Trials Of War Criminals Research Articles

THE OBSTACLES TO THE RIGHT TO A FAIR TRIAL UNDER THE INTERNATIONAL LAW: A CASE STUDY OF AL-ANFAL AND SREBRENICA GENOCIDE TRIALS

Background: The right to a fair trial is a critical part of national and international human rights frameworks. To protect this right, the rule of law should be implemented. Currently, the approach to trying individuals accused of grave international crimes, including genocide, is different, which gives an impression of inequality. For instance, the person accused of the al- Anfal genocide was tried by a national court and sentenced to the death penalty, whereas the person accused of the Srebrenica genocide was sentenced to life imprisonment by an international tribunal. Not to mention the lack of respect for the defendants’ rights during the al-Anfal genocide’s trial, including the principle of due process and the right to a fair trial. The main reason for the differing decisions in these two identical cases involving genocide arises from their trials in different courts and under different legal frameworks. This paper addresses the significance of these challenges for equality under international law and emphasises the difficulties in securing fair trials by examining these examples. Methods: This article analyses the application of the right to a fair trial for international criminals by using doctrinal methods. Specifically, it adopts a qualitative approach to examine relevant international statutes. To illustrate, the research chose to analyse and compare two case studies: the trial of Ali al-Majid, the leader of the al-Anfal genocide, and Ratko Mladic, the leader of the Srebrenica genocide. This comparison focuses on aspects such as judicial independence and overall fairness in the trials of war criminals. It involves desk-based research and data that are collected through the analysis of relevant literature from primary sources, such as international law instruments and secondary sources, including books and academic articles, about the inconsistency of fair trial standards in different judicial contexts. Results and conclusions: Different approaches in trials for similar crimes threaten global justice and the protection of individual rights and freedoms. One practical way to address this issue is to bring those accused of grave international crimes, including genocide, to appear before the International Criminal Court (ICC), providing fair trials and punishments. However, this article demonstrates that the doctrine of state sovereignty may pose challenges to creating a uniform framework for the prosecution of war criminals. Additional challenges arise with the existence of different legal and political systems across the world. The article argues that to ensure a fair trial and maintain international peace and security, it is necessary to overcome these challenges and adopt a uniform framework for the prosecution of those accused of grave international crimes. The ICC can be the solution. The international community can overcome these challenges by encouraging all countries to join the Rome Statue and give it the sole jurisdiction over grave international crimes such as genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity.

Проектирование «ответственного за прошлое» немца в ФРГ в 1950‒1980-е годы: этические и правовые аспекты

The efforts to foster a sense of responsibility for the past in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from the 1950s to the 1980s were influenced by the tension between the legal and ethical evaluations of the outcomes of World War II. The article describes the legal foundations underpinning this process and the challenges faced by the legal system of the FRG during the trials of war criminals. The article also explores the ethical founda-tions and key debates in German society regarding the creation of a new kind of German citizen ‒ one who con-demns National Socialism and is willing to take responsibility for Nazi crimes. The analysis shows that estab-lishing a new post-conflict culture, based on the supremacy of civil rights and freedoms, and a critical reexami-nation of the past, has been a complicated process. German intellectuals actively debated the need for an ethical foundation for society. However, these new foundations were rejected in legal practices due to the continued influence of legal positivism, which emphasized adhering to the “letter of the law” rather than universal moral norms in the administration of justice. The law offered a different view of the German people: independent of historic changes, they could not be blamed simply for living under National Socialism. The process of fostering responsibility for the past was over only by the late 1980s, after the aforementioned conflict had been resolved and a more liberal approach in law had become dominant.

