Tribal Power Research Articles

ТРАЙБАЛИЗМ В КАМЕРУНСКОМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ

This article is devoted to the study of tribalism, which manifests itself in the speech of political actors. Typical communicative acts are considered here, which are realized in the speeches of Cameroonian politicians, who use the strategy of discrediting the opponent to represent group isolation, which is characterized by internal clan isolation and exclusivity. To carry out linguistic analysis, linguo-cognitive and semantic research methods were used, with the help of which the ways that ideology and tribal power are constantly used both in everyday conversational discourse and in political communication, as well as in the media, were identified. This gives the possibility to consider the communicative portrait of the Cameroonian politician. The study founds that speakers often do not realize that the words they use really influence and affect the thoughts, actions, morale and emotional state and feelings of the listener, and hence his behavior. It was investigated and observed how the principle of cooperation is implemented, how often it is ignored, whether politicians neglect the rules and ethics of maintaining good social relations, which is manifested in the language of an ethno-cultural community. The study establishes that tribalism manifests itself in verbal aggression, has devastating consequences as well as being part of the impact at the linguistic level on individuals and on the nation as a whole. It is concluded that much depends on the difficult language situation that has developed in Cameroon, when some leaders speak English, others speak French, and there are no politicians who speak their native language at all.

Who Will Own the Mazama? Tribal Power and Forest Ownership in the Klamath Basin

Through the case study of a 90,000-acre section of forest called the Mazama Tree Farm (Mazama), this manuscript explores several dynamics within the State of Jefferson, notably (1) the changing power of Native American tribes relative to other landowners and (2) the transition in rural land uses from productivism toward post-productivism. The Mazama was part of the Klamath Reservation until tribal termination in 1954, when it was purchased by an industrial landowner. The loss of the reservation coincided with the nadir of tribal power within the State of Jefferson, but more recent developments may return the Mazama to tribal ownership as a result of renewed tribal power and the diminishing role of industrial forestry in the region.

THE LANDS WERE NOT EMPTY

THE LANDS WERE NOT EMPTY

Understanding the Reasons for Transition from Iranian Constitutional State to Authoritarian State: an Analysis in the Framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory

Throughout the history, the formation of the constitutional state has been the first experience of the modern state in Iran. The change in power relations and the restriction of authoritarian power were among the most important issues of constitutional state. The current study aims at investigating the reasons for transition from Constitutional state to an authoritarian bureaucratic state by adopting Laclau and Mouffe’s framework to political discourse analysis. Research methodology is descriptive-analytical conducted by library–based data. The results showed that the constitutional revolution transformed the power structure and traditional state, but the constitutional revolution failed to create a new order. Despite legal provisions such as the formation of the parliamentary system and the constitution, the constitutional state was unable to exercise its legal power. The co-existence of traditional and reactionary components such as the Khānins, tribal leaders, tribal populations and owners in line with modern elements, intellectuals and the heterogeneity of the ruling political elites made the constitutional revolution incapable of producing profound politico-social changes. As a result, a number of internal and external factors such as financial crisis, tribal power, the imperialist treaty of 1907,disillusionment of political elites, the formation of centrifugal forces, insecurity and global chaos and development of neighboring countries, diversity of ideological in line with geopolitical points of view have been the most important factors in the transition to the authoritarian bureaucratic state of Pahlavi and the failure of the nation – building process and the collapse of politico-constitutional system in Iran.

Empowering Arab tribal culture in the twenty-first century: social media use in the Gulf States

ABSTRACT Social media uptake in the Gulf States continues to grow, and while previous research has explored its place in terms of political action and individual responses to pressures of globalisation and urbanisation, little attention has been paid to how social media has integrated with the tribal networks in the region. This paper presents research that uses inductive thematic analysis of 107 public Twitter and Instagram accounts of Gulf State tribal groups to explore how tribes in the Gulf region use these platforms to facilitate tribal power and cohesion. We argue that tribal social media is performing multiple simultaneous roles, including aiding in maintaining tribal cohesion in the face of urbanisation and globalisation, displaying a tribe’s social power and influence, and enabling social cohesion and mutual aid. We conclude that to understand flows of power and information in the Gulf States, it is critical to understand the influence of the tribe on both individuals and wider social and political trends in the Gulf region.

