Tolerance Of Dissent Research Articles

Inequality, Exclusion, and Tolerance for Political Dissent in Latin America

Although many countries meet electoral standards of democracy, often these regimes fail to promote social inclusion or meaningful representation. We argue that systems of exclusion have deleterious consequences for how people think about democracy, undermining tolerance for political dissent. Using cross-national public opinion data together with contextual measures of economic and political marginalization along ethnoracial lines, we evaluate the relationships between exclusion and political tolerance across Latin America. Over-time analysis in Bolivia further probes the mechanisms linking exclusion to intolerance. We find that tolerance of dissent is depressed where ethnoracial hierarchies are pronounced. We advance understanding of oft-unexplained society-level differences in political tolerance and emphasize the importance of the macro-structural context in shaping citizens’ commitments to basic democratic rights.

Milton in an Age of Stupidity

ABSTRACT John Milton had little patience with those whom he considered “stupid.” This article examines the various contexts in which Milton expressed contempt for political opponents or those he deemed as lacking common sense, good judgment, or intelligence. It suggests that we can learn as much from Milton's intolerance for uninformed opinions as we can from his much-discussed tolerance for dissent.

Prediksi Whistleblowing: Peran Etika, Faktor Organisasional Dan Faktor Kontekstual

This paper seeks to identify and discusses the factors that affect an organization’s internal whistleblowing intentions related to ethics. This paper integrates theindividual variable which are ethical judgment and the intensity of the moral; organizational variable that support the organizations; and situational variables, such as the status of wrongdoers, the possibility of retaliation, and tolerance of dissent;that is expressed in a group of theoretical propositions, which is used to develop a frame of thoughts in the study. This paper attempts to provide useful knowledges on how individuals form the intention of reporting and how ethical values can affect these intentions, thus, itwill be able to provide a contribution for a further understanding of the phenomena associated with an ethical whistleblowing.The purpose of this paper is to provide a general discussion about the decision-making process of internal whistleblowing along with an overview of the ethical element that is reflected in the psychological, situational and organizational characteristics. Through a theoretical model, based on the existing literature, it indicates that whistleblowing is a very complex phenomenon resulted from an interaction of situational, organizational and individualfactors. The complexity of the phenomenon depends not only on the various factors that affect whistleblowing, but also related to the attitudes toward the ethical judgment and moral intensity. Whistleblowing behavior is embedded in a social context, so it can vary according to the values, beliefs and certain social norms. Factors that may inhibit the whistleblowingbehavioris a violation of the personal relationship between employee and employer, aversion to conflict, and interpersonal relations. The passivity of the employees can weaken the relationship between whistleblowing attitudes andwhistleblowingintentions, therefore,it causes the observer to not disclose the information.Specifically, organizations must improve the legitimacy of an internal whistleblowing and take actions that can reduce the fear of retaliation, increase the perceived support and easily identify the actions and behaviors that must be reported. By expanding the knowledge of the phenomenon and discussing the aspects and its implications, hence, it may encourage any debates on the topic and encourage organizations to rethink their policies and strategies for whistleblowing decision making.
 Keywords: whistleblowing

Predictors of Children's Rights Attitudes and Psychological Well‐being Among Rural and Urban Mainland Chinese Adolescents

AbstractThis study examined rural and urban Chinese adolescents’ (13–19 years, N = 395) attitudes toward children's self‐determination and nurturance rights, and how these attitudes relate to various dimensions of socialization in their family and school environments, including perceptions of parental and teacher autonomy support and responsiveness and family and school democratic climate. Relations between these variables and psychological well‐being also were examined. Hierarchical regression analyses revealed that maternal responsiveness and teacher autonomy support predicted higher levels of endorsement of nurturance rights. Maternal autonomy support and tolerance of dissent at home predicted greater endorsement of self‐determination rights. Democratic climate in the home predicted higher life‐satisfaction and fewer depressive symptoms, even when parent and teacher autonomy support and responsiveness were controlled. Our findings suggest that environments that are structured more democratically and that are more responsive to children's autonomy needs are associated with higher levels of endorsement of children's rights and contribute to adolescents’ psychological health and well‐being in a non‐Western culture.