Тypes of non-governmental human rights protection organizations

The article researched and clarified the types of non-governmental human rights organizations in Ukraine and the world and separated them from other institutions of civil society for the sake of a comprehensive understanding of their activities and prospects for the development of this institution.
 Increasing the role of non-governmental human rights organizations in the process of strengthening the legal culture of Ukrainian society and restoring social justice by counteracting violations of the legal rights of citizens by representatives of the authorities is an important indicator of the democratization of society. Such organizations provide public control over the activities of both state bodies and their officials, as well as over the activities of private law entities, which contributes to strengthening the positions of civil society in Ukraine as a state governed by the rule of law.
 Organizations that are part of human rights NGOs, whose activities concern the protection of human rights during the war, are particularly relevant in the conditions of Ukraine. The practical developments of these organizations can be used not only for the trial of war criminals, but also can be used by other states to protect war victims, document crimes against humanity, war crimes and prevent military actions in the world in the future.
 It was concluded that the classification of human rights NGOs is quite diverse. They are divided into international and national, depending on the type - into universal and specialized. In view of the military actions taking place on the territory of Ukraine, related to Russian armed aggression, the temporary occupation of certain territories and the threat of racism, it is proposed to divide human rights NGOs whose activities concern the protection of human rights during war into certain types, in particular, into: 1 ) organizations engaged in protecting the rights and interests of IDPs and other persons affected by armed aggression against Ukraine; 2) organizations collecting and documenting war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Russian-Ukrainian war; 3) organizations that protect the rights and interests of servicemen and their family members; 4) organizations that deal with issues of deoccupation and reintegration of captured territories of Ukraine (in particular, the East and Crimea).

Contextual Vulnerability Should Guide Fair Subject Selection in Xenotransplantation Clinical Trials

Contextual Vulnerability Should Guide Fair Subject Selection in Xenotransplantation Clinical Trials

Charkovský proces 1943 a jeho ohlasy ve světě

The submitted paper examines the so-called Kharkov trial, i.e., the trial that took place before the military authorities of Soviet Union in December 1943 and which is often described as one of the first trials of Nazi war criminals. The causes of the trial, as well as its course and subsequent national and international responses to it are analyzed. The aim of the article is to present the information about the above-mentioned trial and to point out some procedural elements that could have served as inspiration for future trials of war criminals, but also to recall the terrible crimes committed in the Kharkov region at a time when Ukraine is facing another unjustified invasion and aggression.

A.N. Savenkov. Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace

The peer-reviewed monograph by A.N. Savenkov “Nuremberg: A Verdict for name of Peace” touches upon many problems of International Criminal Law, international relations, legal consciousness, moral content of law, legal and political ideology. The author highly appreciates the author’s analysis of the legal foundations and concepts of the Nuremberg Tribunal, the consideration of the trial and Verdict both in the broad context of the world political and legal processes between the two world wars, and from the position of the formation of the principles of International Criminal Law for the second half of the twentieth century, their impact on subsequent trials of war criminals. The publication of the full official text of the Verdict of the International Military Tribunal of 1946 is recognized as a special value of the work.

Organization and holding the trial of Nazi criminals in Kharkiv (December 15-18, 1943)

The issues of preparation and conduct of the Nuremberg Trials (1945-1946) have sufficiently fully and comprehensively covered in domestic and foreign historical, legal, and journalistic literature, while Kharkiv Trial 1943 (December 15-18, 1943) has remained outside the field of vision of scholars. The purpose of the study is to highlight the issue of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv show trial over war criminals—servicemen of the Wehrmacht and the German police, as well as their collaborators. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematic scientific analysis and synthesis. The principle of historicism allows us to consider the issues of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv Trial in chronological sequence as a natural process that developed in accordance with the then sociopolitical situation and the global context. The objectivity of the study lies in the coverage and condemnation of the crimes of Nazism. Analysis and synthesis makes it possible to determine the role of the Kharkiv Tribunal in the process of forming international criminal legislation. Scientific novelty of the research. During 1941-1943, the Soviet justice has formed a legal framework, which made it possible to hold trials of war criminals involved in the massacres of civilians and prisoners of war in the territory of the USSR. The agreements reached between Great Britain, the USA, and the USSR at the Moscow Conference (1943) were used by the Soviet government for the preparation of the show trial over the servicemen of Hitlerite Germany. During the Trial, the facts of the mass destruction of the civilian population and prisoners of war by the Nazis in the territory of Kharkivshchyna were established. The verdict of the Kharkiv Tribunal in practice has implemented the thesis, which became the cornerstone of international criminal law: «A crime committed by order of the high command does not exempt the perpetrator from criminal liability». Conclusions. The Kharkiv Trial has become a legal precedent for the punishment of Nazi war criminals – German citizens, it has laid the foundations of international criminal law and given an acceleration in the decision to hold a trial of the main war criminals of Hitlerite Germany. Keywords: Nazi war crimes, Main Directorate of Counter-Intelligence “SMERSH”, Military Tribunal of the 4th Ukrainian Front, show trial, Kharkiv Trial 1943, World War II.

