Torn Clothes Research Articles

Advanced Waste Seclusion and Chucking System Using Deep Learning Techniques

Any material that is undesirable or unusable is considered waste. Waste can be in any form (Liquid, solid or gas) but generally, waste is a solid form. There are various types of waste like paper, displeasing food, torn clothes, dried plants, kitchen waste, etc., Skin disease, diarrhea, tuberculosis, whooping cough, pneumonia etc.., are some other common diseases spread due to immoral waste management. Separating waste allows us to salvage more items, preventing their scraping in landfills. By reducing landfills disposal Segregating waste is important not only to reduce its impact on the environment but also to prevent health issues that can arise from the disposal of waste and toxins. Although the problem of waste segregation is a big challenge, there are several methods for automatic segregation, which eliminates the need for human hands. The proposed system utilizes Faster R-CNN algorithms to segregate waste into bio-degradable and non-biodegradable categories which, effectively eliminating the need for human involvement in the segregation process. This method employs artificial intelligence techniques to achieve waste segregation.

The Smile of Misery

I looked at my favorite chocolate and offered it. Lifetime hardwork was swallowed by usurpers, seeds have volatile prices, meat is out of question. Lebanese are jobless, but Syrians are subsidised. Water is scarce,and some go to the spring to fill reservoirs if fule there is, and schools need fresh money. Yet, few worry about finding "foi gras", but others sleep early to avoid dinner. Winter freezes us. Torn clothes and worn shoes are burned for warmth. When hunger creeps, luxury becones meaningless.

‘Unshrunk Cloth and New Wineskins: Origins in the Experience of Jesus’

The brief parables about the new and old cloth and new and old wine figure among the first parables found in Mark’s Gospel (2:21–22). Here Jesus did not adopt language and imagery that others had used before him. He drew on his own experience of life in ancient Galilee—specifically methods for mending torn clothes and storing new wine—to encourage an appropriate reaction to something radically new, the coming of the divine kingdom in and through his own person and activity.

Rape: Holistic View.

Forcible sexual intercourse is rape. It is not necessary that the semen should be discharged into the vagina, but full penetration is required (partial penetration cannot be ascertained). Sexual intercourse with consent of both partners is not rape, even if it is consequent to a promise of marriage or other misconceptions. The present law on rape is wide based. It includes rape, attempt to rape, seduction, and sexual harassment. All are not equally guilty. Therefore, dealing each with the same stick often results in confusion, dilution of punishment for rape, and exaggerating the guilt of minor offenses like sexual harassment. Also, the severity of guilt in rape differs and requires grading. Grade I Rape When the female resists sexual intercourse by “tooth and nail,” indicated by evidence like the following, it is grade I rape. Real incidence of grade I rape is very low because forcible sexual intercourse cannot be performed with unwilling female (subject to exceptions). 1. Teeth marks, nail marks, or other injuries on the aggressor or blood/tissue under the nails (or in the mouth) and/or injuries on the body of the victim 2. Torn clothes, broken articles, disorderly scene, etc., at the location of crime 3. Attempts to seek help by shouting, telephoning, etc., or attempt to escape Grade II Rape When the female does not give consent but allows sexual intercourse (feeble or no resistance) due to perception that it is futile to resist or due to threat of severe body injury to self/dear relative or threat of exposure, etc., it is considered grade II rape. It requires critical evaluation of evidence to establish this crime. Consent can only be oral, and therefore, female’s consent denial may itself be forced. Also, there may be dispute regarding the age of the victim vis-a-vis provision for age of consent for sex. Grade III Rape When the female is induced to take alcohol, say at a party, and under its influence she succumbs to sexual advances, it should be considered grade III rape. However, if she herself voluntarily imbibes alcohol and ultimately has sexual intercourse, it is not rape. Instead of alcohol, it may be a drug having similar effect of losing volitional control; the same provisions apply. In case the female is administered a drug of similar nature (in a drink or food) without her knowledge and then succumbs to sexual intercourse, it is also grade III rape. Attempt to rape and sexual harassment should be delinked from rape. They should be appropriately dealt with in separate sections. The open behaviour under Western influence, imbibed by us, should not be ignored while dealing with sexual harassment.

