Traditional Political Culture Research Articles

A qualitative study on the attitudes of women politicians toward their roles in politics: a case of Northern Cyprus.

Politics is a mechanism of cooperation for the common interest of society. In this mechanism, each individual is expected to participate equally in the leadership and decision-making mechanisms. Women's participation in politics is essential for the spread of good governance and democracy. Globally, political participation is disaggregated by gender, with men's participation greater than women's. A lower representation of women in politics is also observed in Northern Cyprus. The attitudes or views of society and politicians may determine the political participation of women in leadership positions. This study examines the obstacles and determining factors that make it difficult for women to reach leadership positions even though their political role is increasing. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 21 female participants for this research. Eleven of them are female ministers in parliament and represent the three main political parties in the country. The remaining 10 female participants are also members of the central executive body of the three parties and the National Assembly. Women politicians believe that problems related to gender equality in politics prevent women from entering active politics and rising to leadership positions. Although there was no gender discrimination in Northern Cyprus means that women have gained equal rights with men in many areas, it was concluded that the traditional political culture keeps women out of politics.

Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia

Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge, 2014)
 Nils Bubandt, the author of Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia, discusses three important topics in this book: democracy, corruption, and the politics of spirits in contemporary Indonesian society. In exploring these three things, Bubandt discusses through the lenses of five objects: kyai, bloggers, politicians, sultans, and prophets. Bubandt also discusses the charm of democracy, the paradox of Indonesian democracy, the ‘ghosts’ of politics in democracy such as corruption, elitism, nepotism, and patrimonialism (the ‘meeting’ between the modern political system and traditional political culture rooted in past kingdoms), and secularism. Bubandt's discussion of these interesting themes is framed within the framework of a study of the world of politics and the world of jin/unseen worlds or ‘other realms’.

Rethinking the globalization through the lens of indonesian traditional political culture

The aim of the study is to identify original Indonesian approaches to the globalization phenomenon from Indonesia’s political culture standpoint, bearing in mind also the socio-political thought of the Indonesian people, as well as the historical and cultural features of the Indonesian statehood formation. The author analyzes the assumption that Indonesian society and the elites share original globalization perception, thus Indonesia’s self-positioning in a globalizing world is not only a matter of diplomacy or politics, but also a question of political philosophy and social psychology. From the point of methodology, the author relies on constructivism IR theory, as it necessary to study the Indonesian beliefs set regarding globalization and world development processes. As a result, the author concludes that the pandemic consequences and international crises are increasingly dividing the world, and globalization is often considered stalled, however, for the Indonesian mindset, globalization is an important world order element, while it is perceived not as total westernization or neocolonialism, but as a fair exchange between sovereign nations. The research contribution is also determined by the need to analyze non-Western approaches to key world development issues and the international actor’s communication, considering the transformation of the contemporary IR system and the global politics shift to the Asia-Pacific region.

A Comparative Study of Chinese and Western Power Supervision Systems from the Perspective of Traditional Political Culture

Power is a sharp weapon for the benefit of the country and the people, as well as a scourge to the country and the people. Supervising and restraining power is the common goal of modern state governance. All countries in the world have their own power supervision systems, among which the power supervision systems of western countries, led by Europe and the United States, are unique and relatively mature. The Communist Party of China has successfully explored a set of power supervision system with Chinese characteristics. To continue to improve China’s power supervision system, we should not only learn from historical experience, but also learn from the successful experience of western countries. From the perspective of traditional political culture, this paper compares the operating mechanism, objectives, power restraint methods, interest strata and power supervision culture of Chinese and Western power supervision systems, and analyzes the differences between Chinese and Western power supervision.

The Enlightenment of the Development of Citizenship Education in Germany to the Promotion of Ideological and Political Education in China

Citizenship education in Germany has a long history and a profound tradition. However, German citizenship education has been in constant split and reconstruction in a long period as the ups and downs of the destiny of the German nation and its country. It is endowed with different concepts, connotations and functions, along with every change of social situation and political order. Citizenship education in Germany is deeply influenced by its traditional political culture and has distinct national characteristics. In order to discuss the history and current situation of the historical development process and realistic situation of German citizenship education has many enlightenment and reference significance for promoting the further development of ideological and political education, especially the theory and practice of patriotism education in our country.