THE NUREMBERG VERDICT: HISTORY LESSONS FOR THE FUTURE

The article examines the significance of the organization and holding of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal for the trial of war criminals in 1945-1946 from the point of view of modern international law. (hereinafter — MW) as a unique experience of successful international cooperation, it is highly in demand nowadays; based on the analysis of the Sentence MW formulated a number of lessons for modern national and international justice; made the judgment that the contractual sources (Berlin Declaration, the London Agreement and Charter of the IMT) has had an enormous influence on the subsequent development of international contractual practice; noted that MW took all that was best in socialist (USSR), in fact, continental (France) and the Anglo-Saxon (US and UK) legal systems, have managed to overcome "the system" and national barriers and to find mutually acceptable solutions; it was concluded that since the implementation of international justice aimed at replacing the national justice condition the exercise of international jurisdiction is the loss (In varying degrees) by a state of its sovereignty; the author’s expressed judgment that the effectiveness of national legal and judicial systems based on the Nuremberg jurisprudence, is opposed to international justice, however, the assignment of the functions of international justice in national judicial systems is no less disturbing; In the context of the refusal of the Russian Federation to participate in the ICC, the importance of concluding bilateral agreements with the states parties to the ICC on the exclusion of Russian citizens from the jurisdiction of the ICC in compliance with the principles of the inevitability of punishment, reciprocity and selectivity, as well as the establishment of prohibitions on both cooperation of state authorities with the ICC and the participation of Russian peacekeepers in operations in countries that are under the jurisdiction of this court is emphasized. The MW has set the guidelines that form the fundamental values of modern civilization.

ПРАВОВЫЕ ОСНОВЫ НЮРНБЕРГСКОГО ПРОЦЕССА: НОРМЫ И ИСТОЧНИКИ ПРАВА

The article is devoted to the issue of procedural and substantive rules of law, on the basis of which the International Military Tribunal was created and conducted its work over the main functionaries of the Nazi regime in Germany. The author explains the legal foundations of the Nuremberg tribunal's activities from the point of view of the law sources (forms) doctrine, and indicates the main sources and their role in the process of preparing the legal framework for the trial of war criminals. The author studied the main normative agreements drawn up by the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition for the organization of the trial of the fascist regime functionaries in Germanу, and examined the acts relating to the establishment of a military tribunal and determining the order of its work. As a special source underlying the conviction, the generally recognized principles of law are highlighted: humanism, moderation of repression, respect for human rights, etc. The author concludes that the procedural side of the legal support for the activities of the Nuremberg Tribunal had a solid basis in the form of a number of normative treaties concluded by authorized representatives of the winning countries, and the charges were based on an extensive layer of legal rules, denounced in the form of international treaties and recognized by the world community principles of law. At the same time, a distinctive feature of the sources underlying the charges was the lack of unified and universally recognized sanctions, which marked an obvious gap in international law, filled by the granting broad powers to the international military tribunal on the nature of possible defendants punishment. According to the author`s opinion, the importance of the Nuremberg tribunal, as a precedent that marked the beginning of the formation of institutions for bringing war criminals to justice, lies in the creation of a mechanism for the application of international criminal law sanctions.

Dekret Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej o odpowiedzialności karnej za zbrodnie wojenne z dnia 30 marca 1943 roku

