EU And Turkey Research Articles

The United States, the Defence of the Middle East and Türkiye: 1946-1952

This study analyses the early years of cooperation between Türkiye and the United States (US) in the field of security and defence by utilising US government documents and the secondary sources that heavily depend on primary sources. It emphasizes the link between the elements of the strategic context in which the US developed its approach to the defence of the Middle East and the American interest in developing defence ties with Türkiye. The major outcomes of Turkish-American cooperation were American support for Türkiye against the Soviet Union in 1946, the provision of American military assistance in 1947, the modernization of the Turkish military, the construction of military bases on Turkish territory, American support for Turkish membership in NATO and Turkish willingness to conduct its relations with the Middle East in coordination with the West. This study reveals that those outcomes reflected for the most time American political and strategic preferences. For this reason, the typical characteristics of those relations between great powers and small states can be observed in Turkish-American security relations during their formative years.

Evropská unie z pohledu turecké společnosti: O čem vypovídají průzkumy veřejného mínění?

The paper focuses on the development of the public opinion in Turkey towards the EU. The paper set the question: does the relation of the Turkish society towards the EU in long term (2004-2022) pose an obstacle for the potential accession to the EU? The main method of the paper is the analysis of the public opinion surveys Eurobarometer. The article analysis the long-term trend of the perception of the EU by Turkish citizens (very positive, fairly positive, neutral, fairly negative, very negative), the average value of these indicators; and identifies the core of the supporters and opponents. The paper identifies the situation when there is a polarization of the society. The development of the public opinion in Turkey is compared to other EU countries (Czech Republic, Germany, and Hungary) and the EU. The analysis reveals that the public opinion in Turkey does not significantly vary from other compared cases. There is no gradual increase of the opponents of the EU, so the public opinion does not represent another obstacle for Turkish accession to the EU.

Evaluation of the Genetic Relationships of Some Endangered Tunisian Peas Adapted to Arid Regions and Turkish Accessions Revealed by Inter Simple Sequence Repeat (ISSR) Markers

Evaluation of the Genetic Relationships of Some Endangered Tunisian Peas Adapted to Arid Regions and Turkish Accessions Revealed by Inter Simple Sequence Repeat (ISSR) Markers

LOBBYING ACTIVITIES OF INTEREST GROUPS DURING THE EU MEMBERSHIP PROCESS OF TURKEY

In parallel to the devolution of authority from member nations to the EU, the lobbying actions of various entities towards EU institutions have expanded over time. A variety of organisations coordinates lobbying efforts on behalf of EU institutions. The aim of this research is to investigate the impact of a candidate country's interest groups' lobbying efforts by focusing on Turkey as a case.Due to the length of the EU membership process, which has exceeded 20 years, Turkey is regarded as an exceptional case. This study examines the lobbying actions of four economic and two political bodies in Turkey between 1999 and 2021, based on a typological description of two sorts of groupings. In terms of research method, a two-stage approach was adopted by using qualitative and quantitative tools together. In the first stage, written documents were analysed to determine the institutions’ general attitudes towards the EU accession process and the topics they focus on. The documents in question includes periodic activity reports, thematic reports, press releases, statements of institution representatives for non-governmental organizations and party programs, election manifestos, statements of party leaders or representatives, and parliamentary minutes for political parties. In addition, the news in the national media about the activities of the institutions was examined through an extensive media scan. Following this, in the second stage, semi-structured questionnaires were prepared for all institutions and answers were sought in in-depth interviews with EU representatives of the institutions examined, EU decision makers who are the addressees of the lobbying activities, and relevant experts on lobbying in the EU. According to the findings of the research, the study suggests that variations in Turkey-EU relations have a detrimental impact on the lobbying actions of these entities. However, the lobbying actions of the entities listed below are less influenced by these changes. These are the groups that focus on their particular field of operations at the technical level rather than the Turkish accession process and create deeper relationships with transnational umbrella organizations. The statistics imply that non-governmental organizations are more effective than political parties in EU lobbying actions.

The distribution of power within the EU: perspectives on a Ukrainian accession and a Turkish accession

On February 28th, 2022, Ukraine submitted an application concerning accession to the European Union. As Ukraine is already linked to the European Union through an Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement—signed in 2014—there might be a chance for the Ukraine to join the EU within the next decade. With about 41 million inhabitants, Ukraine is a rather large country and the 65% majority requirement under the EU’s Qualified Majority Voting rules would give Ukraine some significant power in a future EU28. Herein, it is shown how relative political power indices—as measured by the Banzhaf index—would change in the case of an EU enlargement to allow accession by Ukraine: The large economies would lose power and, surprisingly, many small countries would gain political power. Such perspectives might lead one to reconsider the voting procedures of the Council of the European Union at the EU level in the course of future negotiations on amendments to the Lisbon Treaty. The case of Turkey’s accession is also considered as is the case of Montenegro joining the European Union.