القوى المؤثرة في تكوين الثقافة السياسية العراقية: رؤية اجتماعية سياسية

The research sought to show the most prominent forces influencing the formation of political culture in Iraqi society. The political culture suffered before 2003 AD to a great scaling by the political system, which was working to instill, a culture of submission and loyalty to the system, as well as the use of means of coercion to suppress any attempt to put forward ideas or Political practices aimed at participating in power. This led to a culture of submission and loyalty to the political system and not opposing it. After 9 April 2003, the form of the political system changed from a totalitarian system to a democratic one, and from a one-party system to a multi-party system. Thus, the citizen was given a wide space to exercise political rights and freedoms, and an opportunity to develop a culture of participation instead of traditional political cultures and a culture of submission.

Consuming geopolitics and feeling maritime territoriality: The case of China's patriotic tourism in the South China Sea

This paper develops the concept of territorial socialisation and explores the process and effect of tourism in China's maritime territorialisation of the South China Sea. The research demonstrates the mutual constitution of tourism and territorialisation and suggests that tourism is playing an increasingly important role in everyday contexts to socialise individuals into national-territorial thinking. However, tourism alone does not decidedly stoke strong territorial nationalism, instead it produces uneven bordering or territorialisation effects at the personal level. Tourism practices, tourist agency, and the distinct wet ontology of the sea complicate the state maritime territorialisation process. The research also shows that the Chinese tourists are pragmatic, calculative geopolitical actors. Their geopolitical experiences through tourism are connected to, and embedded in, the broad geopolitical realities of China's rising and unjust international orders, while informed by official territorial rhetoric and traditional political culture.

The Appreciation and Criticism of the Young Chinese Zhihu Netizens to ex-President Trump of the United States

Since former U.S. President Trump took office, Chinese state media have generally painted a negative picture of him and formed a negative public opinion. However, in Chinese social media, Trump still enjoys a high reputation and has even gained a large number of supporters, including, of course, a large number of opponents. This article explored the popular evaluation of President Trump by young Zhihu netizens through a qualitative content analysis of a post on the Zhihu website, and analyzed the reasons for the formation of the opposing evaluations by netizens. The result showed that 43% of netizens positively evaluated Trump as the great president who saved the United States, while 40% condemned Trump as "The second Hoover." From a neutral point of view, Trump is seen as a president with first-class dreams but second-class political wisdom. Further analysis revealed that for netizens with positive comments, individualism, pragmatism, dissatisfaction with the social status quo, and the influence of the mode of public opinion confrontation are the main reasons why they praise Trump. Netizens who hold a negative evaluations are strongly influenced by China's traditional political culture and official public opinion, as well as the trend of the "rise of the East and decline of the West," which led them to follow the Chinese "Meritocracy Political Model" in evaluating Trump. This study revealed the current situation of ideological and value opposition among highly educated young in China.

Политическая культура избирателей Республики Тыва как индикатор отношений власти и общества (по результатам социологических исследований)