On 30 March 1943 the Decree of the President of the Polish Republic on Criminal Liability for War Crimes, the first normative act setting down the legal basis for persecution of war criminals issued by one of the Allies during the Second World War, was proclaimed. The promulgation of the decree can be considered as the turning point in the Polish government-in-exile’s policy towards the problem of the prosecution and punishment of Nazi criminals, which started in autumn 1939. After the announcement of the draft decree, developed by the Polish minister of justice, professor of state law, Wacław Komarnicki and by an international lawyer, professor of criminal law, Stefan Glaser in the spring of 1942, a fierce discussion on the legal act’s concept broke out in the Polish government and lasted until November 1942. Although all Polish politicians agreed on the need to define the principles of individual criminal liability for war crimes, the proposal to promulgate criminal legislation with retroactive effect aroused much controversy. However, as the course of these debates shows, the critical point was not the mere fact of violating the lex retro non agit principle. The scepticism of some Polish politicians towards this idea resulted from purely pragmatic reasons and was caused by lack of support from the American and British governments for the proposal to define legal frames for the future trials of war criminals this attitude changed only in spring 1945. This article presents the genesis and provisions of the Decree of the President of the Polish Republic on Criminal Liability for War Crimes of 30 March 1943 in the context of international debates on international criminal law and individual liability for war crimes. It argues that the legislative works on the decree and its proclamation in March 1943 mark an important point in the process of shaping the concept of prosecution and punishment of war criminals during the Second World War.

Military Trials of War Criminals in the Netherlands East Indies 1946–1949. By Fred L. Borch. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. x, 255. Index. $90.

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Kurt Gerstein’s Eyewitness Report on Mass Gassings

Hans Rothfels Kurt Gerstein’s Eyewitness Report on Mass Gassings Editor’s Foreword The source document published here is a German version of the main text of a document originally written largely in French (PS-1553-RF-350) that was submitted to the International Military Tribunal.1 This document was subsequently admitted as evidence for the prosecution in the “Doctors’ Trial” (Exhib. 428). Afterwards, the main factual sections were read in German translation at the first session of the Military Tribunal in Nuremberg on 16 January 1947 and recorded in the minutes.2 Other portions of this document, especially the enclosed hydrogen cyanide invoices as well as the name of the person who recorded the main transcript and that of the addressee of the invoices, mining assessor (former) Kurt Gerstein, also played a significant role in the first German poison gas trial (Degesch Trial) in Frankfurt in January 1949.3 The following is not meant to be a “revelation,” rather, the intention is to make a document that has hitherto only been used for trial purposes available to the public and for historical research by publishing a critical edition with a scholarly commentary. This seems all the more necessary given the fact that, in many respects, Gerstein’s text presents a quite unique eyewitness account of the mass gassings. 1 Cited in Der Prozess gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof . Nürnberg 14. November 1945 – 1. Oktober 1946, vol. VI, Nuremberg 1947, pp. 370–71, 400–01, 467. Two invoices (see below) are printed in Der Prozess gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof. Nürnberg 14. November 1945 – 1. Oktober 1946, vol. XXVII, Nuremberg 1948, pp. 341–42. – PS 1553 was used by the French prosecution (therefore RF 350). – The editor is in possession of a photocopy of the individual pages. – Plus a handwritten draft of the French text on 10 folio pages. 2 Institut für Zeitgeschichte, MB 15/3, Military Tribunal No. 1, Trial against Karl Brandt et al. (Medical Case), 16 January 1947, pp. 1806–15. See also the excerpt in Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10, vol. I, Nuremberg 1949, pp. 865–70. – Likewise, an excerpt of the original French version, only polished a bit, is reprinted in Léon Poliakov, Bréviaire de la Haine. Le IIIe Reich et les Juifs, Paris 1951, pp. 221–24. 3 See Neue Zeitung, 22 March 1949, p. 5. 64 Hans Rothfels Dealing with these atrocious events is not pleasant. They are not being recounted here in order to plant the seeds of hate or keep them alive, but rather as part of this journal’s self-professed obligation, as stated in its first issue, “that it will not skirt around controversial issues, be it international or national, and leave room for legends to take hold.” The best place to start living up to this duty is naturally on our own doorstep. Despite the degree to which the rationalization of inhumane and subhuman acts was a specific feature of the National Socialist regime, and the degree to which the systematization of mass extermination as well as the presumptuous decision about what makes someone “worthy of living” was a particularity of this regime, we cannot ignore the merciless shadow that this has cast over our era and its latent potential as a whole. Time and time again, we have seen just how thin the veil of civilization over the dark powers below has become in other places as well. We have seen what happens if these powers are released when the bonds holding them unravel. If we were to try to forget or trivialize these experiences, which we witnessed most emphatically in the Nazi period, we would not only be exhibiting apathy and unscrupulousness towards the victims of this very period, but also this would signify the lapse of our vigilance and conscience once and for all. From this perspective, the Gerstein report is part of “con­ temporary history” in the truest sense of the word. * * * A number of preliminary technical questions had to be taken into consideration in preparing this edition. In terms of its scope...