A Hierarchy of Violence?: Sex Slaves, Parthenoi , and Rape in Menander’s Epitrepontes

Scholarship on prostitution in ancient Greece, specifically classical Athens, commonly ignores the violence surrounding sexual labor. Whereas violence is central to discussions of prostitution in the modern context, the focus on the ancient hetaira as a courtesan has obscured the reality of Greek prostitutes, many of whom were slaves and vulnerable to abuse. (1) It is not just the obvious fact that prostitution could at times be violent--women, girls, and household slaves in general were at risk for sexual violence more broadly (as comic plots attest and as ancient warfare demonstrates (2))--but that such violence was constructed differently for sex laborers than other social groups: the prostitute body is deemed an accessible body and that accessibility normalizes sexual violence against it and creates a double standard of violence. (3) It is this construction of violence that I begin to explore here by comparing two narratives of sexual assault as recounted by the sex slave Habrotonon in Menander's Epitrepontes. In comparing the two narratives, I place special emphasis on the narrative voice (a shift from third person to first person), the intended context for the narrative (a private conversation between slaves versus a conversation at the symposium), and the identity of the (a citizen girl versus a sex slave). Also important is the fact that the narrator of both accounts is the same person, the sex slave Habrotonon. The plot of Menander's Epitrepontes (The Arbitrators) is typical of New Comedy in that the plot hinges on the of a young citizen woman by an unknown and inebriated assailant at a night festival (in this case the Tauropolia). (4) The becomes pregnant from the rape. The rapist, discovered to be a wealthy young citizen, does the right thing by acknowledging his child and uniting with the mother. All ends happily. Specific to the plot of this play is the fact that when the action begins, the victim, Pamphile, is unknowingly married to her assailant. Charisius, her husband, has discovered the pregnancy, though not his role in it, and left the marriage to take up with a slave prostitute, Habrotonon. Habrotonon, in turn, discovers that the father of the child is Charisius. Hoping to acquire her freedom, she reveals the child to Charisius, who then happily reunites with his wife. As noted by Hunter Gardner (2013) and Sharon James (2014), the Epitrepontes is unique in that it presents details of a sexual assault and its effect on the victim. (5) Habrotonon recounts the as follows (486-90): [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Although being there with us, she [Pamphile] wandered off. Then suddenly she ran up alone crying and pulling out her hair [in grief]. Oh gods--she had totally ruined her light cloak, very beautiful and fine; for the whole thing was a tattered rag. Pamphile is described here as hysterical after the encounter, crying and pulling out her hair. The violence of the and its effect on the are further highlighted by her torn clothing. This vivid account leads Gardner and James to conclude that Menander and most likely Athenian society more broadly recognized a rape victim and acknowledged sexual violence as an embodied event (Gardner 2013, 134; James 2014, 33). Ancient Athenians, they argue, had a concept of sexual assault akin to our modern understanding of rape. In addition to the absence of descriptive accounts, discussions of in classical Athens are hindered by the lack of specific terminology referring to it. (6) There is no single term for 'sexual violence' in classical Greek: bia (force), (7) hubris (outrage), and moicheia (adultery) are the legal categories under which sexual offences might fall. (8) Bia and hubris, however, also refer to other forms of violence and other types of crimes. In addition, victims are never noted as 'victims of hubris,' only the kurios (guardian) is. …

