Transatlantic Relations Research Articles

The Role of the European Parliament in the Development of the EU-USA Transatlantic Relations

This article explores the scope and evolution of the European transatlantic policy with the United States of America (USA). Our research questions are related to the number and content of the texts adopted by the European Parliament (EP) and the role of the EP and its Committees in shaping the European transatlantic policies. We examine which are the committees that lead and guide the EP transatlantic conclusions. Within this context, this research paper highlights the substance of the European Union (EU) and the USA relations over the last 25 years and the major areas in which the EU cooperates with the USA. We have built our research on the European Parliament since it has legislative authority in shaping and guiding EU’s external policy. Therefore, our study brings a new perspective to the current literature on transatlantic relations by assessing the EU-USA relations from the EP conclusions and adopted legal texts. A document and policy analysis are conducted between 1999 and 2024, to assess each of the last five Parliamentary Terms and through the entire current EU laws in force. We conclude that despite studies asserting the weakening of the EU-USA relations, EU’s relations have been consistent since 1999 and even increasing in the last decade, from technical and legal achievement, based on the quantitative and contentive analysis of our research.

Issues of arms control in transatlantic relations (1963–1975)

Issues of arms control in transatlantic relations (1963–1975)

Crisis in EU-US relations under Trump: an emotional contemptuous double game of misrecognition

ABSTRACT With the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States in 2016, the transatlantic relations entered a renewed period of crisis. The former US administration challenged key international norms at the core of the EU’s identity – thereby testing the EU’s ability to rethink its position in the world. Against this background, studies have attempted to analyse the EU’s response vis-à-vis the US mainly from a realist and socio-psychological perspectives. Yet little attention has been given to the crucial emotional component underlying the EU’s response – related to EU’s recognition needs. Therefore, this article proposes to analyse the transatlantic crisis under the Trump administration through the lens of recognition theories and emotions in IR. Based on the emotion discourse analysis of public statements, it shows that dynamics of misrecognition and re-affirmation of identity have been at play in this recent crisis fuelled by the powerful emotion of contempt.

The Transatlantic Relationship and the Russia-Ukraine War

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war triggered a new burst of solidarity across the Atlantic. The reactivation of the battered NATO alliance came easily under the pressure of an external shock. Yet, pulling together to react to Russia's belligerence is not sufficient to announce a new era of transatlantic partnership. The reason lies in the different interests that underpin American and European policies such as reliance on economic sanctions, the promotion of democracy, NATO strategy towards Russia, and economic coordination. Loosely sharing common values is not enough to reinforce the transatlantic relationship. Neither is a decision to stop the atrocities that Russia is committing against Ukrainians. Western leadership requires a coherent vision of Western interests. In the new world order, such coherence cannot be taken for granted.

China as a ‘systemic challenge’ for NATO strategic interests

NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept views China as a “systemic challenge” to the Alliance. Joint statements regarding China began to appear several years before the adoption of the new Concept on the official NATO agenda in response to increasing pressure from the Trump administration. The military-political, technological and discursive power of the PRC is perceived by the bloc as a threat to their strategic interests. The greater military-political presence of China in the Arctic and in the Middle East and North Africa is regarded by NATO countries as strengthening the hegemonic aspirations of the PRC. Technological dependence on supplies from China harms the Alliance’s operational capabilities and military mobility. NATO has set itself the goal of adapting to strategic competition with China, particularly in the areas of advanced technologies, artificial intelligence and 5G. China’s influence on the media agenda, as well as its ability to promote its own narrative, threatens transatlantic solidarity and the “soft power” of the Alliance countries. Moreover, China is accused of systematically seeking to sow divisions in transatlantic relations and exploit differences between Western countries to its own advantage. China’s efforts to forge a multipolar world order pose a direct challenge to Western liberal democracies and the rules-based international order. European NATO states have begun to regularly encounter the “China factor” when interacting with the United States. However, there remains disagreement over what policies should be pursued toward Beijing. Those who see China as a security threat advocate general policy coordination with the United States. Those who recognize Beijing as a necessary economic partner and participant in global governance insist that Europe pursue independent policies that distance itself from US strategy. All this suggests that practical steps within the Alliance to counter China, especially outside the Euro-Atlantic region, will face resistance from the United States’ European allies.