Small states, great expectations: Portuguese foreign policy toward Turkish accession to the European Union

Small states, great expectations: Portuguese foreign policy toward Turkish accession to the European Union

European Identity and the Challenges of Turkish Accession to the European Union

In 2005, Turkey entered into negotiations for membership with the European Union. Turkey has been an important strategic ally to the European Union in the Middle East, explaining the mutual desire for closer ties between the two. While these negotiations showed promise early on, it has become increasingly apparent that Turkish accession to the European Union will not come easily, if at all. Officially, the European Union cites Turkey’s shortcomings on issues such as human rights as the reason for the stall in negotiations. However, upon closer inspection, it is evident that there is more at play, particularly as the European Union has been inconsistent in their approach to addressing human rights violations. Member states such as Poland and Hungary, which have recent human rights violations, have not faced the same kind of condemnation that Turkey has from the leaders of the European Union. The reality is that the European Union is largely united by its shared Europeanness and Christianity. As a result, due to questions over Turkey’s Europeanness and its large Muslim majority, the European Union is apprehensive to afford it full membership. It can be said that the European Union has maintained that Turkish accession is still possible in order to continue reaping the strategic benefits from close relations with Turkey.

Genetic and Methylome Variation in Turkish Brachypodium Distachyon Accessions Differentiate Two Geographically Distinct Subpopulations.

Brachypodium distachyon (Brachypodium) is a non-domesticated model grass species that can be used to test if variation in genetic sequence or methylation are linked to environmental differences. To assess this, we collected seeds from 12 sites within five climatically distinct regions of Turkey. Seeds from each region were grown under standardized growth conditions in the UK to preserve methylated sequence variation. At six weeks following germination, leaves were sampled and assessed for genomic and DNA methylation variation. In a follow-up experiment, phenomic approaches were used to describe plant growth and drought responses. Genome sequencing and population structure analysis suggested three ancestral clusters across the Mediterranean, two of which were geographically separated in Turkey into coastal and central subpopulations. Phenotypic analyses showed that the coastal subpopulation tended to exhibit relatively delayed flowering and the central, increased drought tolerance as indicated by reduced yellowing. Genome-wide methylation analyses in GpC, CHG and CHH contexts also showed variation which aligned with the separation into coastal and central subpopulations. The climate niche modelling of both subpopulations showed a significant influence from the “Precipitation in the Driest Quarter” on the central subpopulation and “Temperature of the Coldest Month” on the coastal subpopulation. Our work demonstrates genetic diversity and variation in DNA methylation in Turkish accessions of Brachypodium that may be associated with climate variables and the molecular basis of which will feature in ongoing analyses.

Variation in secondary metabolites in a unique set of tomato accessions collected in Turkey

In this study, 50 tomato landraces grown in Turkey were investigated in terms of their secondary metabolite profiles. Each accession was planted in 2016 and 2017 in 3 replicates in an open field. In this study, color, pH and brix of the fruit samples were measured and an unbiased LCMS-based metabolomics approach was applied. Based on Principal Components Analysis (PCA) and Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) of the relative abundance levels of >250 metabolites, it could be concluded that fruit size was the most influential to the biochemical composition, rather than the geographical origin of accessions. Results indicated substantial biodiversity in various metabolites generally regarded as key to fruit quality aspects, including sugars; phenolic compounds like phenylpropanoids and flavonoids; alkaloids and glycosides of flavour-related volatile compounds. The phytochemical data provides insight into which Turkish accessions might be most promising as starting materials for the tomato processing and breeding industries.

Intersecting Asymmetries: The Internationalization of Turkey in the 1920s and the Limits of the Postcolonial Approach

Previous studies of Turkey’s relations with the League of Nations suggest that in the 1920s, the relationship was marked by Turkey’s exclusion from the League and disputes over territories and sovereignty. Only at the end of the decade did Turkey begin to join the international community, culminating in its becoming a member of the League in 1932. This article proposes a fresh reading of Turkey’s internationalization (i.e., its participation in international organizations) in the 1920s. Not only do we begin to see Turkish membership in a considerable number of smaller international organizations, but the government also developed ties with the League Secretariat and the International Labour Office, even though it formally remained a non-member of the League. These more subtle forms of cooperation, this article argues, were part of a balanced strategy of internationalization that reflected the (semi)colonial underpinnings of many international organizations and the Ottoman experience with them. This internationalization strategy was grounded in the Kemalists’ ideological conceptualization of the global order as profoundly shaped by European hegemony. In so arguing, this article adopts a postcolonial perspective. However, it also points out the limits of such a perspective, stressing that power asymmetries on the international level were connected with internal asymmetries within Turkey itself. Keywords: Turkey; international organizations; League of Nations; International Labour Organization; nation building; post-colonialism DOI: 10.14712/23363231.2019.15 © 2019 The Authors. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License , which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

