Tradition Of Violence Research Articles

Teröristlerin ve Töreristlerin Ürettiği Şiddetin Sarmalında “Huzursuzluk”

Yapılan bu çalışmada Ömer Zülfü Livaneli’nin Huzursuzluk adlı romanı incelenmiş, huzursuzluğun ana nedeni olarak şiddetin gösterildiği romanda betimlenen şiddet örneklerinin kaynakları ve nedenleri üzerinde durulmuştur. Ezidiler örneğinden hareketle kitlesel şiddet olgusu; görece hayvanlardan sonra şiddete uğramada daha savunmasız ve sürekli mağdur / kurban olan çocuk, kadın ile hem şiddet mağduru hem de şiddetin faili olan erkeğe yönelik şiddet olgusu yakın plana alınmıştır. Romanın iletileri doğrultusunda Hz. Hüseyin ile isimdaş ve kısmen kader ortağı olan, cinayet kurbanı başkarakter Hüseyin üzerinden, son tahlilde şiddetin adres sormadığı ve cinsiyet seçmediği tezi de öne çıkarılmıştır.Bu çerçevede şiddet ile ilişkilendirilen ekonomik, fiziksel, psikolojik, cinsel, dinsel ve siyasal şiddet türleri hakkında bilgi verilmiş; bu olguların ataerkil yapı ile etkileşimine değinilmiş ve söz konusu etkileşimden yola çıkılarak şiddetin birey, toplum, çocuk, kadın ve erkek üzerindeki etkileri romandan alıntılamalarla aktarılmaya çalışılmıştır. En çok töreden beslenen, töreristler eliyle sergilenen bireysel şiddet ile en çok soğuk savaş yöntemlerinden beslenerek kitlesel şiddete dönüşen terör ve teröristler gerçeği, şiddetin kaynağı ve örnekleri olarak görülmüş ve gösterilmiştir. Arka planda ise yasal düzenlemeleri yapmayan, mevcut yasaları uygulamayan ya da terör örgütleri üzerinden vesayet savaşları yürüten devletlerin ve yöneticilerinin de şiddetin koruyucusu ve destekçileri olduğu dile getirilmiştir. Şiddetin bir türü ile diğer türleri arasında ilişki olduğu, örneğin hayvanlara şiddet uygulayan insanların bunu diğer insanlara uygulamada da sakınca görmediği saptanmış; tespit ve teşhir edilen şiddet türleri ve örnekleri üzerinden şiddet sarmalından çıkışın yolları irdelenmiştir. Şiddetin tarihselliğinin ve gelenekselliğinin de mücadelenin önündeki en zorlayıcı gerçekler ve gerekçeler olduğu görülmüştür. Romanda bir leitmotif olarak geçen “Ben bir insandım!” cümlesi tematik özü temsil eder. İnsan ölür, insanlık ölmez sözünden hareket edersek, şiddet önce insanlığı öldürür. Bu bağlamda romanın iletisi, “İnsanı ve insanlığı huzura erdirme, şiddeti yok etmekle başlar.” cümlesi ile özetlenebilir.

Табу на покликання вчителя

The work "Taboos on the teaching vocation" was read by the German social philosopher and representative of critical theory Theodor Adorno as a report on May 21, 1965 at the Berlin Institute for Educational Research (West Berlin). In this report, Adorno considered the socio-psychological and socio-cultural reasons that in the context of Western European culture have historically led to the social emergence of many psychological taboos on the pedagogical work of the school teacher. The philosopher theoretically deduced the dialectical connection between human hostility and disgust for the work of the teacher from the cultural tradition of German society, which historically developed as late bourgeois. A characteristic feature of the attitude of the overly materialistic socio-cultural system was aversion to the work of the teacher as a "hungry job", that is, to a poorly paid profession. Another factor of public disgust for the work of teachers, the philosopher called the socio-cultural tradition of society, which as a closed society willingly practiced physical violence as a means of social coercion. According to this tradition, through the use of violence, the teacher must subordinate students to his authority, subordinate to social and school ideology. The historical result of such dialectics was the socio-cultural (ideological) distortion of the image of the teacher, the castration of his image in social psychology, his self-alienation from the professional vocation and the ideological elimination of the power of his spirit. As an ideological alternative, Adorno suggested that society, if it consciously seeks democratic change, first of all take into account such young teachers who demonstrate the impulse of their individual spirit in the performance of their profession. According to the philosopher, only the spiritual freedom of such a young educator, a man who is capable of self-understanding, conscious of himself and his vocation, who reflects and is socially active, can democratize schools, devalue society and destroy dehumanized social traditions. First of all – in order to overcome the barbaric tradition of violence.