Unimaginable atrocities: justice, politics, and rights at the war crimes tribunals

As international criminal courts and tribunals have proliferated and international criminal law is increasingly seen as a key tool for bringing the world's worst perpetrators to account, the controversies surrounding the international trials of war criminals have grown. War crimes tribunals have to deal with accusations of victor's justice, bad prosecutorial policy and case management, and of jeopardizing fragile peace in post-conflict situations. This book explores these controversial issues in a manner that is accessible.

Initiatives Should Be Taken to Achieve Vision-2021: Bangladesh Perspective

Present Awami league lead government ensured the ever highest majority in the parliament during last parliamentary election due to their visionary election manifesto. Vision 2021 is the most effective slogan during the election and people of Bangladesh dreamed with that vision and compare Awami League Chair person Shekh Hasina (Current Prime Minister) with the dynamic Malaysian leader Mahatheer Mohammad and his Vision 2020 in Malaysia. Mahatheer wanted to develop Malaysia within 2020 so that 1st January 2020 comes in a Developed Malaysia. Dr. Mahtheer achieved a remarkable milestone by this time and Malaysia is a rapid growing country now. As a result new generation voters believed Shekh Hasina’s word and voted in her mark without a second thought. There were two major types of commitments in election manifesto e.g. economic agenda and political agenda. Economic agenda declared to upgrade standard of living, digitization of governance, promoting investment, and employment generation, attracting foreign investment, increasing remittances, achieving higher GDP growth and becoming a developing economy by 2021. Politically completing trial of the Bangabandhu killers, trial of war criminals (a highly controversial issue), and establishing a congenial democratic environment so that another 1/11 happened in future. Generally economic agenda are for the mass people and political agenda are for the party itself. A very congenial environment Awami league government find in their one and half year rule, there were no hartals, no political clashes (other than some extra internal clashes in Chatra League and Jubo League), no major natural disasters. In such a good environment government is supposed to fulfill their economic agenda first then when living standard increased people being satisfy to them then political agenda fulfillment would be easier and popular. But unfortunately currently people are observing that government is fulfilling their political agenda first and they are not thinking with the economic agenda for general people. In political agenda ruling party may be benefited but what about the mass people? They are upset by the economic performance of this government during last one and half years, foreign direct investment (FDI) decreases drastically in 2009, numbers of manpower export reducing speedily, rate on local investment is decreasing, electricity load shedding reaches its ever adverse situation which resulted on water crisis in Dhaka city. So after all people are not happy on this government as a result their popularity is reducing fast. Government is active to blame previous BNP lead government for electricity condition, but how Caretaker government run the same demand with same generation by not permitting such adverse load shedding? In such a condition government should be careful to come forward with their economic agenda implementation otherwise opposition will take a chance to increase people dissatisfaction on this government and situation may go out of government’s control. Now is the pick time to implement economic agenda of this government so that Vision – 2021 can be achieved. Otherwise it will be a black chapter for future Awami league leaders. Now come to the points what can be done for achieving the vision. Following initiative can enhance investment and attract FDI which means increasing employment, income, savings and mass people are happy.

Void for Vagueness

“What would happen if the informed consent process were truly seen as an opportunity for optimizing decision making?” This excellent question appeared recently in this journal in an editorial by Rao and Kim,1 commenting on an article in which Arnold et al2 described a web-based tool for improving such decision making. Although there is certainly substantial room for improvement in obtaining informed consent in the face of complicated clinical decisions, those problems can be simple compared with the dilemma of doing a similarly good job in obtaining consent to participate in a clinical trial. Unlike a patient, who at least is under legal and ethical protections requiring the doctor to keep their well-being as the first priority, no such protection exists for the research subject. To the contrary, a research subject is under a watered-down set of protections. In research, to further the goal of answering a research question, the doctor is authorized to do a variety of things that may not advance the subject’s well-being and may in fact be substantially antithetical to that well-being. Article see p 151 It is for this reason that consent in the research setting bears such a great weight on its shoulders. Perhaps we should refer to it, in comparison to clinical consent, as a beefed-up consent, or consent on steroids. It is largely the fact that the subject has agreed to this weakened set of protections that makes research ethical. This key concept was recognized even in the early days of research ethics. In the landmark Nuremberg Code,3 more than half a century old, only 1 of its 10 paragraphs is more than a couple of sentences long. That single much longer paragraph, the very first, highlights the huge importance of informed consent in research. The very first words …