The article aims to review and analyze the phenomenon of political culture based on the case of the Republic of Tyva through the system of the electoral process as an indicator of the relationship between the authorities and the public using quantitative and qualitative research methods. The process of scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture is presented through the system of electoral sentiments and values of the population in the Republic of Tyva. The definitions of political culture are presented as a historical phenomenon that has been of scientific interest since the time of Plato and Aristotle. The definitions of modern Western scientists focus on the psychological basis of this phenomenon - political sentiments, attitudes, behavior, and affiliations. Russian scientists consider political culture as a more multifaceted and broader concept. Political culture is both a model of the functioning of political institutions and a system of sacred characteristics, as well as a synthesis of political thinking and behavior, etc. The research was conducted in January-May 2021 in two stages: at the first stage, a sociological survey was conducted; at the second stage, 20 focus groups were organized. The territorial coverage of the research included the city of Kyzyl and 11 districts of the republic. The sample of the survey was 1200 respondents, that of focus interviews was 240 people. The data obtained from the sociological survey demonstrate high interest of respondents in politics. This interest is associated with specific acts of party leaders and public actions within the city or district. The region has a high level of support for the United Russia party, which is associated with such political values as individual freedom, security and order. Focused interviews showed a high level of trust in Sergei Shoigu, a leader of the United Russia party. At the same time, the participants noted a number of problems hindering the development of the region - unemployment, corruption of the heads of public bodies, clannishness, and bribery. Respondents note the need for personnel changes to solve the problems identified. The results of the study show that societies with a traditional political culture are characterized by trusting relations of the public and the government, loyalty to federal and regional leaders, solidarity with the ruling government's course, as well as a lack of readiness for political protests, actions and other forms of expression of discontent, despite the presence of acute social and economic problems in the region.

Transformation of the traditional political culture of the Republic of Korea at the end of the XX century - the first quarter of the XXI century: features of the phenomenon and the range of problems

Transformation of the traditional political culture of the Republic of Korea at the end of the XX century - the first quarter of the XXI century: features of the phenomenon and the range of problems

Affective solidarity: how guilt enables cross-generational support for political radicalization in Hong Kong

AbstractThe extant social movement literature tends to regard the youth as radical actors and senior citizens as conservative actors. However, the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong exhibited strong solidarity among protesters across generations, despite the radicalization of protest actions over an extended period. These phenomena contradict Hong Kong's traditional political culture, which favors peaceful and orderly protests and the worldwide trend where radicalization often leads to internal division in movements. By analyzing the data collected from onsite protest surveys in December 2019 and January 2020 (N= 1,784), this paper presents the mediating role of guilt in shifting senior citizens from opposing radical actions to supporting them and feeling solidarity with militant protesters. We find that the relationship between age and feelings of guilt is stronger among respondents who experience state repression. The findings shed light on the affective and relational dimensions of protest participation, showing how the traumatic conditions under which different social actors are welded together by shared emotional upheavals facilitate ingroup identification and affective solidarity.

Commentary: The grateful state

This article explores the totemic 2020 Queensland state election, at which a two-term government plagued by a deteriorating economy and widely criticised travel restrictions amid the COVID-19 pandemic was returned with an increased majority. The article posits three arguments: that COVID-19 created a new ‘lens’ through which electors evaluated public policy and that allowed voters to frame public health and safety over the more usual measures of economic performance; that Queensland voters drew on their traditional political culture – especially their predilection for strong leadership and state chauvinism – to evaluate the Palaszczuk Labor government’s pandemic management favourably compared with contemporaneous events in Victoria; and that Queensland voters expressed similar confidence in a Labor economic recovery plan that contrasted favourably with the LNP’s economic platform. In sum, this article argues that Queenslanders in 2020 cast a ‘gratitude vote’ for a government they saw as being in control of both public health and economic recovery.

Linguistic manipulation as a method of influencing public opinion in the time of COVID-19 pandemic

The subject of this research is the effective methods of linguistic manipulation and communication, which allowed controlling the situation to prevent public panic and destabilization of situation in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) during the pandemic. The authors explore such phenomena as persuasion and linguistic manipulation, analyze the existing in Russian and foreign practice scientific and practical approaches towards using linguistic manipulation in sociopolitical discourse. Based on the example of speeches of the Head of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) A. S. Nikolayev, the authors analyze the linguistic means and techniques used in the course of development of epidemiological situation for influencing public opinion in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia); determine the reasons and frequency of application of such techniques, the degree of persuasion of public opinion by the head of Yakutia depending on the used communication channels. The research employs the website content of the Government of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia), regional news sites, and addressed messages in social networks. The main results lies in the conclusion that the most effective methods of linguistic manipulation are persuasion, convincing and prompting, which affect emotions and feelings of the people and appeal to the key social agenda – safety of the population in the time of pandemic. It is noted that social networks are the effective communication channels, which is justified by the geographical and sociopolitical peculiarities of the region, such as large territory preservation of the elements of traditional political cultures (power of the authority, leader, direct communication with the government and a sense being protected). Linguistic manipulation allows influencing public opinion, avoiding mass disturbances, instilling the sense of security into population.