Compositional Stasis and Flexibility in American Indian Tribes

AbstractAmerican Indian tribal power has typically expanded since the 1960s. During this period, often referred to as the Self-Determination Era, tribes have regained much of their earlier political centrality. One rarely addressed limitation during this period is the inability of tribal polities to break into smaller units while maintaining recognition as legitimate. This essay identifies the inability of tribes to exercise what the authors call compositional flexibility and fracture to form new polities discrete of the previous tribe. The authors argue the absence of compositional flexibility shapes tribal politics and is at odds with many forms of traditional governance systems.

A Familiar Crossroads: McGirt v. Oklahoma and the Future of the Federal Indian Law Canon

Federal Indian law forms part of the bedrock of American jurisprudence. Indeed, critical parts of the pre-civil war constitutional canon were defined in federal Indian law cases that simultaneously provided legal justification for American westward expansion onto unceded Indian lands. As a result, federal Indian law makes up an inextricable part of American rule of law. Despite its importance, federal Indian law follows a long and circuitous road that requires “wander[ing] the maze of Indian statutes and case law tracing back [over] 100 years.” That road has long oscillated between two poles, with the Supreme Court sometimes applying foundational principles that view tribes as sovereigns “retaining all their original natural rights,” and at other times treating tribes as mere “wards subject to a [self-imposed] guardian.” Supreme Court respect for tribal sovereignty and self-determination reached its zenith in the so-called “modern era” of federal Indian law, spanning from 1959 through the late 1970s. During this era, the Court tended to adhere to federal Indian jurisprudence and solidified a relatively coherent doctrine based upon the foundational principles developed in the 1830s. The late Dean David Getches described the modern era as a time that “encouraged a reinvigoration of tribal governments throughout the country. During this period, tribes gained political influence and economic security as [the federal government] generally promoted a policy of tribal self-determination.” The Court turned away from its foundational Indian law principles with the onset of the 1980s and the departure intensified as Chief Justice William Rehnquist was appointed chief justice in 1986. Since then, the touchstone of the Supreme Court’s federal Indian jurisprudence has been to employ a “subjectivist” approach whereby it “gauges tribal sovereignty as a function of changing conditions”—demographic, social, political, and economic—and the expectations of non-Indians that may be potentially by the exercise of tribal power. As a result, the Supreme Court became a strikingly hostile place for American Indian tribes as the Court became increasingly willing to divest tribes of governmental powers, not by upholding the enactments of Congress, but through its own interpretation of what tribal inherent governmental rights ought to be. The appointment of Justice Sonia Sotomayor and, more recently, Justice Neil Gorsuch seems to have brought change to the Court’s direction in Indian law cases. Since then, cases have been consistently decided in favor of tribal litigants by reaffirming treaty rights through the application of foundational principles that focus on the plain language of treaties and the application of the Indian canons of construction. However, to be sure, even the Rehnquist Court did “recite[] and sometimes act[] upon foundation principles,” but those cases were limited to situations where “non-Indian interests [were] not seriously threatened.” All of Indian Country waited for, or perhaps dreaded, a true litmus test. That test came to the Supreme Court in the form of two Indian law cases—Sharp v. Murphy and McGirt v. Oklahoma—both of which were framed by non-Indian parties to affect the interests of an estimated 1.8 million people in eastern half Oklahoma. Ready or not, Indian Country found its test case, which squarely placed the Court’s competing jurisprudential philosophies— its foundation principles versus its “subjectivist” approach—on a collision course. In a powerful and uncharacteristically passionate decision, Justice Gorsuch wrote for a 5-4 majority, upholding treaty-based rights to re-recognize the historic reservation boundaries of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, the fourth largest Indigenous nation in the United States. The decision was the fourth consecutive treaty-rights victory and seemed to solidify a shift toward a consistent approach rooted in foundational principles. The victory was short-lived. Just weeks after the Court’s decision in McGirt, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away, once again shifting the make-up of the United States Supreme Court. As a result, Federal Indian law once again finds itself at a crossroads. The Murphy and McGirt decisions are landmark decisions that bring change to the legal landscape of much of Oklahoma. It remains to be seen whether the perceived new Supreme Court era in Indian law is here to stay.