Skiing and Alpine Culture in Austria and the United States: Transatlantic Relations, Networks, and Practices (1930s–1960s)

Skiing and Alpine Culture in Austria and the United States: Transatlantic Relations, Networks, and Practices (1930s–1960s)

Planning for a Post-American Europe

Donald Trump’s possible return as US president has again raised the spectre of the United States’ abandoning its central role in the European security order. Given the profound polarisation and insularity that has arisen in US politics, transatlantic relations might not readily return to the traditional comfort zone even if Joe Biden is re-elected. In Europe, vigorous public discussion has arisen on ramping up defence-industrial capabilities to help Ukraine and to reduce European dependence on the US; on the future of US extended nuclear deterrence; and on France’s readiness to give a specifically European dimension to nuclear deterrence. Europe’s ability to prepare constructively for a diminished American security role will hinge on the European trend of rising populist-fuelled authoritarianism, and on the customary difficulty France and Germany have in crafting a joint approach to strategic planning.

Transatlantic Relations and Political Dynamics during the Civil War Era in Louisa May Alcott’s “M. L.” and “Pauline’s Passion and Punishment”

Transatlantic Relations and Political Dynamics during the Civil War Era in Louisa May Alcott’s “M. L.” and “Pauline’s Passion and Punishment”

EUROPE’S CONTESTATION OF THE U.S. WITHDRAWAL FROM THE JCPOA: UNVEILING EUROPEAN SUBJECTIVITY

The article investigates the response of European nations to the U.S. withdrawal from the Iranian nuclear deal, the implementation of a «maximum pressure» strategy, and the reinstatement of sanctions on Iran. European actions included open dissent towards American policies, active engagement in lobbying efforts, and the establishment of temporary political-diplomatic coalitions with like-minded partners. The examination is framed within the context of the theory of contestation, elucidating how European allies endeavored to contest the dominant partner despite disparities in resources, European business reliance on the American financial system, and potential risks to transatlantic relations. Through challenging U.S. decisions, European countries aimed to reaffirm their autonomy and sovereignty within the transatlantic partnership and broader global political landscape. This response was not solely influenced by divergent perspectives on international security and approaches to global challenges but also by Washington’s reduced influence on partners expectations regarding the repercussions of disloyalty. The U.S. exhibited a strong belief in its ability to address the issue independently, viewing European opposition as futile, thus showing little interest in substantive negotiating with partners or persuading them to align. Consequently, European allies, anticipating minimal negative effects on their relations with the U.S., felt emboldened to assertively defend their perspectives, thus bolstering their political subjectivity.

THE DEFENCE POLICY OF DENMARK AFTER THE 2022 REFERENDUM

The article deals with the impact of the special relationship with the US on the three aspects of Danish foreign policy: the approach to the EU strategic autonomy, regional defence policy priorities, and Denmark’s readiness to escalate relations with Russia. Using the method of qualitative content analysis of Danish foreign policy strategies, Copenhagen’s current views on the alliance relations with the US are assessed, especially within the framework of Denmark’s turn towards «pragmatic idealism» in foreign policy, which Denmark announced in May 2023, and scrapping the EU defence opt-out following the outcome of the June 2022 referendum. The analysis has shown that maintaining the status of an «exemplary» or «model» ally leads both to contradictions and ignoring traditional mores within the Danish political system and the skewed priorities in financing military and non-military instruments of the Danish foreign policy. Moreover, even in Denmark’s military support of Ukraine, there is a gap between the symbolic value and practical effect of the measures taken by the Danish side. It is concluded that greater involvement in building the EU’s strategic autonomy will reduce Denmark’s interest in further escalation of the conflict in Ukraine and its readiness for rhetorical and practical confrontation with Russia. At the same time, based on open sources, the U.S. is not exerting significant pressure on Copenhagen in connection with select gaps in compliance with the sanction regime. In case D. Trump is elected as the US president in the 2024 elections, Denmark, as one of the most pro-Atlantic EU member states, will probably face the acute task of linking the course of strategic autonomy with a broader vision of the future of transatlantic relations, as well as overcoming the dilemma between the concentration of defence capablities either in the Baltic Sea or in the North Atlantic and Arctic area including Greenland and the Faroe Islands.