Classical Rabbinic Literature and the Making of Jewish Ethics

Classical Rabbinic Literature and the Making of Jewish Ethics

Islamization of Knowledge

The assumptions on which the Islamization of knowledge project was linked to the movement for restoration of Islam to a position of leadership and dominance in contemporary society may not have all been correct. Knowledge creation and beneficial use of new knowledge are two distinct though complementary processes. Each has its own requirement. Morality rooted in spirituality is decisive in ensuring that new knowledge is used beneficially. But creation of new knowledge requires freedoms of thought and discussion, encouragement of creativity and innovation, and toleration of dissent and diversity. It requires a mindset that can entertain ambiguity, one that does not hasten to discard potential spoilers of legacies long established as sacred ‒ requirements which the sponsors of the Islamization of knowledge project might have failed to give due weight. The project can be revived only by recognizing the primacy of expanding knowledge over the necessity of ensuring proper use of knowledge. It is in the nature of the first, expansion of knowledge (by creating new knowledge) that is universal. Differences of faith or moral vision, so important in the context of the second stage (putting knowledge to good use) need not stand in the way of cooperation and collaboration in the first stage. Have the sponsors of the Islamization project neglected this truth? What could be worse: have they abdicated the first step in their eagerness to do justice to the second? This paper concludes by inviting Islamization enthusiasts to join the rest of humanity in expanding knowledge, while simultaneously working for creating universal awareness of what makes use of knowledge beneficial and prevents the fatal error of allowing laissez-faire in the use of knowledge. I also argue that conceiving of knowledge as a tool for power and hegemony can be frustrating if not outright destructive. Last but not the least, we cannot know all that needs be known and, no less important, not everything is known with the same degree of certainty. Humility requires we recognize our limits. Ambiguity and a degree of uncertainty is built into the human situation. It cannot be wished away. Having adopted a humble stance, the way forward is to share the quest of knowledge and its proper use with all and everyone.

Islamization of Knowledge

The assumptions on which the Islamization of knowledge project was linked to the movement for restoration of Islam to a position of leadership and dominance in contemporary society may not have all been correct. Knowledge creation and beneficial use of new knowledge are two distinct though complementary processes. Each has its own requirement. Morality rooted in spirituality is decisive in ensuring that new knowledge is used beneficially. But creation of new knowledge requires freedoms of thought and discussion, encouragement of creativity and innovation, and toleration of dissent and diversity. It requires a mindset that can entertain ambiguity, one that does not hasten to discard potential spoilers of legacies long established as sacred ‒ requirements which the sponsors of the Islamization of knowledge project might have failed to give due weight. The project can be revived only by recognizing the primacy of expanding knowledge over the necessity of ensuring proper use of knowledge. It is in the nature of the first, expansion of knowledge (by creating new knowledge) that is universal. Differences of faith or moral vision, so important in the context of the second stage (putting knowledge to good use) need not stand in the way of cooperation and collaboration in the first stage. Have the sponsors of the Islamization project neglected this truth? What could be worse: have they abdicated the first step in their eagerness to do justice to the second? This paper concludes by inviting Islamization enthusiasts to join the rest of humanity in expanding knowledge, while simultaneously working for creating universal awareness of what makes use of knowledge beneficial and prevents the fatal error of allowing laissez-faire in the use of knowledge. I also argue that conceiving of knowledge as a tool for power and hegemony can be frustrating if not outright destructive. Last but not the least, we cannot know all that needs be known and, no less important, not everything is known with the same degree of certainty. Humility requires we recognize our limits. Ambiguity and a degree of uncertainty is built into the human situation. It cannot be wished away. Having adopted a humble stance, the way forward is to share the quest of knowledge and its proper use with all and everyone.

Militarism and sociopolitical perspectives among college students in the U.S. and South Korea.