Collective Bargaining Misjudged: The Marikana Massacre

The tradition of violence during collective bargaining processes in South Africa (particularly during a strike) can be traced back to the colonial period, where the struggle for better employment terms and conditions was conflated with the struggle for freedom from political oppression, apartheid and the colonial regime. An example in this regard is the Sharpeville uprising. In this case, the State’s reaction to the uprising was to call upon the armed forces to quell the situation, and in the process, lives and limbs were lost; nobody was held accountable for this. This was surely a bad legacy to leave for modern times! However, fifty-two years later, South Africa experienced a déja vu moment in the form of the Marikana massacre, which was also chillingly reminiscent of the massacre by apartheid police at Sharpeville in 1960. The writing of this article is informed by the need to avoid another Marikana massacre. The authors bemoan the manner in which this tragic event was handled and argue that, with the right attitude and the right application of resources, the massacre could have been avoided. The authors also lament the approach employed in dealing with the aftermath of the Marikana massacre and conclude that the status quo gives credence to the saying that “an apple does not fall far from the tree”. The prosecution of the perpetrators is delayed, no compensation is given to bereft families, and it remains to be seen who was at fault, even after a “good-for-nothing” yet costly Commission of Inquiry has completed its task.

Colonial violence and Holocaust studies

ABSTRACTThis article examines the ways in which British colonial atrocities can further our understanding of European colonial violence and its relationship with genocidal violence in twentieth-century European warfare and the Holocaust. This issue will be examined in relation to the British war of reconquest in the Sudan 1896-99, which utilized methods including starvation tactics and the killing of the enemy wounded. Propaganda which dehumanized the “enemy” and justified British supremacy over “inferior races” in the name of “civilization” was also key. European traditions of violence in the colonies provide an important historical context for the genocidal violence of the twentieth century.

The Tradition of Violence in the United States: A Multidisciplinary Survey

The Tradition of Violence in the United States: A Multidisciplinary Survey

‘Of Boundaries Traversed’: Deconstructing Ethnonationalist Identity and Ethnic Spaces in Northern Ireland

To cogently advance my arguments about ethnonationalism and ethnic spaces in Northern Ireland, my paper will be divided into four sections. The first will be a contextualizing one, providing a historical framework within which the dynamics of Northern Ireland can be better understood. Second, I will address my theoretical assumptions, examining the effects (and effectiveness) of partition, as well as the role of ideology in the entrenchment of ethnonationalism. Third, I will turn to more thorough analysis, relying on my historical and theoretical foundation to expound the long tradition of violence that plagued the Ulster counties during the Troubles. And, lastly, I offer a series of suggestions that might improve conditions and relations in Northern Ireland. In short, the paper intends to analyze the influences of ethnonationalism and ideology on identities and ethnic spaces in Northern Ireland, with the crucial purpose of advancing a reconsideration and deconstruction of the country’s binaristic terms. By the end, I hope to have offered a sufficiently comprehensive examination of the conflict – one that integrates various disciplines and relates the Troubles of Northern Ireland in properly complex fashion.

<em>The Fenian Problem: Insurgency and Terrorism in a Liberal State, 1858-1874</em>, by Brian Jenkins