Covid-19 pasekmės transatlantinio saugumo bendruomenei

Although there were many disagreements in transatlantic relations before the COVIC-19, the pandemic accelerated tensions in transatlantic relations even more. The inauguration of the new US president Joe Biden, however, has been perceived as a new chapter in transatlantic relations. The paper aims to assess the COVID-19 pandemic implications to transatlantic relations and answer the question of whether the pandemic has strengthened or weakened the transatlantic security community? The paper stems from the idea that transatlantic countries compose a transatlantic security community. It examines the COVID-19 implications to several tiers of features that should be present in every security community: namely, implications to the perception of threats, patterns of communication and policy coordination, as well as to institutional framework. The paper argues that COVID-19 has not transformed the transatlantic security community; however, it highlighted certain problematic aspects of transatlantic relations.

The Iraq War as a War over the Meaning of Europe

The Iraq War of 2003–11 has been described as a conflict over the meaning of Europe and between the conflicting goals of cementing the transatlantic relationship with the United States and advancing a more independent, "Carolingian" vision of the continent on the world stage. This article employs the analytical lens of foreign policy role conceptions, drawing from French and German policy literature, newly available archival evidence, and interviews with more than 20 diplomats, politicians, and civil servants active during the 2003 invasion. We argue that the war itself and the agency of Iraqis played a limited role in European powers' jockeying for position, which was instead determined by these countries' relationships with the US and the role of the United Nations. This was the case even for France and Germany, which had extensive interest in Iraq in the decades preceding the invasion. If the Iraq War was one over the meaning of Europe, the debate around and the execution of the invasion highlighted the continued importance of a US-led NATO for defining such meaning.

Swedish-American Borderlands: New Histories of Transatlantic Relations

Swedish-American Borderlands: New Histories of Transatlantic Relations

Soft Power in Hard Concrete: the Berlin Congress Hall, the Cold War and the Building of Transatlantic Relations

Summary The opening of the Congress Hall in Berlin-Tiergarten in 1957 took place during the heyday of the Cold War. Designed by American architect Hugh Stubbins, the building became a focal point in East–West confrontations. Against this backdrop, the article explores the role of architecture in national soft power by taking the example of the Berlin Congress Hall. Commencing with a discussion of architecture as a component of soft power along five criteria, it goes on to examine the planning of the Congress Hall and the significance of its unique design vocabulary. The article concludes that the building, strategically located near the sector borders separating East and West, represents a concrete embodiment of US soft power. Although not an official representational building, the Congress Hall has thus served as a political, cultural and ideational ‘embassy’ of the United States and a major building block in German–American relations up to the present.

NATO@75 – The Future of the Atlantic Alliance in Tumultuous Times

Abstract This article takes an in-depth look at the Atlantic Alliance as it is approaching its 75th anniversary. It analyses the prevalent strategic environment in which NATO operates, with its multiple risks and rivalries; and addresses the main elements on its agenda as it manages the numerous challenges to Euro-Atlantic security and defence of today and tomorrow. To this end, it offers insights into NATO’s main efforts in such areas as deterrence and defence, Ukraine, partnership, enlargement, transatlantic relations, resilience, upholding and protecting the international rules-based order, emerging and disruptive technologies, and climate change and security. .

