Transnational Social Movements Research Articles

Sohbet

Sohbet (conversation) is a weekly, informal, religious-learning gathering that has been conducted by members of the Islamic Hizmet/Gülen Movement since its inception. The movement was established in Turkey in 1966 by Fethullah Gülen and his followers. It has evolved into a transnational social movement through educational, dialogical, and humanitarian aid/entrepreneurial activities. The movement was held responsible by the Turkish government for the so-called coup attempt in 2016. Tens of thousands of members fled, and the movement’s centre of gravity shifted from Turkey to the diaspora. This ethnographic research project addresses the transformations within the movement during the diaspora phase. Focusing on a female sohbet group in Helsinki, I investigate the participants’ understandings of sohbet and how the sohbet has evolved since 2016. Thematic analysis reveals three predominant themes for understanding: socialization, belonging to a community, and a quest for piety. This article illustrates that sohbet is a space for religious learning, social interactions, and affirming a shared identity that shapes the hizmet habitus. Furthermore, sohbet revitalized the hizmet habitus following the forced migration. This study contributes to the existing literature on the sohbet by investigating it post-migration. Simultaneously, it contributes to studies on religious movements and how migration affects them.

Spiral to Surveillance: The Effect of INGOs on Levels of Peacekeeper Misconduct

Abstracts Over the last twenty years, the international relations literature has sought to understand the conditions in which peacekeeping operations (PKOs) occur and the efficacy of their presence. Much work has focused on PKOs’ relationship to civilians in civil conflict, but less is understood about the influences on peacekeeping missions’ quality. If PKOs commit human rights abuses, how might other actors deter exploitive PKO behavior in the domestic context? We argue international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) provide a monitoring and socializing effect on PKOs. Using the Peacekeeper Attributes (PKAT) and Transnational Social Movements (TSMO) datasets, we analyze peacekeeping missions from 2007 to 2013. Through zero-inflated negative binomial regression, we found that the presence of general INGOs decreases rates of misconduct, and human rights INGOs decrease rates of misconduct. However, we find that the presence of women’s rights-focused INGOs does not decrease rates of sexual misconduct among PKO troops.

Ocean activism: understanding political acts in extra-national terrain

ABSTRACT From enslaved people capturing vessels during the Middle Passage to Greenpeace’s and Sea Shepherd’s famous anti-whaling campaigns in the latter half of the twentieth century – resistance at sea is a phenomenon that is as old as human seafaring. Yet, while social movement scholars have a long-standing interest in transnational movements and what it means to act politically beyond the borders of nation-states, much less is known about social movements acting outside of national territory, in the international waters of the planetary ocean. This article addresses this gap by bringing the phenomenon of sea-oriented civil society to the attention of social movement scholars and proposing a conceptual framework for understanding ocean activism. Bringing together currently scattered accounts of maritime movements with relevant literature from the recent ocean turn across the social and political sciences, the article argues that we may understand ocean activism along three defining, sea-specific characteristics: (1) material specificity (due to the sea’s elemental qualities), (2) technological dependency (from ships to AIS), and (3) extra-territoriality (outside national jurisdiction). The paper contributes to discussions of transnational social movements in particular, demonstrating that scholarly attention to the ocean enables new perspectives on their spatial politics, media and data practices, and materiality. Thus, addressing social movement scholarship’s terrestrial bias does not only allow us to begin to conceptualize ocean activism but opens up paths to better understand political acts in extra-national terrains, in and beyond the sea.

Translation as a cultural tool for mediating conflict in queer and feminist grassroots democratic coalitions in Denmark, Germany and Sweden

In this article, I present the findings of a three-year qualitative research project studying feminist and queer activist groups that support refugees in Denmark, Germany and Sweden. My findings show how multilingual activists volunteered as linguistic interpreters to enable inclusive dialogue between refugees and host-country citizens in joint grassroots democratic coalition meetings. Based on interviews with different groups, I show that their linguistic-broker position gave these activists the leverage to challenge and bring to the attention of white-majority citizens the exclusionary dynamics of structural inequality and civic-status hierarchies that create tensions within supposedly open and inclusive joint meetings. By highlighting the critical, counter-hegemonic positionality of activist-translators in coalitions working on gender, the central contribution of my case study is to connect theories of translation and conflict mediation in transnational social movements with research that focuses on the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in intersectional coalitions.