Publicness: The Basis of Constructing a Public Administration Discipline in China

The legitimacy crisis of public administration has a long history. From a historical perspective, an analysis of five Western pathways in the discipline of public administration shows that the roots of this crisis lie in the lack of a public nature. From a theoretical perspective, the “publicness” of public administration should be defined along the dimensions of public administration powers, actors, targets, methods and values. In terms of practice, the uniqueness of China’s public power framework, the influence of traditional political culture on the public nature of Chinese public administration and the provisions governing this public nature at different stages of China’s development constitute the unique public nature of the construction of Chinese public administration. The discipline construction of Chinese public administration should be rebuilt so that its public nature forms the basis of its legitimacy, in accord with historical logic, theoretical logic and practical logic. We should construct a publicness discourse system of Chinese public administration that adheres to the value guidance of publicness and should frame research topics on the basis of publicness. This will ultimately form a research paradigm for the public nature of public administration that will consolidate the foundation of the legitimacy of the discipline construction of public administration.

ДЕМОКРАТИЯГА ЎТИШ ДАВРИДА ИНСТИТУЦИОНАЛ БЎШЛИҚ МУАММОСИ

This article discusses complex relations between democratic institutions and traditional political ones and their interactions in the process of democratization. It also touches issues of emergence of institutional vacuum in transition and its impact on reforms. The issues of the formation of democratic conduct in terms of contradiction between democratic principles and traditional political culture, and customs are theoretically analyzed

Мао Цзэдун и стратегия народной войны: уроки истории

The goal is to identify and review the main features of the people’s war strategy developed by Mao Zedong using the legacy of traditional Chinese philosophical and political culture to defeat the Japanese regular troops and take power in the country by the Communist Party of China. Research methods include components of military-historical, historical-logical, political science and sociological analysis. Results . The main strategic principles of Mao, which helped the Chinese Communists not only to win the civil war, but also to expel the troops of the Japanese regular army, are revealed. Mao developed a hybrid strategy that included elements of guerrilla warfare. The basic principle of guerrilla operations was the suddenness with which it is possible to increase a slight power advantage over the guerrillas by the Japanese. Mao considered the driving force of the Chinese revolution to be the multi-million-strong peasantry, whose mentality he knew and used well. Only respect for and concern for the peasantry could, in Mao’s opinion, benefit the future revolution. Mao wrote in detail and convincingly about the essence, components and merits of his strategy, which was based on the works of military leaders and masters of war of the past years, including the provisions of Confucianism and the treatise “Thirty-six stratagems”, and had a clear political goal. The main principle of the strategy Mao believed the maximum possible preservation of their forces and the destruction of enemy forces. Conclusions . The history of the Chinese revolution confirmed the correctness of the main strategic principles developed by Mao. Mao not only developed a brilliant hybrid strategy that combines the three strategies of Subversion, enemy depletion, and destruction into a single strategy of protracted people’s war, but also demonstrated how these strategies can be used in conjunction with the actions of the regular army. The combined efforts of the Communists to indoctrinate the masses far from politics led to civil-military cooperation. The people not only supported the liberation war under the leadership of the CCP, but were also prepared to further accept the ideas of the Communist ideology and the rules of the political game. The history of the revolutionary movement in the twentieth century showed the correctness of many of Mao Zedong’s strategic ideas, which were used in the theory and practice of the national liberation war in various parts of the world.