Transatlantic relations between the US and the EU in the second and third decades of the 21st century - main challenges


 Historically, the development of new technologies has led to higher increase in productivity in Europe and the US compared to the rest of the world. This resulted in economic asymmetry in the global economy, which ultimately led to the geopolitical domination of Europe and the USA over Africa and Asia (Findlay, O'Rourke, 2007, p. 364). With the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union has taken a step towards playing a significant role in trade, environment and social issues (Van Langenhove & Marchesi, 2009; Rudloff & Laurer, 2017). The aim of this work is to present the main challenges and changes taking place in transatlantic relations between the EU and the USA in the second and third decades of the 21st century. To achieve this goal, the descriptive method was applied.
 The reforms carried out by the EU allowed it to act in the spectrum of international affairs. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine (in 2014 and 2022) showed that the EU is increasingly resorting to sanctions and conditionality instruments to promote its interests. In addition, the EU aims to create a common army. Despite the fact that these changes contribute to the increase of the EU's competitiveness in the world, US relations between the EU are extremely durable, and the transatlantic community is repairing mutual relations relatively quickly. Meanwhile, the EU's relations with China, the largest trading partner in 2021 (Eurostat, 2022), are confrontational.
 Despite improvement in transatlantic relations, the earlier lack of communication led to a lack of confidence in the US on the part of Europeans. Relations between the US and the EU in the third decade of the 21st century remain tense – it is worth mentioning the AUKUS defense pact (agreement between Australia, Great Britain and the United States) on the exchange of defense technologies in this respect (Borges de Castro and Ricardo, 2021; Morcos 2021 ). It resulted in deterioration of relations between Paris and the US to such an extent that they were close to breaking. At the same time, at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, transatlantic relations sought stabilization. President Biden's administration has reaffirmed its commitment to alliances with European countries. In addition, the US returned to the Paris Agreement (United States Department of State, 2021) and rejoined the World Health Organization (WHO) (Keaten, 2021).

Transatlanticism: A fading paradigm?

AbstractIn 2018, the first full year of the Trump presidency, it became abundantly clear that the transatlantic relationship had entered a period of intense discord, causing a series of pessimistic reports and commentary in the mainstream Anglo-American media. With this as the starting point, the article re-examines the study of the ‘transatlantic’ as a region. It engages with thinking of time (periodisation), space (scale), and discipline (methodology) in order to question standard assumptions and open up new avenues for research, identity-formation, and emancipatory commitment.

China in Transatlantic Relationship

The article aims to provide an analysis of China's impact on transatlantic relationship by examining trends in the US-EU interactions and analyzing reasons that are behind their choices pertained to the “Chinese factor”. Special attention is paid to crucial issues that determine current situation and shape perspectives in the triangular US-EU-China with focus on the US-PRC stand-off in the Pacific. Deep divergences between the West’s and China’s views on the future of the world order preset an intense competition between them. Their rivalry embraces various domains from world markets of high-tech goods and race for superiority in emerging technologies till military face-off in the Pacific. The article reveals that the US and Europe have both overlapping and conflicting interests as regards relations with China, and that the EU internal discord in dealing with Beijing impedes transatlantic coordination of policies.

Syria 20 Years After

Europe sacrificed Damask, first for the sake of normalizing its transatlantic relations―after a disagreement with the U.S., and then for securing other regional ties. But Syria has its own value.

Exiles on Main Street: The Centrality of Exile in Transatlantic Relations

This article explores the meaning of exile in political theory and its importance within our understanding of political organization and more specifically transatlantic relations. Attention for the political ramifications of the movement of people across borders is divided among the study of diasporas, forced migration, and cultural transfer, as well as exile. The article covers the definition of the term and its use in the Western political tradition, focusing on its meaning and its relevance for conceptions of political progress under modernity. By examining the use of “exile” in relation to Latin American politics, the article puts forward a contrasting critical sketch of exile in transatlantic relations through the 20th century.