Online repression and transnational social movements: Thailand and the #MilkTeaAlliance

ABSTRACT Research on the formation of transnational social movements primarily view these as either exile support of a local movement or mobilization around an international issue. This article presents a different argument for transnational activism drawing on the logic of the repression-dissent nexus when considering the combination of online and offline performances of contemporary social movements. The starting point is that membership in online communities constitutes a social identity for potential protest participants that can be activated and politicized when states’ seek to repress access and content to online interaction. Since online communities are borderless by nature, we suggest that when regimes employ online repression due to local protests then we will see a backlash that will facilitate the formation of a transnational social movement. We illustrate our argument with an empirical discussion about how the anti-government protests in Thailand in 2020 became part of and facilitated a growing transnational social movement of youth discontent with regimes in Southeast and East Asia. The example shows that the impetus for increasing transnational co-operation throughout the process was in response to growing repression by the Thai authorities both of online content and on the street.

Social media, transnationalism and contentious politics: a study of networked public on the Global Naga Forum’s Facebook page

The Global Naga Forum (GNF), a Naga civil society organization, spearheaded the historic Naga solidarity walk on 20 July 2022, to unify the fragmented and dispersed Nagas across borders. GNF’s Facebook page acts as a transnationalizing platform in its attempt to amplify Naga voices and build networks for social and political change. A thematic analysis of 321 textual posts extracted from GNF’s Facebook page reveals key themes such as peace, unity, inclusivity, solidarity, and resilience. Data show that activity spikes around Naga historical landmarks, and the top three types of posts are videos, pictures, and relay posts, with mostly “like” and “love” reactions to videos, pictures, and news updates. The sentiment analysis of the 863 comments reveals maximum positive sentiments in solidarity with the Naga cause and minimal negative expressions attributed to frustration, condemnation, and skepticism. Naga’s contentious politics via social media is constructed as a transnational social movement amplifying their grievances with a non-violent approach. The nationalist factors reveal a strong desire to reclaim the Naga homeland and the right to self-determination. In the role of a choreographer, GNF orients towards the symbolic condensation of the Nagas, based on “a Naga is a Naga” identity.

Online ethnography of activist networks of interpreters: an “ethnonarrative” methodology for socio-political change

ABSTRACT Narrative theory in translation studies has been mostly used to examine how translators mediate and refract meaning as they contribute to circulating political agendas across contexts and audiences. Building on this heritage but extending narrative theory beyond cross-language analysis, this paper proposes an ethnonarrative methodology to enquire and write about contemporary activist networks. It provides an epistemological-theoretical framework to explore identity, action and space in prefigurative transnational social movements, and a set of narrative methods and analytical techniques to conduct an ethnography of communication. Drawing on my on-site and online ethnography of Babels, the international network of volunteer interpreters, the paper first discusses the ethical and political questions raised by my practice in, and by my writing about Babels, in the interdisciplinary context of social movement studies and interpreting studies in the first decade of the 21st century. It then exposes the ethnonarrative methodology developed in this context and illustrates its use through a detailed narrative account of how Babels constructed and negotiated its financial structure in and out of Babels.org. Finally, it discusses the extension of the methodology beyond 2.0 (so called participatory) web, as activist networks increasingly communicate through social media and videoconferencing platforms.

Why Following the Rules Will Not Stop Them:

The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of several knowledge traditions within academic clusters inspired by and engaged in productive dialogue with transnational social movements such as feminist, queer, trans* and Crip studies, critical race theory, indigenous studies, and degrowth scholarship (Choudry & Kappor 2010; Bhattacharyya & Murji 2013; Carruthers 2018; Salisbury & Connelly 2021). Despite significant theoretical and methodological differences, these traditions share a recognition of the fundamental role played by social actors outside academia in the struggle for social justice in academic knowledge production. Recent decades have also witnessed the emergence of ethnonationalist and anti-gender social movements, networks, and political parties attacking these academic traditions and focusing on the university as a fundamental arena for generating and reproducing their ideologies of hate (Perry 2009). These attacks target academic fields and individual scholars sharing a commitment to social justice issues (Floyd 2009) and an understanding of knowledge production inside academia as contributing to visions of social justice beyond academia (Young 2000). Central to these threats against scholars working within social justice paradigms is the argument that their scholarly production is “political” and hence unscientific. In this article, we explore the politics of knowledge claims among key anti-gender and right-wing actors within and related to academic institutions in Sweden. Inspired by the concepts of neoliberal depoliticising and neoliberal governance, we analyse arguments and strategies from 2015 to 2021 designed to undermine gender studies and to create and establish arenas for right-wing ethnonationalist knowledge production within the academia.