The Pattern of Lightning Injuries in Telangana District

Lightning strikes killed many people throughout world, especially in tropical countries, yet their effects are capricious, unpredictable in rainy season, that they demand recognition of by a medico legal expert. The death to no signs to be expected in connection with bizarre presentations of victims, torn clothing further arouse suspicions of foul play and sometime person at a considerable distance from the spot lightning, is killed with no marks of injury due to 'return shock'. Thirty Eight victims of lightning fatalities were identified from emergency dept. of MGH, Dept. of Forensic Medicine, for a period of 3 years Males are the most common victims when working in the open field afternoon with peak incidence in June to September. Lightening victims found different types of burns over body which are unique arborescent burns injuries, linear and surface burns injuries with singed hairs, torn clothes. Magnetization of the metal worn noted. Study of pattern of injuries due to lightning reveals occupation, factors are indirectly related to such deaths. High incidence of lightning strikes in the region and calls for a more systemic and detailed investigative protocol in lightning related deaths. Rapid death occurs due to anoxia, respiratory paralysis and preventable by precautionary measures. Language: en

Pediatric Care in Disasters

* Abbreviations: NGO — : non-governmental organization > Natural and man-made disasters bring harm to children throughout the world on a regular yet unpredictable basis. Dr Rothstein describes the nature of such disasters and how we can prepare to meet the challenges of providing medical assistance. As pediatricians, we know children have unique vulnerabilities and will have more optimal outcomes when we are attentive to systematic approaches that recognize those needs. In recent years, there has been significant progress in our understanding of how to prepare to intervene on behalf of children. The American Academy of Pediatrics Disaster Preparedness Advisory Council has served to mobilize efforts related to pediatric preparedness planning and response. The Council has recommended that children’s issues be addressed early on in the development of disaster preparedness programs and activities, encouraging community planners to include pediatric experts in all levels of disaster planning and response. > > —Jay E. Berkelhamer, MD, FAAP > > Section Editor In an internally displaced persons camp in war-torn eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, hundreds of refugee children run around in torn clothes and mismatched flip-flops, their fragmented health care administered by multiple non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The Haiti earthquake of 2010 killed more than 220 000 people and displaced more than a million, nearly half of whom were children.1 Houston received hundreds of pediatric patients in the days after Hurricane Katrina, straining medical care providers and facilities alike. In Beijing, air quality is so dismal that pediatric rates of respiratory infections and inflammatory diseases are skyrocketing.2 In Chicago, scores of children are victims of street violence each year. These natural and man-made disasters are only a few examples from the past decade that have challenged health care professionals and systems alike. They share common themes and have individual nuances, representing typical and perhaps non-typical ideas of what a disaster is and how … Address correspondence to David H. Rothstein, Division of Pediatric Surgery, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, 225 E Chicago Ave, Box 63, Chicago, IL 60611. E-mail: drothstein{at}luriechildrens.org

Why cost must influence thought

“Sir, this patient has a case of cerebral palsy” said the resident after presenting the history and examination findings of a 12 year old boy, poorly built, and in ill kempt, dirty, and torn clothes. By the side of the patient stood his 30 year old father, equally frail, and dressed as poorly as the patient. “What's your line of management?” asked the consultant. The resident replied, “I would like routine blood investigations, renal and liver function tests, and an x ray of the chest and …