The Tribal Power in Contemporary Iraq: A Sociological Analysis

This is an empirical investigation of the tribal power in Iraq and its consequences on the socio-political system. A theoretical background concerning thestate kinship, tribe and tribal involvement in politics has been displayed with example of tribal power over people within the social context. Socio-anthropological method of data collection has been used, including a semi-structured interview with a sample of 120 correspondents. The outcome revealed that the feeble and corrupted state (government) play a vital role in encouraging the tribe to be dominant. The people of Iraq are clinging to the tribe regardless of whether they believe in it or not. Although they are aware that the tribe is a pre-state organisation and marred shape of civil society, they have no alternative since the weak government is incapable of restoring law and order. The feeble government is the main factor for tribal strength, the socio-political structure that yield from direct intervention of the invaders and divided the community into fractions, subcultures, religious and ethnic groups creates paralysed socio-political system that incapable to activate law and order, the tribe in turn fill the government power vacancy and enforce its own law and order. Unfortunately, the tribe misuse the power because its rules out of date, but after all, the people reluctantly rely on the tribe entity for protection.

HOW CAN AN IDEAL HEALTHCARE SYSTEM ENHANCE THE DECISION MAKING OF HEART TEAM IN CRITICAL SITUATIONS?

In Middle East, physicians; in general and interventionists; in particular are facing big challenges of dominance of tribal traditions and power, lack of law backup and common scenarios of assaulting doctors inside the hospitals with no legal consequences in the absence of protecting healthcare

Tribalism, Politics and Hate Discourse in Contemporary Cameroon English; a Linguistic Usurpation

In our time, casual conversations and political speeches as well as written productions in English in Cameroon are, to a greater extent, replete with ugly expressions full of sheer cloudy vagueness, inaccurate and debased language, consisting largely of euphemisms, pretentious dictions and sometimes meaningless words that depict a people’s experiences of resentment and bitterness as a result of tribalism and hatred. This investigation sets out to observe manifestation of tribalism and hatred in their speech, and to collect typical communicative acts in this light, analyze these as manifestations of tribalism and hate speech acts in contemporary Cameroon English speech. The objective is analyse this form of linguistic impoliteness in order to denounce and decry its devastating stigmatizing effects on living together and national integration, and which if not checked early and appropriately constitute a time-bomb. Different linguistic, sociological, ethnomethodological and psychological methods have been used to collect quantitative and qualitative data from informants, and analyze based on well-established sociological and pragmatic theories referred to as sociopragmatics; one of which is the critical discourse analysis that identifies and exposes the ways in which language, political ideology and tribal power are constantly instantiated and enacted in the everyday conversational discourse in Cameroon, politics and the media. It is important to be note that the words we use have power. Often, speakers are not conscious that the words they use does influence and affect the listener’s thoughts, actions, moral and emotional state and feelings, perception, hence his general behaviour. After the analysis, findings reveal that love for one another, decent speech, and upholding of human moral values are needful among Cameroonians. It builds human relations, mutual self-respect and a stronger nation. Nevertheless, from a purely linguistic perspective, tribalism and hatred have enriched contemporary Cameroon English vocabulary. In conclusion, a multilingual and culturally diversified nation as Cameroon needs a more inclusive participation of all the people for the construction of a better society.

The nationalization process and formation of Shuitian Yi ethnicity during Ming and Qing: A case study of the Yi ethnic group in Bailu Ying, Mianning County, Sichuan

This study explores the question of how ethnic groups were assimilated by the Imperial State to be placed under the administration of the central government and how their ethnicity changed during this process of nationalization. This paper studies the case of the Yi ethnic group in Bailu Ying of Mianning county, Sichuan Province in China. The ancestors of Yi people in Bailu Ying lived on Mount Daliang before the Wanli reign of the Ming Dynasty. In the early period of the Ming Dynasty, the government had set up Ningfan Garrison on the river valley on the west side of Mount Daliang. By the late Wanli Period, the garrison was consistently being attacked by the indigenous people in the area. In order to quell the resistance, the Imperial Court recruited Yi people as soldiers to guard the garrison. Afterwards, a new settlement of the Yi tribe in the Bailu Ying River valley emerged, and in the process the Yi people’s livelihood was transformed from herding and fishing to agriculture. In the early Qing, the Yi people in Bailu Ying were further integrated into the Imperial system with the inclusion of chieftains in the imperial governing body. However, up until the later years of the Qianlong reign, the Yi maintained relative autonomy in terms of its tribal settlement, power structure and cultural integrity. Later, with the arrival of new Han migrants, the introduction of the Baojia system, and the promotion of Han culture and education, the Yi group in Bailu Ying gradually lost its independence and began to be assimilated into the national identity, leading to the formation of Shuitian (rice field) Yi ethnicity. The case of the Shuitian Yi shows that the survival strategy of tribal minorities from the mountains did not necessarily follow the pattern of ‘avoiding becoming part of empires’, as suggested by James C. Scott, nor were these ethnic people always slow and passive in integrating with empires. On the contrary, the acceptance of the imperial rule was a survival strategy that helped to creating new ethnic groups while also consolidating frontiers for the Ming and Qing Empires.