Students in a U.S. university (n = 187) and a South Korean university (n = 201) responded to a sociopolitical questionnaire that included measures of militarism, nationalism, internationalism, patriotism, respect for civil liberties, and tolerance of dissent. Most correlations between militarism and the comparison sociopolitical variables proved significant in both samples but tended to be stronger in the U.S. sample. Militarism correlated positively with nationalism and patriotism but negatively with internationalism, respect for civil liberties, and tolerance of dissent. The strongest relationships were between militarism and both respect for civil liberties and tolerance of dissent. In the U.S. sample, relationships between militarism and the sociopolitical variables were stronger for males than females.

Group‐directed criticism in Indonesia: Role of message source and audience

Research in individualist cultures has shown that group members are more likely to agree with criticisms of their group when the criticisms are made by another ingroup member as opposed to an outgroup member (the intergroup sensitivity effect). However, evaluations of ingroup critics are often harsher when they take their comments to an outgroup audience. In light of research on facework and tolerance for dissent, it seems important to test whether these effects are generalizable to a collectivist culture. Indonesian Muslims (N = 191) received a criticism of their religion stemming either from another Muslim or a Christian, and published in either a Muslim or a Christian newspaper. Participants agreed with the comments more when they were made by an ingroup as opposed to an outgroup member. Furthermore, consistent with previous research in Australia, the effects of audience on agreement were moderated by levels of group identification. Results are discussed in relation to theory about the functional role internal critics can play in group life.

Elites, Masses, and Media Blacklists: The Dixie Chicks Controversy

Several studies have shown the influence of ownership on media content in routine contexts, but none has quantitatively tested it in the context of a crisis. Recently the country musicians the Dixie Chicks were blacklisted from the radio for criticizing the president in wartime. I use this event to test the role of media ownership in a crisis. Through analyzing airplay from a national sample of radio stations, this paper finds that contrary to prominent allegations grounded in the political economy tradition of media sociology, this backlash did not come from owners of large chains. Rather, I find that opposition to the Dixie Chicks represents grassroots conservative sentiment, which may be exacerbated by the ideological connotations of country music or tempered by tolerance for dissent.

Aberdeen's Churches in the late Eighteenth Century

From reports given in the Old Statistical Account, the Rev. H.G. Graham, the historian of social life in eighteenth century Scotland, concluded that the churches in the first half of the century, and in many cases at the end of the century, were 'a disgrace to art' and 'a scandal to religion', being dark, damp, frequently ruinous and generally comfortless. As the century advanced, upgrading and rebuilding began. In Aberdeen, the end of the eighteenth century was a time of accelerating change. 2 The population was increasing and the town was expanding beyond the limits of the compact medieval burgh which had stood with little alteration since the twelfth century. Its old boundaries were determined by the Denburn on the west, the Shiprow and the harbour on the south, the Castlehill (along the line of East and West North Street) to the east and the Gallowgate and the Vennel (St Paul Street) to the north (see map). 3 Interestingly, the expansion of the town's economy and infrastructure coincided with the proliferation of its churches. However this was not primarily a consequence of population growth. Neither was it a reflection of a revival of religion. Rather it was a consequence of divergence and division within the church. The toleration of dissent, a movement which had been gathering momentum from the beginning of the eighteenth century and which culminated in the repeal of the penal laws in 1793, was paralleled by the fragmentation of the church. Novel sects appeared on the scene and within the presbyterian church itself there was a marked and growing tendency to faction and fission, a drift to party and schism. Frequently, disputed settlements gave rise to dichotomous congregations and every new group asserted its independent status by erecting its own meeting-house. Consequently the closing decade of the century was remarkable for its church building activity. In 1800, nineteen separate centres of worship, several of them of recent origin, catered for the religious proclivities of the town's inhabitants. To list them is to compile a directory of the segmented parts of the Christian church in Scotland as it splintered its way into the nineteenth century. Aberdeen was the last of the major towns in Scotland to have had its collegiate church disjoined and until that occurred in 1828, there had been but one parish, the Parish of St Nicholas. Adjoining it to the north and west was the Parish of Old Machar, the parish church there being St Machar's, Old Aberdeen. Within the civil parishes of St Nicholas and Old Machar, there were several separate charges, all, with one exception, being in the Parish of St Nicholas. The exception was Gilcomston, which being to the west of the Denburn, was in the territory of Old Machar. In Aberdeen itself, the oldest churches were West St Nicholas, the 'mither kirk', (rebuilt 1755); East St Nicholas (later rebuilt in 1835 and again in 1874); Greyfriars Church, a pre-Reformation building with unique historical associations which, from 1532 to 1903, stood on Longacre near the present entrance to Marischal College; 4 and St