The hilsner case and ritual murder

On 1 April 1899, the day before Easter, the body of Anezka Hruzova or Agnes Hruza, a 19-year-old Christian seamstress who had disappeared on Ash Wednesday, was found in the Brezina Forest near Polna. This city was a German-speaking town of about 5,000 people including 212 Jews, in eastern Bohemia about 60 miles from Prague, and close to the Bohemian-Moravian border in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Hruza's throat appeared to have been cut and her head partially severed. A small pool of blood and some stained stones were found, as were torn clothes and a rope near the body. At once, the rumor spread among the general public, fostered by the anti-Semitic press, that the victim had been murdered by Jews, raising the age-old blood libel, the accusation that the Jews murdered Christians in order to obtain their blood for ritual purposes, the baking of unleavened bread, or Passover matzos. Articles in the press and in brochures repeated the occurrence and denunciation of ritual murder. Within a few days, the day after the girl was given a martyr's funeral, a 22-year-old Jew, Leopold Hilsner, was arrested. He was a weak-minded, lazy, unemployed shoemaker who lived with his mother and who often walked in the area where the body was found. One woman witness had told the legal committee, set up by the local authorities to investigate the crime and which paid for testimonies, that she had seen Hilsner and two other Jews at the scene of the crime on the day of the murder, March 29. When later confronted with Hilsner at his trial, she conceded she could not be certain he was the same man she saw. Two other people asserted they had seen Hilsner and the two other men running toward the murder scene on the afternoon of March 29 and then walking away from it. Hilsner was charged with Hruza's murder; his arrest and the charge triggered anti-Semitic riots and the destruction of property in the Jewish part of town. The original examination of the body stated that Hruza sustained a number of wounds to the blood covered head through the use of stones or sticks. Her skin was lacerated and she had suffered bruises on her arms. Her clothes were violently torn off and she had been dragged a distance into the hollow. A tremendous wound was found on her throat, which had been cut with great force by a long, sharp instrument. There was a strangulation mark found at the center of her neck. The throat wound was fatal, the strangulation mark dangerous. It suggested that a noose, part of which was found at the crime scene, had been thrown over the head of the vic-

Travestismo, transferencias, trueques e inversiones en las aventuras de Sierra Morena

In the Sierra Morena (Don Quixote I, 23–31) we see characters with torn clothes, half naked, or in the act of disguising themselves or exchanging pieces of clothing. We see the processes of social margination, disintegration of being, and the disassembling of gender constructions. By manipulating their clothing, characters explore aspects of their being that they had been forced to repress or keep hidden. Thanks to the transformative capacity of apparel, whose essential materiality preserves the memory of their positions in the community during this disruption, the characters can achieve illusory personal restitution and social integration.

The Perfume of Garbage: Modernity and the Archaeological

There is something profoundly archaeological about the experience of 9/11 and its aftermath. Less than a month after the attack a meeting of representatives of thirty-three museums, headed by the Smithsonian and New York’s City Museum, considered how they might document the event, asking what things should be collected and preserved for display and for posterity. A year later an exhibition opened at the Smithsonian; it continues its tour into 2004. “Bearing Witness to History” displays artifacts and associated stories, photographs and documents from the events of 9/11: a battered wallet, a melted computer screen from the Pentagon, torn clothing, a structural joint from the World Trade Center, a window washer’s squeegee handle, a stairwell sign, as well as artifacts associated with the aftermath (commemorative coins, artwork, patriotic ribbons, rescue equipment). Other exhibitions have run at the Museum of the City of New York and the New York State Museum in Albany. The project was explicitly one of documenting history in the making. Some of this was done with the notion of finding evidence. Actually, and more accurately, the museum curators and archaeologists sought material icons. Each of the artifacts displayed in the Smithsonian exhibition has a story attached, one that ties it to an individual or event that bears significance and pathos. And they certainly evoke. Their aura is very apparent. Each acts as a touchstone; not so much illuminating the topics of political and forensic interest, the exhibits are material correMichael Shanks, David Platt, and William L. Rathje are affiliated with the Stanford Archaeology Center. Shanks is Professor of Classics at Stanford University; Platt is a graduate student in Classics at Stanford University; Rathje is Consulting Professor at the Stanford Archaeology Center.