Reviewed by: The Fenian Problem: Insurgency and Terrorism in a Liberal State, 1858–1874 John Newsinger (bio) The Fenian Problem: Insurgency and Terrorism in a Liberal State, 1858–1874, by Brian Jenkins; pp. xvi + 439. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008, $95.00, £65.00. Brian Jenkins situates his new book on the British response to the Fenian movement within a terrorism studies paradigm. Contemporary concerns regarding international terrorism influence his approach, and it seems clear that the book is intended to make as much of a contribution to the burgeoning and, it must be said, very dubious academic industry of terrorism studies as it is to historical understanding. This is unfortunate because it weakens a work of exemplary scholarship. Jenkins’s concern is to examine “the problem” that the Fenians’ insurgency and terrorism presented for the British liberal state. Here we encounter the first [End Page 468] problem posed by the terrorism studies paradigm, because Britain was not just a liberal state, but also more properly an imperial state. Jenkins’s account signally fails to put the Fenians and Ireland into this imperial context. The Empire is acknowledged, of course, but it is very much a matter of off-stage alarums, and what it might reveal about the nature of the liberal state is never really explored. Moreover, treating the Fenians as a problem inevitably tends to delegitimise their struggle. His failure to come to grips with the Empire is demonstrated by his brief discussion of Hugh Rose’s conduct during the Indian Rebellion. Here he expresses some surprise that Rose’s career survived the scandal of his mass execution of prisoners at Sehore; indeed, Rose was actually promoted. Jenkins considers this episode from a liberal rather than an imperial standpoint. In fact, the ferocity of British repression in India was positively celebrated rather than condemned by British public opinion, with the clamour being for more severity rather than less. According to Jenkins, the Fenians tried to damage Rose’s reputation by alleging that he had prisoners “blown” from the guns (52). While Rose does not seem to have utilised this particularly gruesome form of execution himself, it certainly was used by the British in the suppression of the Indian Rebellion. As far as I am aware, there is no evidence that Rose disapproved. Such ferocity was not just the British response to the Indian Rebellion. The uprising at Morant Bay in Jamaica in 1865, in which twenty-nine whites were killed, was put down with completely disproportionate force. While many suspected insurgents, both men and women, were killed out of hand, another 353 were executed after court martial, with some actually being used for target practice to try out the new Enfield rifle. What is interesting here is that the liberal state responded with such violence in India, Jamaica, and elsewhere, but behaved with comparative restraint towards the Fenians. It is also worth noticing that only seventy-odd years before the British had put down the United Irish Rebellion with considerable ferocity. What had changed was that Ireland had been incorporated into the liberal state, and while it could live quite comfortably with frightfulness in the colonies, the use of such methods at home was far more contentious, indeed was effectively prohibited. One other aspect of the terrorism paradigm compromises Jenkins’s approach. He writes of Ireland’s “tradition of violence,” “ambivalence towards violence,” “acceptance of the mystique of violence,” and “belief that violence can lead to great material change” (329). To be fair, some of these phrases are quoted from other writers, but they are quoted sympathetically. This smacks more of British propaganda than it does of serious historical analysis. How does Ireland’s “tradition of violence” compare with that of the British Empire between the 1840s and 1870s, for example? As Richard Cobden put it, the British “have been the most aggressive, quarrelsome, warlike and bloody nation under the sun” (qtd. in Stephen Hobhouse, Joseph Sturge [J. M. Dent, 1919], 119). The catalogue of colonial wars waged in these decades and subsequently, often little more than one-sided massacres, conducted on the most disgraceful and fraudulent pretexts (as was pointed out by critics...

FROM FUGITIVE SLAVE TO FUGITIVE ABOLITIONIST

This article focuses upon Frederick Douglass's speeches on the Creole slave ship mutiny, which he gave in North America and Britain in the 1840s and 1850s to examine the complexities of his transatlantic abolitionist discourse. Douglass's commitment, not only to freedom from slavery but also freedom from mainstream abolition, remained undiminished throughout his life as he argued against the “spirit” as much as the “fact” of slavery. Douglass's speeches, autobiographies, diaries, and letters reveal a complex literary figure as well as a forceful and impassioned agitator. There can be little doubt that Douglass engaged throughout his works in literary subterfuge, polemical play, and subversive experimentation to express the full extent of his radicalism and challenge the boundaries of permissible antislavery discourse. His speeches on Madison Washington, the heroic liberator aboard the Creole slave ship revolt, afforded Douglass the highly prized opportunity to extend his subject matter beyond personal autobiography and challenge abolitionist demands for an authentic recital of the facts of his own life. He was able to exalt a black heroic tradition of violence and self-sacrifice as he articulated his own creative independence in retelling the story to suit his transatlantic audiences.