Revolt in Prerevolutionary France: The Prince de Conti's Conspiracy against Louis XV, 1755-1757 by John D. Woodbridge

254 BOOK REVIEWS intention to provide a richer and more detailed guide to the feelings of early modern English people about the afterlife, he merely reproduces the rarified thought world already admirably presented byWalker. Susan Rosa University ofChicago Revolt in Prerevolutionary France: The Prince de Conti's Conspiracy against Louis XV, 1755-1757. ByJohn D. Woodbridge. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995. Pp. xx, 242. $39-95.) A conspiracy by the Prince de Conti offers fertile ground for historical imagination , involving a charismatic personality, tantalizing links to centers of great power, and profound social forces. Since, by definition, conspiracy cloaks itself in secrecy, the historian needs more than the usual caution. In this felicitous study the author strives for a just balance between literary drama and scientific rigor. The Prince de Conti was Louis XV's cousin and for several years one of his most trusted confidants, especially in foreign affairs. In the 1750's the two men had a falling out, the prince resenting Madame de Pompadour's influence over the king which threatened to overshadow his own. He also approved the Parlement of Paris asserting the rights of the princes and peers as well as its own constitutional prerogatives against the despotism of the king's ministers. Failing to bring the king to his own mind, Conti retired from the court. What he did next is shrouded in murk, penetrated chiefly by a couple of spies working for Pompadour and the police. The spies claimed Conti was trying to organize a plot to ascend the throne in the place of Louis XV with the blessing of Jansenists and other opponents of absolute royal power, as well as armed support from Huguenot insurgents and English soldiers on the western coast of the country. The alleged plot also may have involved Joseph Damiens' failed attempt to assassinate the king. From this materialWoodbridge teases an intriguing argument for Conti's conspiracy . It is only as strong, however, as its weakest link: the credibility of the spies' reports. In the tense atmosphere ofthe SevenYears'War, the government found them plausible enough to keep the spies at their task. On the other hand, the prince's "conspiracy" might have been merely an eccentric fishing expedition for opportunities to assuage his rancor and satisfy his ambition rather than a serious threat to Louis XV's authority. The author convincingly places the prince's machinations in the large picture of divine-right monarchy's decline in eighteenth-century France, in particular , the erosion of its sacramental foundation. He duly acknowledges the contribution of the philosophes' general undermining of belief in the mystery of religion. He emphasizes, however, the significance of the mid-century con- BOOK REVIEWS 255 flict that raged in Paris over the Roman Catholic Church's denial of the Eucharist and Extreme Unction to Jansenists. Urged on by Conti's advisor, Adrien Le Paige, and other Jansenist jurists, the religious issue meshed with the Parlement of Paris' constitutional challenge to Louis XV, and toleration of dissent within the Church advanced a step. As the sacraments ceased symbolizing the unity of France in faith, law, and king, there was less reason to exclude loyal Huguenots from citizenship. A coalition of enlightened royal ministers, Jansenists, and Huguenots brought about the royal edict oftoleration of 1787. With the Revolution came a new definition of citizenship free from sacramental association. The book's impeccable scholarly apparatus includes an up-to-date bibliography and careful endnotes. Charles H. O'Brien Williamstown, Massachusetts Cardinal Giuseppe Garampi (1725-1792): An Enlightened Ultramontane. By Dries Vanysacker. [Institut Historique Belge de Rome, Bibliothèque, XXXIII.] (Brussels and Rome: Institut Historique Belge de Rome. Distributed by Brepols Publishers,Turnhout, Belgium. 1995. Pp. 336.) The true flavor ofcurial policy is often best gleaned through the biography of influential prelates. This work by DriesVanysacker is a good example of this approach . While there has been no shortage of works and articles on the Riminiborn Garampi, the author claims that "we are still lacking an adequate full-length portrait of this figure." Therefore he set out on a five-year research project, which took him from archives in Copenhagen through Utrecht, Mechelen , Verona, Pesaro, Rimini...