The Fandom of Hallyu, A Tribe in the Digital Network Era: The Case of ARMY of BTS

Hallyu, the Korean Wave, has entered another stage with the emergence and dramatic success of BTS, a seven-member South Korean boy band, and its uniquely engaged fandom. The band’s fan club, ARMY of BTS, through their social media presence and other internet activities, is a significant factor in the band’s success. Unlike traditional fandom, ARMY has built a huge base of support by championing the message that everyone must find their own personal taste and voice, demonstrating in the process the tribal power of global fandom as a far-reaching cultural phenomenon that exceeds the scope of traditional fan clubs. Adopting a grounded theory approach through our ethnographic research, we identified four primary dimensions of this emerging fandom: (1) digital intimacy, (2) non-social sociality, (3) transnational locality, and (4) organizing without an organization. We found that, in conjunction with Maffesoli’s concept of the “tribe,” these four dimensions help us to understand how the relationship between BTS and ARMY transforms the private realm of the tastes and desires of their fans into cultural, political, and economic expression in the public realm. Thus, this global fandom, the tribe in the digital era, potentiated by the internet and the new forms of sociality created by social media, is effecting tectonic sociocultural change on a global scale.

The Erosion of Tribal Power: The Supreme Court's Silent Revolution

The Erosion of Tribal Power: The Supreme Court's Silent Revolution

A cautionary tale regarding Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander rights: lessons from US Supreme Court limits on American Indian tribal power

ABSTRACTSince the Australian High Court's decision in Mabo v Queensland (No 2), and the Native Title Act that followed, national discussion of the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples has primarily focused on land rights. The recent recognition-versus-treaty debate, however, has opened the door for awareness, advocacy and dialogue beyond land rights and including, among others, rights to Indigenous governance and jurisdiction. In the United States, by contrast, American Indians have long held greater rights to governance and jurisdiction than Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Nonetheless, the US Supreme Court has over the past 40 years dramatically restricted this category of rights for Indian peoples. The present article shows how this trend sheds light on potential pitfalls regarding the expansion of Indigenous rights in Australia. An investigation of key US Supreme Court judgments, together with an examination of the historical and contemporary forces that have driven those judgments: (a) reveals possible shortcomings of the Mabo case and the Native Title Act in regard to land rights; and (b) provides insight into the risks of future paths, whether by recognition or especially treaty, to be taken by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in seeking further right.

The Erosion of Tribal Power: The Supreme Court’s Silent Revolution by Dewi Ioan Ball

The Erosion of Tribal Power: The Supreme Court’s Silent Revolution by Dewi Ioan Ball