Comparative Analysis of Competitiveness of Shangai Cooperation Organization Members and Turkey

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a regional integration that emerged in the Central Asian region about 20 years ago and has been on the agenda of Turkey for the last few years. In particular, disputes between Turkey-and EU in recent years have led the various segments to express the SCO as a possible alternative to the EU in the future. In this study, the export specialization and competition levels of the SCO region countries and Turkey are analysed in terms of products and Lall (2000) based technological categories. The comparative advantages of the SCO countries and Turkey are calculated using the Balassa index for the 1993-2016 interval. Analysis revealed that Turkey has a comparative advantage in especially low and medium technology and resource based products. It is evident that while the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan have comparative advantage in primary and resource-based products, China has over-unity RCA in low and medium technology products, India in primary, resource-based and low-tech products, and Pakistan in low technology and primary products. In other words Turkey and SCO countries possess a similar comparative advantage pattern with respect to the technological classification. Besides, the ratio of advanced technology products with RCA over-unity is almost zero for all the countries in consideration. Additionally, in the case of products in which Turkey has a strong comparative advantage, it is shown that the closest competitors are China, India and Pakistan.

Between Emulation and Assemblage: Analysing WFD Policy Transfer Outcomes in Turkey

Turkey’s protracted European Union (EU) accession process has resulted in the transfer of environmental policy, primarily the water acquis. Despite a recent reversal in accession negotiations, this process is continuing and has thereby resulted in the active Europeanisation of Turkish water policy. However, the resultant pattern of Europeanisation remains poorly understood with questions arising as to whether policy transfer is leading to significant convergence with EU policy, or if a uniquely Turkish hybrid system of water governance is emerging. The paper therefore provides an analysis of transfer outcomes from the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD), using eight core institutional features: identification of river basins; transboundary cooperation; environmental objectives setting; characterisation of river basins; monitoring; cost recovery and water pricing; river basin management planning; and public participation. While analysis of legal frameworks and their implementation shows many areas of emulation, some features of the WFD in Turkey are an amalgam of pre-existing water institutions, the mimetic influence of integrated water resources management (IWRM) norms, EU policy and changing national water policy priorities: what we call assembled emulation. This observation has implications for future studies on policy transfer, Europeanisation, IWRM and Turkish accession.

Winter bread wheat productivity elements and yield capacity in relation to its origin

Aim. To compare winter bread wheat accessions of different origin for spike productivity elements and yield capacity. Results and Discussion. 104 winter bread wheat accessions from 10 countries were studied. We distinguished, an accession from Turkey, SWW 1-904 (12.8 cm) due to its long spike. The largest number of spikelets was recorded in accessions SWW 1-904 (TUR), Veha (RUS) and Pamiatі Hіrka (UKR) - 21 spikelets. Turkish accession SWW 1-904 was noticeable for the grain number per spike. The greatest spike density was observed in accession Zluka (UKR) - 2.5 spikelets / cm. The spike weight and grain weight per spike were the highest in SWW 1-904 (TUR): 6.0 g and 4.5 g, respectively. Accessions Lehenda Myronivska (0.81), Prydniprovska (UKR), Kuma, Yunona, Avgusta (RUS) (0.80) had the highest index of spike productivity. The 1000-grain weight of 55.0 g was recorded in intensive variety SWW 1-904 (TUR). Accessions from Ukraine, Darynka Kyivska and Raihorodka combined high winter hardiness (9 points) with high yield capacity (955 g/m2). Conclusions. Thus, winter bread wheat accessions that are valuable starting material for developing new varieties with a set of important economic features, were identified. They can increase the breeding efficiency and accelerate the breeding process.

Vedat Yorucu and Özay Mehmet: The Southern Energy Corridor: Turkey’s Role in European Energy Security

This book highlights the importance of Turkey in diversifying supplies infuture European energy security, focusing in particular on the rapidlyemerging southern energy corridor. Turkey, by its location, occupies a keyrole in this corridor, fed by hydrocarbon supplies from Russian, Caspian,east Mediterranean and Arab sources.
 The book examines Turkey's role as a transit country (in addition to its owngrowing domestic energy market) and it utilizes the latest evidence on thegeopolitics of various pipelines which convergence on Turkey. The evidence,including maps, strongly favor Turkey as an energy hub within a regionalenergy model driven by rational behavior and market forces. The bookrecommends an increasing strategic energy cooperation between the EUand Turkey to maximize mutual interest.