"The Glory ofGod Gives Life": Unmasking Subjugation for a Post-Colonial Missionary Ecclesiology in Canada

Those who define what is acceptable within churches most often operate from the point of view of the dominant within the church subculture. Those who are different find themselves defined by those who dominate, control, exercise power and set the agenda. The dominated often seek to join dominance and to suppress their difference. This process is pernicious because it appears benign and because it never requires the dominant to reveal or examine assumptions. It reflects the process of one-way definition identified by Edward Said, another post-colonial theorist, in the relationship between the Western world and its perception of the Orient. There are many powerful challenges before churches in Canada in the twentyfirst century. I frame several issues here to propose the scope of post-colonial missionary ecclesiology. Challenges include external influences such as globalization, new technologies, environmental destruction, consumer capitalism and mass media; and internal struggles with hermeneutics, ethics, leadership and traditions of violence and domination.

Delatores and the Tradition of Violence in Roman Oratory

Two very prominent scholars have asserted that oratory became more violent and aggressive during the early Principate, as delatores (professional accusers and informants) came to dominate the genre.1 This assumption has a place in a number of studies on Roman history, culture, and literature which accept their premise.2 However, such an assumption, before it is accepted, needs to be set in the larger context of Roman oratory over the period from the Republic to the Empire. It is my object here to do just that, for I propose that the new style?one which is generally perceived as more violent?represents not so much a change as a continuity in Roman rhetorical practice, and that the per? ceived transformation is more a product of how our sources represent orators in the first century CE. rather than oratory's metamorphosis into something with a perceptibly more violent style. To that end my ar? gument has two parts. First, we need to put professional accusers into their republican as well as imperial context. Professional accusers in

Tares in the Wheat: Puritan Violence and Puritan Families in the Nineteenth-Century Liberal Imagination

The New England tradition of violence is a curiously dual one. For more than a Century after their arrival in Boston, the Puritans of New England participated in the wave of genocidal violence that helped decimate Native communities throughout the Americas. To a lesser degree, they also turned their violent energies against members of their own Community by banishing, torturing, and killing those Puritans who embraced the Quaker doctrine of the inner light or who were accused by their neighbors of witchcraft. Yet, rarely has a community been so self-conscious about its own violence, so determined to find ultimate meaning in the midst of atrocity. What could it mean, New Englanders persistently asked, that their “city on a hill” was enmeshed in violence? For at least two of the theological traditions that took strongest hold in New England—Puritanism and liberalism—this question was an inescapable preoccupation.

The Crack in Everything (review)