Transnational Social Movements: Environmentalist, Indigenous, and Agrarian Visions for Planetary Futures

Environmentalist, Indigenous, and agrarian and food justice movements that mobilize across and beyond national borders are demanding recognition and participation in debates and policies that shape planetary futures. We review recent social movements that challenge agendas set by corporations, elites, states, conservative movements, and some international governance institutions. We pay particular attention to novel concepts that emerged from or were popularized by these movements, such as environmental justice, climate debt, Indigenous-led conservation, food sovereignty, agroecology, extractivism, and Vivir Bien (“Living Well”). Such concepts and agendas increasingly enter international governance spaces, influence global policy debates, build innovative institutions, and converge across class, geographic, and sectoral lines. Although they face daunting obstacles—particularly the free-market zealotry that dominates international policymaking and the agribusiness, mining, energy, and other corporate-philanthropic lobbies—the visions proffered by these movements offer new possibilities for creating a world that prioritizes the intrinsic value of nature and all its beings.

Legitimacy and Legitimation Practices: An Analysis of TSMO Networks

Private transnational organizations have grown in number and in influence. However, sociologists and political scientists often study them separately, either as transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) or the larger category of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). In this paper, I examine the determinants of TSMO legitimacy by drawing on the literature on INGOs. In so doing, I call for bridging the disciplinary gap between sociology and political science. Empirically, I find that legitimation benefits already prominent organizations more than those that are not. Networking thus helps reproduce the hierarchy among the TSMOs, challenging the earlier notion that TSMOs are horizontally networked. However, I also find that Southern TSMOs are more likely to gain legitimacy than Northern TSMOs once they are visible to their peers. The analysis of TSMOs thus cautions our bias to study Northern INGOs and generalize the findings to INGO population. Overall, my findings reveal that the incentives and strategies that INGO research has documented exist among TSMOs despite their counter-hegemonic ambitions.

From Xizang to Xinjiang: An Analysis of the Role of Diaspora-Based Transnational Social Movements in Opposing Chinese Ethnic Minority Treatment

During the last few decades, the world has seen a significant rise in China’s international clout and, consequently, key international powers and actors have shifted their approach in engaging with the Asian giant, particularly regarding issues that China itself presents as internal or pertaining to national sovereignty. This article pursues an inquiry into the relationship between one such issue, Chinese ethnic minority treatment, and another recent shift in international context: the increased relevance of international forces and pressures originated by transnational social movements founded by ethnic minority members who have chosen to leave China. In order to do so, the diasporas of two ethnic minorities will be studied: the Tibetan minority residing in the Xizang Autonomous Region and the Uyghur minority in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. This includes a study of the forms of international resistance in which diaspora members are involved, as well as of the ability of diaspora-based transnational social movements to influence public opinion, state policies, and international organization positions in favor of their ethnic group.

Compulsory Zionism and Palestinian Existence: A Genealogy

This essay offers a genealogy of the phrase “compulsory Zionism” in order to illuminate its vexed and contradictory intellectual foundations, the ethical and political stakes of the discourse surrounding the phrase, and its accompanying racial project. Scholars of late have taken up the use of this phrase to signal how “common-sense” knowledge about Palestine and Israel is naturalized in ways that privilege Israel and subjugate Palestinian existence. However, I argue that the phrase is also useful for understanding how Palestine solidarity politics are micromanaged within transnational leftist social justice movements and academia.

Identity Exclusive Violent Transnational Social Movements and 5th Generation Civic Warfare

On November 24, 2021, Professor Candyce Kelshall presented on the topic of Identity Exclusive Violent Transnational Social Movements and 5th Generation Civic Warfare at the 2021 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. Primary discussion topics included defining 5th generation warfare, the combatants in 5th generation warfare, Violent Transnational Social Movements (VTSMs), Soft Violence, and how it all fits into contemporary conflict. This presentation was followed by a question and answer period where conference attendees and CASIS Vancouver Executives were provided with an opportunity to engage in discussion with Professor Kelshall and other speakers.

Youth participation in global policy networks on climate change

This study implements a mixed methods design based on social network analysis to analyse activities related to the participation of youth in international negotiations on climate change. We show that the participation of youth is, on the one hand, actively promoted by international organisations. On the other hand, youth form transnational social movements and explicitly oppose (inter)national organisations. Using social network analysis, we show that youth from both the Global North and the Global South can be identified as being central in these transnational networks, with those from the Global South focusing on bridging between different groups. Our findings further suggest that previous approaches to participation are limited in their ability to explain transnational forms of youth participation.