Indigenous Adaptations to Settler Colonialism

Indigenous Adaptations to Settler Colonialism Akim Reinhardt Grant Arndt, Ho-Chunk Powwows and the Politics of Tradition. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. 352 pp. $60.00. Christopher Wetzel, Gathering the Potawatomi Nation: Revitalization and Identity. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015. 196 pp. $29.95. John N. Low, Imprints: The Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians and the City of Chicago. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2016. 318 pp. $29.95. Dewi Ioan Ball, The Erosion of Tribal Power: The Supreme Court's Silent Revolution. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016. 311 pp. $39.95. During the half-century following independence from Great Britain, the United States engaged in a massive ethnic cleansing project, expelling dozens of Indigenous nations from lands east of the Mississippi River. In modern popular culture, the best-known episode of Native ethnic cleansing is the Cherokee nation's brutal experience, dubbed The Trail of Tears. To a lesser extent, mainstream discourses recognize that the Cherokee expulsion was also part of a larger story in which the so-called Five Civilized Tribes (Cherokees, Choctaws, Chicaksaws, Muscogees [Creeks], and Seminoles) were forcibly removed from the South. However, almost entirely unknown to most people is the widespread ethnic cleansing and land loss suffered by Indigenous nations of the modern Midwest, a process that began almost immediately after the Revolution and continued for several decades thereafter. In an era when the total U.S. population was less than five percent of what it is today, tens of thousands of Indigenous people were shipped west of the Mississippi. Some nations endured numerous moves before often ending up in what was once known as Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). In [End Page 151] all, the post-revolutionary ethnic cleansings rank among the great atrocities of modern human history.1 Yet the colonial project was (and is) far from absolute, and at times not even coherent. North and South, some Indigenous peoples were able to avoid forced removals while maintaining their national and ethnic identities, typically by retreating to distant, isolated reaches, or by agreeing to accept greatly reduced reservations on lands that Americans considered marginal. Just as rump Cherokee and Seminole nations remained in the mountains of western North Carolina and the wetlands of southern Florida respectively, a number of midwestern peoples were able to claim homelands in the northern Great Lakes and prairie. That some of those people, such as the Oneidas of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) League in New York, were themselves recently displaced from more easterly lands, only speaks to how thoroughly colonial dispossession is woven into the whole of the United States. Those Native peoples who were able to remain behind in the Midwest have done so either without reservations or with reservations that are generally much smaller than their Western counterparts. They have also done so while maintaining smaller populations amid a more thorough pattern of colonizer settlement. And so during the past 200 years, Indigenous midwesterners have often had to develop somewhat different tactics and strategies for resistance, survival, and adaptation than have some of the Native peoples across the Missouri River. Native nations of the Midwest have countered ongoing colonial pressures through political and economic struggles, and cultural and social adaptations, in a long, multifaceted equation that Ojibwe scholar Gerald Vizenor (Anishinaabe from Minnesota's White Earth Reservation) has termed "survivance."2 Vizenor's work is not only foundational, but also illustrates that a firm historical understanding cannot come from historians alone. A more interdisciplinary approach grounded in Native American and Indigenous Studies is required to provide theoretical underpinning, and to unpack the cultural social nuances of the long colonial process. Anthropologists, sociologists, legal theorists, and interdisciplinary scholars produce scholarship that broadens our understanding not only of settler colonialism's centuries-long effort at Indigenous erasure, but also of Indigenous people's various forms of resistance and adaptive strategies.3 Anthropologist Grant Arndt is directly influenced by Vizenor's work, which stresses not the threadbare desperation of mere physical survival, but rather the complexities of ongoing struggle that reject facile notions of [End Page 152] tragedy, subordination, stasis, and victimology. To that end, Arndt critiques an earlier generation of scholarship that blithely dismissed traditions by...

The politics of accessing desert land in Jordan

With the dramatic increase of the population in Jordan, the value of land has rocketed up. Urban sprawl into semi-desert or desert areas, initially not surveyed or settled by the British and considered as state land, has brought to the surface the problematic status of those lands. Likewise, the profitability of irrigated agriculture based on groundwater has generated a demand for land in the Mafraq, Zarqa and Amman governorates. These trends have spurred tensions between local tribes and the state. This study focuses on land tenure and conflicts in the semi-desert and desert areas of Jordan, with a focus on the expansion of irrigated agriculture within the Azraq basin. It is based on field work and interviews with different stakeholders at various levels. We first provide a summary of the main historical developments regarding land tenure in Jordan, with a focus on the status of semi-desert and desert land. We move on to examining the different ways by which state land can be privatized and then review instances of conflicts around rights to desert land in the past 30 years, further taking the Azraq water basin as a case study to shed light on the particular case of groundwater-based agricultural expansion. We then articulate our discussion through the lens of legal pluralism, look at the interplay between state and tribal power, and analyze the twin strategies of accessing land and water in desert areas. We conclude by showing the historical continuity of the land tenure relationships, while singling out Jordan's state land management regime.