FOX 13 WHBQ-TV Memphis

Malaise is not a condition you connect with New York City. Xenophobic, sure. Outrageous, Yup. Dirty. Noisy. Rude. Pushy. Uh, huh. Independent, feisty and cocksure. You bet. But these qualities all embody energy in one form or another, and when we arrived in New York City, it was easy to see the energy had been sucked out of it. had driven all night--pulled by the graphic horror we had watched repeatedly on the newsroom monitors in Memphis, 1,099 miles and 18-plus hours behind us. entered New York from the north, crossing the upper span of the George Washington Bridge at 10:30 a.m. in sparse traffic. In fact the closer we came to the city, the more we had the road to ourselves. were the only vehicle to exit south on the Henry Hudson Parkway, which dumps into the West Side Highway. Roughly 20 miles farther south we would pass in front of the World Trade Center Towers, or what was left of them. I knew this route well. Ten years earlier I commuted to one of the network television stations from Connecticut on this stretch of road. I had never seen it like this. I realized that when you could actually take your eyes off the road, this was a beautiful highway--curving, dropping, snaking beside the sparkling Hudson River, shaded by tall trees, guarded by taller buildings. It's amazing what you can see when you're not jammed in on all sides by speeding cars or when you're not busy disdaining the drivers you cut off or cursing the ones who cut you off. You are never alone in New York, yet here we were alone and it was disorienting, to say the least. I found the urge to be there had diminished and been replaced by reluctance. For several moments I wanted to turn around and have no further experience of this place. I had been here before in February 1993. Standing a block from the World Trade Center 16-hours at a time for three days, in driving rain and bitter cold, I had been doing disaster updates from a portable satellite station. As we said back then, We came, we saw, we uplinked. From 2:30 p.m. until 4 a.m., I told stories about rescue efforts and the investigation, answered questions from people I could only hear in places I'd never been all over the United States and Canada. I can close my eyes right now and still see the grim firemen helping stunned civilians leave Tower One. Crying, bleeding, sooty-faced civilians in torn clothes had clung to a fireman whose calm patience and reassurance hardly seemed to penetrate their jerky, disoriented movements. That was bad enough. This was going to be much worse. In midtown Manhattan, some stores were open but nobody was shopping. The sidewalks were empty of pedestrians in a city where walking is both a pasttime and a necessity. There were no cars or buses or delivery trucks, no bicycle couriers, roller bladers, skateboarders or those puttering scooters which sound like wasps weaving in and out of traffic. Nobody was sitting on the stoop. saw few cabs, no bustle of street corner commerce, the Senegalese watch salesmen, the hot dog vendors, the peddlers who spread their knockoff designer scarves on blankets so they can gather them up and run when a beat cop approaches because they don't have permits. were in New York for seven days. …

Situational Stratification: A Micro-Macro Theory of Inequality

Are received sociological theories capable of grasping the realities of contemporary stratification? We think in terms of a structured hierarchy of inequality. A prominent imagery is Bourdieu's (1984) field of economic power and a hierarchy of cultural tastes internalized in individuals, with these two hierarchies mutually reproducing one another; the image helps explain the frustrations of reformers attacking inequality by attempting to change educational attainment. Empirical researchers report on inequalities in income and wealth, education and occupation, as changing slices of a pie, and as distributional shares for races, ethnicities, genders and ages. We see an abstract scaffolding of hierarchy manifested in a shell of objective-looking quantitative data. Does this image of fixed, objective hierarchy come to grips with the realities of lived experience? The distribution of income and wealth has become increasingly unequal since 1970 (Morris and Western 1999). Yet observe a typical scene in an expensive restaurant, where the wealthy go to spend their money: Waiters greet customers informally, introducing themselves by name and assuming the manners of an equal inviting a guest into their home; they interrupt the customers to announce menu specials and advise what they should order; as Goffmanian ritual, it is the waiters who command attention for their performance while the customers are constrained to act as polite audience. Other examples: Celebrities of the entertainment world appear on ceremonial occasions in deliberately attire, unshaven, or in torn clothes; far from a demeanor giving ritual honor to the occasion, they adopt a style that a previous generation would have associated with laborers or beggars; this style, widely adopted among youth and others when occasions allow (e.g., casual Fridays at work), constitutes a historically unprecedented form of anti-status or reverse snobbery. High-ranking government officials, corporation executives, and entertainment celebrities are targets of public scandals involving their sexual lives, employment of housekeepers, use of intoxicants, and efforts at privacy; social eminence, far from providing immunity for petty derelictions, opens up the high-ranking to attacks by lower-ranking functionaries. A muscular black youth, wearing baggy pants and hat turned backwards and carrying a boom box loudly playing angry-voiced rap music, dominates the sidewalk space of a public shopping area while middle-class whites palpably shrink back in deference. In public meetings, when women and ethnic minorities take the role of spokespersons and denounce social discrimination against their group, white men of the higher social classes sit in embarrassed silence or join in a chorus of support; in public opinion-expressing and policy-making settings, it is the voice of the underdog that carries moral authority. How are we to conceptualize these kinds of events? The examples given are microevidence; my contention is that they characterize the flow of everyday life in sharp contrast to the ideal type of a macrohierarchy. The hierarchic image dominates our theories, as well as our folk concepts for talking about stratification; indeed, the rhetorical tactic of taking the morally superior stance of the underdog depends upon asserting the existence of a macrohierarchy while tacitly assuming underdog dominance in the immediate speech situation. Conflicts over the issue of so-called political correctness, which might be called authoritative imposition of special consideration for the underdog, hinge upon this unrecognized disjunction between micro and macro. In social science, we generally accord