Coalition Dynamics in Transnational Social Movements: Analyzing the EU Food Policy Coalition

ABSTRACT In the context of policy discussions surrounding the EU common agricultural policy in the period after 2020, civil society groups across Europe launched advocacy campaigns to transform the CAP and EU food systems. This article focuses on the EU Food Policy Coalition, a diverse coalition with a wide-ranging agenda. How did disparate civil society groups with different areas of focus that include the environment, public health, and global justice form a viable and cohesive advocacy coalition and develop a joint vision for a transformed food system? And how can this mostly Brussels-based coalition centred on a professional community engage grassroots and conscience communities in advocating for a more sustainable food system? We find that a diverse coalition can mobilise around a shared vision when a coalition broker brings diverse groups together, building on preexisting ties and trust and on the convergence of their ideologies. We also find that a diverse coalition engages different social movement communities, remains unified, and is effective when it is well-coordinated and organised as a segmentary, polycentric, and integrated network. This organisational structure allows for flexibility in participation and for dispersed leadership within the coalition, while keeping a unified focus around a set of key norms.

Framing as a Social Movement’s Transnational Strategy

This paper focuses on framing as a social movement’s transnationalstrategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigateshow the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access tonational gatekeepers, uses discourse to internationalise a domestic powerstruggle with a powerful opponent. Moving the struggle to theinternational arena presents a discursive opportunity that determineswhich ideas become visible and legitimate both internationally andnationally. The importance of such internationalization increases in times ofconflict and the media play a vital role in this process. The paper arguesthat the editors of the pro-Gülen movement foreign online platformsestablished after the movement was forced into exile following the failed2016 coup, use strategic framing to tailor their frames for the host contextand culture. That increases the resonance of their frames and the potentialof the discursive opportunity. The article confirms the previous findings thatmedia are a crucial resource for transnational social movements becausepolicymakers are sensitive to public opinion, which is shaped by mediaframes.

Framing as a Social Movement’s Transnational Strategy: The Gülen Movement’s EU-Turkey Discourses in the Post-2016 Online Media

This paper focuses on framing as a social movement’s transnational strategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigates how the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access to national gatekeepers, uses discourse to internationalise a domestic power struggle with a powerful opponent. Moving the struggle to the international arena presents a discursive opportunity that determines which ideas become visible and legitimate both internationally and nationally. The importance of such internationalization increases in times of conflict and the media play a vital role in this process. The paper argues that the editors of the pro-Gülen movement foreign online platforms established after the movement was forced into exile following the failed 2016 coup, use strategic framing to tailor their frames for the host context and culture. That increases the resonance of their frames and the potential of the discursive opportunity. The article confirms the previous findings that media are a crucial resource for transnational social movements because policymakers are sensitive to public opinion, which is shaped by media frames.

Concept of Soft Violence in Critical Security Studies

On September 16, 2021, Professor Candyce Kelshall and Ms. Natalie Archutowski presented on the Concept of Soft Violence in Critical Security Studies at the 2021 CASIS Vancouver Defence and Security Advisory Network online forum. Primary topics included: evaluating violence as soft in nature, how and where soft violence might fit in the realm of critical security studies, violent transnational social movements (VTSMs), sharp power, and soft power.

Activists Against Autocrats: TSMO Networks and Democratic Diffusion

Do transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) promote the international diffusion of democracy? If so, how? Scholars of democratization have studied a plethora of international factors in the spread of democracy, including geographic or regional proximity, colonial history, trade and alliance networks, and joint inter-governmental organization (IGO) memberships. Few have studied the role of TSMO networks in democratic diffusion. We theorize that TSMOs empower and connect civil societies and thus promote democracy from the “bottom up.” Leveraging a new TSMO Dataset and data on the dimensions of democracy from the Varieties of Democracy project over the 1953–2013 period, we find that TSMOs promote democratic diffusion. TSMOs are strongest at diffusing participatory democracy. TSMOs also contribute to the diffusion of electoral democracy but do so by promoting the diffusion of freedom of association and freedom of expression rather than elections.

South–South symbolic transnationalism: echoing the performance ‘A Rapist in Your Path’ in Latin America

ABSTRACT Studies on transnational social movements rarely acknowledge mobilising that is not polity-centred and that does not target policy change. This article draws attention to rising forms of transnational feminist movements in Latin America that represent an alternative to traditional institution-centred activism. In contrast, symbolic transnationalism arises as non-traditional forms of transnational mobilisation that focus on conveying symbolic political messages through performances, among other strategies. The spread of the performance ‘A Rapist in Your Path’ is analysed as an instance that showcases this novel type of symbolic transnationalism in Latin America. The widespread representation of this performance reflects how feminist groups share a struggle in which the fight against gender violence is one of the most prominent grievances. This viral phenomenon also reflects a growing sense of collective transnational identity based on a shared critical stance towards dominant power structures that reproduce gender violence: mainly the state, but also the church and the family, among others.