The Holocaust by Bullets: A Priest's Journey to Uncover the Truth Behind the Murder of 1.5 Million Jews, Father Patrick Desbois, with a Foreword by Paul Shapiro (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), xx + 233 pp., cloth $26.95, pbk. $17.00

Father Patrick Desbois, director of the French Conference of Bishops' Episcopal Committee for Relations with Judaism and advisor to the Vatican on the Jewish religion, has written a lucid account of a part of the Holocaust that started before the full fury of the extermination camps was reached. Desbois has traced the gradual annihilation of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian Jews, an undertaking that began long before the Wannsee Conference. These early victims were not loaded onto trains and taken to already existing death camps far away. They were rounded up and taken by foot, cart, or truck to the outskirts of their towns and massacred by bullets in the presence of neighbors. The murderers were the Einsatzgruppen, Wehrmacht soldiers, Romanian enlistees, Ukrainian policemen, and Volksdeutsche volunteers. The locales of the killing—hastily arranged mass graves in field and forest, most bearing no discernible markers today—long failed to attract the same attention that scholars devoted to the extermination camps. The story was obscured by Soviet secrecy and popular antisemitism. Gradually scholars have explicated the bureaucratic Holocaust of Western and Central European Jewry in camps the Germans located in occupied Poland, but with one or two exceptions, the killing fields of Ukraine have remained all but unknown. In particular—as Paul Shapiro points out in a foreword that is a model of contextualization—the Jewish specificities of Nazi mass murder were a taboo topic in the USSR. The murdered Soviet Jews counted as “peaceful Soviet civilians” or “heroic Soviet resistance fighters.” The political orchestration of the postwar trials of war criminals and their indigenous collaborators added a Stalinist layer to the Nazi shroud of secrecy.

Clinical research: Protection of the “vulnerable”?

In this age of evidence-based medicine, clinical research is critical for developing new therapeutics and determining the best way to use these therapies. To perform appropriate clinical research, researchers must adhere to ethical standards. These standards have developed in large part as a response to egregious violations of ethically appropriate behavior. In this respect certain populations have been identified as at risk of being treated inappropriately in medical research. Current ethical guidelines prohibit or severely limit what types of research can be performed involving these "vulnerable" populations. Although this might protect these populations, the lack of research on them might actually do harm in limiting their access to life-saving therapies. We explore the historical underpinnings of protecting the vulnerable populations and whether a newer ethical paradigm that would allow for protected research on these populations should be adopted by society.

What you see before your eyes: documenting Raphael Lemkin's life by exploring his archival Papers, 1900–1959

There's a serious risk that a commemoration of Raphael Lemkin's work will not become an act of remembering, but an act of forgetting, obliterating what was so singular about his achievement. (Micha...

The Under-Theorization of Universal Jurisdiction: Implications for Legitimacy on Trials of War Criminals by National Courts

The Under-Theorization of Universal Jurisdiction: Implications for Legitimacy on Trials of War Criminals by National Courts

Truth Commissions and Judicial Trials: Complementary or Antagonistic Servants of Public Justice?

“The call to punish human rights criminals can present complex and agonising problems that have no single or simple solution. While the debate over the Nuremberg trials still goes on, that episode—trials of war criminals of a defeated nation—was simplicity itself as compared to the subtle and dangerous issues that can divide a country when it undertakes to punish its own violators.” -Judge Marvin Frankel “That's what lawyers do, Mark. They twist words. They twist truth. That's why people hate them.” -A recent television drama “Memories are their own descendants masquerading as the ancestors of the present.” -David Mitchell “We expected justice, and we got the rule of law.” -Barbel Bohley “We do not want to see people suffer in the same way that we did suffer …. We do not want to return the evil that perpetrators committed to the nation. We want to demonstrate humanness towards them, so that they in turn may restore their own humanity.” -Cynthia Ngewu