Sovereignty for Survival: American Indian Development and Indian Self-Determination

Among the most overlooked and underanalyzed stories of twentieth-century Native American history is energy development on reservations. Why? Is energy development unappealing because it is industrial, often ugly and dirty; takes place out of sight, in hidden, rural corners of Indian country; or leads to thorny issues of intratribal disputes that outsiders hesitate to probe or reveal? Or is it the fact that energy development involves a complex story of federal policy and corporate power, topics scholars have abandoned in recent years? Whatever the reason, after Marjane Ambler’s (1990) and Donald L. Fixico’s (1990) books, historians left the field fallow until recently. James Robert Allison III’s Sovereignty for Survival, Andrew Needham’s (2014) Power Lines, and a book I coedited, Indians and Energy (Smith and Frehner 2010) bring this subject to the fore and will, hopefully, spark fresh scholarly scrutiny on this important topic.Allison’s excellent book focuses on the Northern Cheyenne and Crow cases to illustrate how, starting in the 1970s, they reversed the centuries-long tale of diminishing tribal power. Taking note of a world hungry for energy sources and a federal policy context that stressed self-determination, they asserted and then gained the authority to manage their reservation resources. This involved several steps. First they threw off the shackles of the federal trust relationship. Insisting that they must be freed from the unprofitable leases the paternalist government had made on their behalf, the Cheyenne and Crow negotiated much more lucrative deals with multinational energy companies. Next, with significant support from the federal government, the two tribes helped create a national coalition of energy tribes. The Council for Energy Resource Tribes’ goals included funding energy resources inventories, helping rewrite lease contracts, providing capital for tribes for resource development, and educating leaders in energy planning. Most important, the council supported the idea that tribal governments must determine the scale and pace of development “to ensure profits without sacrificing communities” (151), moving away from leases and toward tribal ownership of mining ventures.The latter goal required federal approval, which came when President Ronald Reagan signed into law the 1982 Indian Mineral Development Act. Reagan’s interest in diminishing federal power coincided with tribes’ determination to control resources. The law effectively allowed that. “It was a remarkable expansion of tribal sovereignty” (171). But it did not resolve all issues. Energy development remained contentious within tribal communities as people debated whether economic benefits were worth the environmental costs—whether jobs sufficiently compensated for damage to land, bodies, culture, and society. Grassroots resisters pushed back against development, and this led to significant changes in governance and even the culture of communities. However, that these conversations and consequent decisions took place at the tribal level is enormously important. They signal a huge victory for sovereignty.One other factor, however, shaped this history: global economic conditions. Against the seemingly inevitable busts that follow extractive industry booms or the environmental concerns about coal-fired power plants, tribes have little power. Just as energy tribes achieved the authority to control their resources, the market for oil collapsed. Their political victories could not shield them from the same national and global factors that affect other energy companies and other peoples around the world. This does not “diminish the energy tribes’ accomplishments,” Allison concludes. “Rather, it makes them historical actors like any other, operating among forces they can shape but not fully control” (184).This carefully researched, sophisticated analysis ends, then, on a nuanced and wise note. Achieving greater sovereignty is an important and necessary step toward tribal recovery, but it is no panacea.

Impacts of Waste Dumps to Surrounding Environments in Major Cities of Chhattisgarh

The Status of Environment Report, 2004 of Chhattisgarh is prepared by Chhattisgarh Environmental Conservation Board with the help of Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay. The Report also analyses the Vision 2010 document brought out by the State Government of Chhattisgarh. State of Environment - Chhattisgarh has been prepared by IIT, Bombay under the United Nation Development Programme (UNDP) Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), Government of India (GOI), New Delhi in consultation with Environmental Protection Training and Research Institute (EPTRI), Hyderabad, a National Host Institution, to assist the local government. Pressure, State, Impact, Response (PSIR) methodology, an internationally recognized method has been adopted to study the pressure on the state of environment by different sectors. The report contains twelve chapters which deal with various sectors including geography and demography, agriculture and allied sectors, water resources, forests and biodiversity, tribal development, energy and power, industries and growth, urban development, transportation and tourism, mining and health. Pressures caused by the sectorial development on environment, the present state of environment, impact of environment due to the altered state of environment and the responses of the society and the government in terms of its policies are discussed in detail in each of these sectors.

Kurdish Life in Contemporary Turkey: Migration, Gender, and Ethnic Identity by Anna Grabolle-Çeliker

<i>Kurdish Life in Contemporary Turkey: Migration, Gender, and Ethnic Identity</i> by Anna Grabolle-Çeliker