Talking "Turk": On Narrative Strategies and Cultural Stereotypes

Before we read even a word of text, our image of and relationship to the are subtly guided by title and book cover. Max von der Grtin's Leben im gelobten Land: Gastarbeiterportrdts [Life in the Promised Land: Guest Worker Portraits] (1975) displays a photograph of a Turkish man sitting on a suitcase, holding a cigarette in his fingers and a jug in his hands. The man looks to be in his forties; he is dressed simply, in a white shirt and dark pants; he is thin, and his face is deeply lined; his thick curly hair, dark brows, deep-set eyes, and moustache offer the typical portrait of a Turk. Two other Turkish men behind him stand or sit next to their own pieces of luggage. In the background is what might be the entrance to a modern subway station, in brick, chrome, and neon the promised land. Three dark, moustached men, with suitcases and without families, and clearly out of place. All are looking at the camera. Their expressions suggest that we have caught them by surprise; they do not know what we want, or what the picture is for. Ali stares again into the camera ten years later on the now famous cover of Giinter Wallraffs Ganz [At the Bottom] (1985). In torn clothing and a construction hat from Thyssen, the figure of the Turk presents his familiar face the hair, the eyes, that moustache. Over his shoulder in the not-too-distant background the fumes from an industrial smokestack form a huge cloud that hangs in the air. This time the gaze into the camera lens, at us, is posed, deliberate, accusatory we are confronted and challenged, perhaps threatened, by the stark image of life ganz unten in the Federal Republic. We no longer stand safely behind a candid camera, but are directly and actively confronted

Forensic Science Aspects of Fatal Sexual Assaults on Women

The case files of 41 female victims of proven fatal sexual assault were reviewed. They averaged 42 years of age, but a bimodal age distribution was evident. Younger victims (averaging 31 years of age) were most often found in canals, fields, or vacant lots, whereas older women (averaging 51 years of age) were found most often in their residences. Death usually resulted from mechanical asphyxiation, and the use of firearms was infrequent. Various instruments used to harm, restrain, or kill the victim were most often obtained at the scene of death and reflected the emotionality and impulsivity of the incident. Alcohol was found in the blood of 40% of the victims and averaged 0.14%. Ligature bindings, torn clothing, varying degrees of disrobing, and bite marks were not infrequent. The average yearly incidence of fatal sexual assaults on females is calculated to be 0.14/100 000 population in Dade County, FL and has not changed appreciably since 1959. Thus, death resulting from sexual assault was found to be distinctly unusual. Black victims were represented more frequently than their racial distribution in this community. The scene and autopsy findings of the average female sexual assault victim form a characteristic profile that should direct further investigation on a particular case.

Editorial: Man's best friend.