Reviewed by: The Crack in Everything Harold Schweizer (bio) Alicia Suskin Ostriker, The Crack in Everything. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. 100 pp. Paperback, $10.95. In each of her eight books of poetry, Alicia Ostriker has pondered the elusive meaning of sexuality, the looming catastrophes of marriage, the ongoing atavistic bloodshed of history. In all of her books she has held sons, daughters, and husband, sanity and justice, beauty and God, in a precarious balance between disenchantment and epiphany. Her poems are frequently launched as possible elegies should they fail as pieces of resistance. The world through which she travels “records catastrophe. / Literature,” she adds laconically, “does the same.” 1 It is a world whose catastrophes elicit such metaphors as, “hill of illness,” “hard breast,” “stone blister.”2 It is, throughout Ostriker’s work, a “wounded / World that we cannot heal,” but that is yet “our bride.”3 The elegist of Ostriker’s splendid “A Meditation in Seven Days” in Green Age encounters her god on the seventh day, resting, murderous, drunken, exhausted but loved. God’s excessively human qualities epitomize Ostriker’s disillusioned view of history and its various subtle and not-so-subtle traditions of violence, many of which have their causes in patriarchy, some of which trace themselves through Ostriker’s Jewish heritage. When, out of the struggle with those traditions, she seeks to revise and rewrite the master narratives, her poetry, she insists, will attempt neither the “words addressed to an atomic father” nor the emotional distance of (male) “speculation” nor the self-validating “wisdom of the wise” if only “so that suddenly / Our human grief illuminated, we’re a circle / Practical and magical.”4 To such a circle, to such grief and illumination, we are invited in Ostriker’s eighth volume of poetry, The Crack in Everything. The title is repeated in an epigraph from Leonard Cohen: “There is a crack, a crack in everything / That’s how the light gets in.” It is a redemptive, but paradoxical principle that structures the poetic vision of this book. The incurability of history, the violence of cities, the randomness of illness, the incomprehensibility of pain: these are the cracks. And while they elicit Ostriker’s warning against “the old myth that suffering is virtue” (“The Russian Army Goes into Baku,” 27), in her poem titled “The Class” the light nevertheless gets in: Against evidence, the teacher believes Poetry heals, or redeems suffering, If we can enter its house of judgment. (P. 61) [End Page 273] Unlike the judgment of history (which is that the mistakes of the past shall be repeated), the poetic house of judgment would liberate rather than condemn, would forgive rather than indict, would “give...permission / To gather pain into language” (p. 60). Although “The Class” ends with Ostriker’s wistful contemplation of such redemptive possibility, it is “against evidence.” Poetry is no “safe-house.” All the teacher can do is to lead her students into (and hopefully through) their private infernos: The teacher helps them descend to hell, Where she cannot reach them, where books are ashes, Where language is hieroglyphs carved in walls Running with slime, which they’ll have to feel for In the steamy mist, while the whip opens their backs. (P. 61) The Crack in Everything testifies to the effort, often a vain effort, of entering the poetic house of judgment—life is unforgivable. When Ostriker seeks out those supremely (for)given moments—Wordsworthian spots of time as in “Appearance and Reality” or in “Taylor Lake,” or in “Still Life: A Glassful of Zinnias on My Daughter’s Kitchen Table”— such purely aesthetic, redemptive moments are rare. In “After Illness” she laments: Whatever I can consciously intend By definition isn’t it! What I want Is to listen, what I want Is to follow instructions. (P. 53) But the instructions emanate from indeterminate sources. Ostriker’s “guides” are “presences” (p. 52) and her presences are fortuitous and temporary: “It never lasts” (“Still Life,” 81). “The Nature of Beauty” ends with an allusion to T. S. Eliot’s aesthetic/spiritual quest: A brief raid on the inarticulate Is what we get, and in retreat we cannot Tell...

Some Further Evidence on Homicide and a Regional Culture of Violence

Gastil's theory and investigation of homicide and the Southern tradition of violence are briefly examined [1]. Although his attempt to construct a quantitative index of Southerness and relate it to states' homicide rates provides a decided improvement over the usual practice of simply comparing “Southern” and “Northern” states, his analysis suffers from the use of homicide figures issued by the U.S. Public Health Service as an index of his dependent variable, criminal homicide. Inspection of these figures shows them to encompass “causes of death” ranging from premeditated murder to legal executions. To avoid this difficulty and provide a more refined analysis, alternative data for first and second degree murder and murder and nonnegligent manslaughter are examined. These data and Gastil's Southerness index along with eight socioeconomic and demographic variables are fit into a correlation analysis. Results of this analysis show a very substantial positive association between Southerness and rate for all three offenses. While on the surface these findings appear consistent with Gastil's hypothesis, when a number of socioeconomic and demographic factors are introduced into the analysis as control variables, Southerness proves to only have a slight independent effect on rate. That is, the substantial correlation between Southerness and offense rates is primarily a result of the association between Southerness and factors like educational attainment, income, percentage nonwhite population, population density, etc., all of which have been previously linked to levels of homicide. Overall, little support is found for Gastil's and other's notion of a Southern Culture of violence.

Criminal Violence in America: The First Hundred Years

America has long been notorious for its vio lence, but illegitimate criminal violence has received rela tively little attention. Vigilantism is the best known of the specifically American forms of social violence. Woven deeply into our history, bound up in the westward movement, the gun culture, and slavery, vigilantism in its wider sense was an important form of political expression. Mob violence reached its apogee in the North before the Civil War, but con tinued to flourish in the South and West through 1876 and gave the whole nation a heritage of direct action in the name of justice. Gunfighting has been less important in our actual history, but very significant in our national imagination. The gunfighting mystique, and our fascination with it, has con tributed heavily to our tradition of violence. Urban riot and crime are new fields of study, drawing heavily on interdisci plinary methods. Recent work on the city of Philadelphia, for example, may be used in several ways. The nature of collective violence reveals something about the city's own polity and, in connection with other studies of individual violence, something about social and economic stages of development. In brief, all sorts of street violence decreased with the Industrial Revolution, and the Centennial City was quieter than any earlier.