical context within which strikes occur, the legislative environment, the skill mix of striking workers, and of great importance, the strategies utilized by striking workers and the counter-strategies used by employers. In sum, violence is shown to be employed as a defensive measure after challenger groups have gained access to the polity.

Multivariate Analysis of Ordinal Variables Revisited

Previous articleNext article No AccessCommentary and DebateMultivariate Analysis of Ordinal Variables RevisitedJae-On KimJae-On Kim Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 84, Number 2Sep., 1978 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/226794 Views: 8Total views on this site Citations: 11Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1978 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Tamsin K. Saxton Experiences during specific developmental stages influence face preferences, Evolution and Human Behavior 37, no.11 (Jan 2016): 21–28.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2015.06.001Ramon Llopis-Goig Dimensions of cosmopolitanism and their influence on political consumption: an analysis focused on Spanish consumers, International Journal of Consumer Studies 37, no.55 (Jan 2013): 481–489.https://doi.org/10.1111/ijcs.12016Jan Gertheiss, Franziska Oehrlein Testing linearity and relevance of ordinal predictors, Electronic Journal of Statistics 5, no.nonenone (Jan 2011).https://doi.org/10.1214/11-EJS661George J. Avlonitis, Paulina Papastathopoulou Marketing communications and product performance: innovative vs non‐innovative new retail financial products, International Journal of Bank Marketing 18, no.11 (Feb 2000): 27–41.https://doi.org/10.1108/02652320010315334 Don Sherman Grant II , and Michael Wallace Why Do Strikes Turn Violent?, American Journal of Sociology 96, no.55 (Oct 2015): 1117–1150.https://doi.org/10.1086/229651Grahame R. Dowling, David F. Midgley Using rank values as an interval scale, Psychology and Marketing 8, no.11 (Jan 1991): 37–41.https://doi.org/10.1002/mar.4220080104Emin Babakus, Carl E. Ferguson On choosing the appropriate measure of association when analyzing rating scale data, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science 16, no.11 (Mar 1988): 95–102.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02723328George J. Avlonitis Product Elimination Decision Making: Does Formality Matter?, Journal of Marketing 49, no.11 (Nov 2018): 41–52.https://doi.org/10.1177/002224298504900104JEFFERY SOBAL Students' Health Concerns, Youth & Society 17, no.22 (Aug 2016): 171–188.https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X85017002004Arnold Binder Restrictions on statistics imposed by method of measurement: Some reality, much mythology, Journal of Criminal Justice 12, no.55 (Jan 1984): 467–481.https://doi.org/10.1016/0047-2352(84)90094-1Robert P. Gephart Multiple R, the ?Parametric Strategy,? and Measurement Imprecision, Sociological Perspectives 26, no.44 (Aug 2016): 473–500.https://doi.org/10.2307/1389195