At the risk of being labeled a<i>curmudgeon</i>, or worse, I propose that the number of dogs in the United States be drastically reduced, since a dog's bite is truly worse than his bark. It is estimated that at least 1 million persons in this country each year suffer from dog bites. Aside from the consequences in terms of deformity and disease, the financial ramifications are staggering: $1 million annually with another $12 million for lost income and torn clothing. To these figures must be added the considerable expense of litigation. The largest group of victims are children younger than 12. Some of them will bear the emotional, as well as physical, scars for many decades. A court award in dollars can never replace an intact skin and psyche. Our society, preoccupied by the rights of the individual, must also take into account the rights of others and assess realistically

Symbolic and Narrative Patterns in Pearl, Cleanness, Patience, and Gawain

SYMBOLIC AND NARRATIVE PATTERNS IN PEARL, CLEANNESS, PATIENCE, AND GAWAIN A. KENT HIEATT University of Western Ontario T h e growth in our comprehension of the four poems of m s Cotton Nero a . x has generally resulted from close study of one or another of them as an individual creation, or from recognition in one or another of them of features which are most completely intelligible as items in much more extensive bodies of medieval literary, iconographical, homiletic, or other traditions. Our pro­ gress has resulted, in other words, from examining each of these works as an individual phenomenon or as a constituent in much larger, generically or historically determined wholes. Yet there is clearly another fruitful way of proceeding, lying between these two, according to which the author's works are studied as an oeuvre, or a whole in themselves, for the light which they may shed on each other and on their creator. The four poems of this manuscript (leaving aside the question of St Erkenwald) have only rarely been systematically examined in this w ay.1 An examination of this kind may be conducted so as to demonstrate a number of significantly similar motifs, images, narrative patterns, and key words and concepts which increase our appreciation of the real concerns of Pearl and particularly of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. The simple moral polarity of Cleanness, for example, which is embodied in a symbolic opposition between, on the one side, filthy, worn, torn clothes and perishable objects and, on the other, clean, gay clothes and flawless beryls, pearls, and containers, is replaced by a more intricate pattern in Pearl, largely because of the contrast in that poem between the dreamer's and Christ's attitudes towards the physical and spiritual embodiments of these things; yet this new pattern remains in the same seman­ tic and symbolic area as the one in Patience. Similarly the "endless" pearl which plays so important a part in Pearl relates significantly to the equally important "endless" pentangle of Gawain. Correspondingly the seductive woodbine of Jonah's second, sly testing in Patience relates to the equally seductive green lace, or girdle, of Gawain's equally sly Second Test; and the narrative strategy of which unexpected second tests are a corollary is equally characteristic of the two poems. There is not as great a distance between the true preoccupations of any one of these poems and the others as has previously been supposed. It is useful to start by developing interpretations and common features for discussion within the framework of summaries of Cleanness and Patience. En g lish Stud ies in Ca n ad a, ii, 2, Summer 1976 126 English Studies in Canada Since the elements of both these works will be seen here mostly in relation to how they reappear in Pearl and Gawain, and not in terms of the poet's biblical and other sources, it has seemed advisable to compose these summaries from the standpoint of a creator who is visualizing the total narrative and symbolic material at his command, without much distinction between what his imagina­ tion has borrowed and what it seems to have independently generated. From the rather different point of view of a separate study of Patience, for example, it would be important to notice that Jonah's explanation to God of why he had not wanted in the first place to go to Nineveh is the same as in the biblical account, but that in the poem this explanation has been turned into a transparent rationalization by adding at an earlier point a specific version of Jonah's original, quite different motive. For present purposes, however, we are not as interested in how the poet has changed the story as we are in telling the story as such, in terms of its narrative and symbolic realia, as these must have been held in the mind of the creator of all four poems. Patience2 Of the eight beatitudes, the speaker is dowered with the first, which is Poverty, and would therefore be prudent to acquire the last, which is Patience. Whatever his lord commands - even a disagreeably long journey - might as well be undertaken...