Perspektywy Członkowstwa Turcji w Unii Europejskiej

The paper, entitled The prospects of Turkish membership in EU, presents an international debate that has continued for many years, concerning the subject of Turkish EU candidature. The debate is an expression of European elites’ anxiety about the future shape of the organization. The study deals with such issues as a common European identity and Turkey’s Europeanization process, from Atatürk’s reforms up to the integration with European structures. This paper is based on the assumption that, in line with the rival opinions of supporters and opponents of Turkish admission to EU, two models of Europe can be identified: the exclusive model and the multicultural (open) model.

Difficult partnership: Turkey – EU. Chances, aspirations and barriers

The article deals with the admission of Turkey into the structures of the European Union, as a country located in only a small part in Europe but at the same time constituting a strategic location from the point of view of EU security. The time frame of the analysis made here basically covers the whole period of accession negotiations, but due to the length of the negotiations, only the most important elements will be emphasised (beginning of the accession process, its subsequent stages, problems). The aim of the article is to point out the opportunities and barriers to this accession, whose vision moves away because of Turkey’s deepening political crisis triggered by president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The main thesis of the article is the statement that the negotiation process, which started years ago, was inhibited and slowed down as a result of subsequent events taking place both in the EU (migration crisis) and in Turkey itself (military coup of 2016). The author wants to answer two questions: (1) what problems, over the years of accession negotiations, proved to be insurmountable in this process? and (2) what prospects for Turkey’s accession are drawn on the basis of the current positions of both negotiating parties? Empirics in this case must be based on an analysis of the history of the Turkish accession process and the most current media reports (mainly on the 2016 coup)

Turkey’s EU accession as a factor in the 2016 Brexit referendum

ABSTRACTIn June 2016, the UK voted to leave the European Union (EU). Although many issues shaped the Brexit campaign, the question of Turkey’s quest for EU membership emerged as an unexpectedly strong factor. This article examines how this happened and how the debate evolved. It shows that those who advocated leaving the EU not only distorted the prospect of Turkish membership, they also misrepresented British support for the country’s accession. While the UK had indeed been a strong advocate of Turkey’s EU integration in the past, support for enlargement in general had declined in recent years due to increasing voter concerns over immigration. However, the policy of supporting Turkish membership could not be wholly repudiated by the government, even in the name of campaigning to stay in the EU, as this would have damaged Britain’s strategic relationship with Turkey.

Ideology or Prosperity: Lesson Learned? Democratic Transition Experience of Spain and the Turkish Membership in the European Union

In 1986, the two Iberian countries joined the European Communities after a protracted, over a decade long negotiations and in the Spanish case, a tense exchange of correspondence and opinions. While the existing literature accentuates primarily the value of democracy for Spanish membership, studying archived historical documents opens up the window for an alternative explanation of the prolonged process. The prevalence of archival materials assessing the country's economic situation and devising measures for its improvement suggests that the Spanish lack of democracy could play a lesser role compared to disconsolate economic situation. Vice versa, Spanish membership endeavour had been in a similar manner motivated less by the vision of a shortcut to democracy and more by the promise of economic profit and more importantly, by the wish to break from isolation and return back to the Western world. The European Community represented the first step; the gate to the world where Spain wanted to belong.

Euro-Scepticism In Turkey of AKP Period in the Context of Temporary Tensions and Permanent Interests

Turkey’s relationship with the European Union (EU) has a long history that reaches back to its application for associate membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) in July 1959 and the resulting Ankara Agreement in 1963. Turkey made its official membership application in 1987 and was granted official candidate status in 1999. Throughout this long process, Turkish political elites perceived EU membership as an ideal for Turkey and highlighted their commitment to their alization of Turkish accession to the EU. However this ideal, began to change towards the second half of the 2000s. Many commentators take October 2005 the official start of membership negotiations between Turkey and the EU, as the beginning of the end, the turning point where the ‘golden age’ of the EU membership project ended, after which it gradually began to Euroscepticism. There are more than enough reasons for the growing Euroscepticism in Turkey. In this context, the study aims to analyze the reasons of Euroskepticism in Turkey with particular focus on Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi-AKP (Justice and Development Party) and how this suspicion would affect the membership course.

Book Review: Catherine MacMillan, Discourse, Identity and the Question of Turkish Accession to the EU: Through the Looking Glass

Book Review: Catherine MacMillan, <i>Discourse, Identity and the Question of Turkish Accession to the EU: Through the Looking Glass</i>