ABOUT SOME DIFFICULTIES IN THE RULE-OF-LAW STATE DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA

Under the conditions of the information war, the issues concerning the development of the rule-of-law state in the Russian Federation remain relevant. The fate of all Western liberal-democratic institutions ever implemented in Russia without taking into account its uniqueness is always the same: the copies are not only worse than the originals, but they are also the examples of «reversed sign». As a result, the political and legal institutions of modern Russia are strikingly close to the countries with a «managed democracy» but not to Western Europe democracy. The unresolved questions: who we are, where we are from, where we are going, don’t work towards the substitution of domestic state-legal institutions to the foreign ones. Contrariwise, many attributes of traditional political and legal culture are reappeared. This creates new obvious counterchecks for the establishment of a rule-of-law State.

МОРАЛЬНО-ЕТИЧНІ ОСНОВИ ФІЛОСОФСЬКИХ ПОГЛЯДІВ НА КОРУПЦІЮ У ПОЛІТИЧНІЙ ТРАДИЦІЇ КИТАЮ

The purpose of the article is to clarify the essence of moral and ethical views in Chinese philosophical thought on the corruption emergence, as well as the role of interpersonal relations in it; review the cultural background of corruption; consider the corruption of modern China from the point of view of Confucian traditional political culture. The study applies a complex of methods – analysis, synthesis, logical, historical-comparative, cultural, system-structural – to examine the state of the scientific coverage of the topic, the origin of corruption and its sacred factors with sociocultural factors. Based on the political and cultural origin of corruption’s clarification as a phenomenon and understanding of the modern China corruption from the point of view of Confucian traditional political culture, the author draws conclusions that the emergence of corruption is associated with specific sociocultural factors and causes that originate in interpersonal relations. Cultural genes deeply rooted in the political economy are called the primary source of corruption. At the same time, it is noted that the renewal of ideas in society is slow and does not have clear prospects for implementation; the formation of an environment of the rule of law requires a long process; overcoming corruption is an urgent task both in public life, and in the sphere of culture and science.

สถาบันจารีตกับการเปลี่ยนผ่านสู่รัฐเอกราชของบอตสวานา ค.ศ.1966 (Tradition Institutions and Transition to the Independent State of Botswana, 1966)

Thai Abstract: ชาวสวานาปกครองบอตสวานามายาวนาน โดยใชจารตทางการปกครองผาน 2 สถาบนหลกคอ หวหนาเผา และทประชมเผา ตอมา แมวาบอตสวานาจะกลายเปนรฐในอารกขาขององกฤษ แตชาวสวานายงสามารถรกษาวฒนธรรมทางการเมองดง เดมไวได จนกระทง มการรางรฐธรรมนญเพอเตรยมความพรอมสการเปนเอกราชในป 1966 จงมการลดอานาจและบทบาทของสถาบนแบบจารตลงเพอใหสอดคลองกบรปแบบรฐสมยใหม อยางไรกตาม สถาบนจารตยงคงมบทบาทในสงคมบอตสวานาในลกษณะทเปลยนแปลงไปจากอดต English Abstract: The Tswana people ruled Botswana for a long time. By using official rule through 2 main institutions: the chief and the meeting. Later, although Botswana would become a British protectorate, Tswana still managed to maintain the traditional political culture until the constitution was drafted to prepare for independence in 1966, thus reducing power and role of a traditional institution to be in line with the modern state style. However, traditional institutions still have a role in the Botswana society in a manner that has changed.

Confucian values and Chinese geopolitical discourse on terrorism: China’s reappraisal of international security politics

ABSTRACTThis paper studies articles about terrorism in the representative Chinese newspaper People’s Daily in order to analyze how traditional Chinese political culture, in particular Confucianism, permeates contemporary Chinese geopolitical discourse. Specific attention is paid to articles on terrorism and the U.S. “war on terror.” The author argues that, instead of interpreting terrorist actions and U.S. counter-terrorism politics as binary opposites, using a lens of a Confucianism-style morality, the Chinese newspaper observes connections between them. The author considers how these discourses affect China’s perception of itself in the realm of international security politics. The representative Chinese newspaper articles on terrorism, in addition to China’s repositioning on the global stage, reveal a geopolitical fault-line with strong moral undertones. The paper sheds light on the historic and often implicit political impact of Confucianism within present day Chinese geopolitical discourse and practice.