Trends in Political Tolerance

Some researchers find a substantial increase in political tolerance since the 1950s, while others find the increase to be illusory -the public is more tolerant now of leftists, but has simply found other targets on which to vent its intolerance. Reanalysis and the addition of more extensive trend data from 1940 to 1985 suggest that the shift does seem primarily to reflect increased tolerance of leftists, but that the public has not found other groups to be intolerant of. Measured tolerance has fluctuated greatly over the period, reflecting mainly changes in perceptions of threat from putatively subversive groups, especially domestic Communists. Also, the public's grasp of, and selfinterested concern about, civil liberties seems so minimal that one might argue not that the public is substantially tolerant or intolerant, but that it has no really tangibly measurable attitude on the subject one way or the other. Several recent studies have dealt with the American public's tolerance for dissent and nonconformity. Part of the discussion has revolved around the issue of changes in the level of tolerance-specifically, whether there has been an increase it; this quality since the 1950s. The benchmark for these studies has been Samuel A. Stouffer's classic study of civil liberties, published in 1955. Stouffer's survey posed an array of questions about Communists, Socialists, and atheists and sought to assess the public's willingness to allow such people to speak and to hold various kinds of jobs. Twenty years later, comparative data became available. In 1973, Stouffer's 1954 survey was substantially replicated, and, beginning in 1972, several of his central questions have been included on the General Social Survey of the National OpinJOHN MUELLER iS Professor of Political Science at the University of Rochester. The author would like to thank J. Allen Williams, Tom Smith, and Howard Schuman for supplying some of the data used in this paper, Karl Mueller for research assistance, and George E. Marcus and John Zaller for comments on an earlier draft. Public Opinion Quarterly Volume 52:1-25 ? 1988 by the American Association for Public Opinion Research Published by The University of Chicago Press / 0033-362X/88/0052-01/$2.50 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.27 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 05:15:06 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Growing Tolerance for Dissent: How and How Far

Growing Tolerance for Dissent: How and How Far

Debates in the House of Lords on ‘The Church in Danger’, 1705, and on Dr Sacheverell's Impeachment, 1710

The reign of Queen Anne saw the last major flowering of the traditional tory political values and ideals of passive obedience to the monarchy, non-resistance and divine right. These values and ideals had been severely compromised at the Revolution of i688 which had driven James II from his kingdom and had placed his daughter and son-in-law, Mary II and William III, on his throne, excluding his son, the Old Pretender, with the conscience-salving fiction of his being suppositious. But the Tories after the Revolution were jealously determined to prevent any further erosion of the privileges which were still left to the Church of England after the settlement of I 689 had recognized the legal basis of toleration of dissenters. The death of James II in I702, and the accession of a lifelong Anglican, his daughter, Queen Anne, made possible a revival of Tory sentiment. Tory fears of the Whigs' policy of toleration of dissent and of hostility to the established Church were intense. Though the Tory archbishop of York, John Sharp, believed that the Whigs did not mean any harm to the Church,1 his views were not in accord with those of the majority of high churchmen of his day. The cry of the 'Church in danger' was to prove a useful political rallying-call to the Tories when they found themselves faced with the threat of the Whigs seizing control of the government, as in late I 705, or when the Whigs were firmly in control, as in early I7I0. Queen Anne, sharing Tory principles, appointed at her accession a cabinet with a definite Tory bias under her two 'managers' Godolphin and Marlborough. Gradually, as both the queen and her managers became disillusioned with the immoderate support of such figures as Lord Rochester, the queen's uncle, the leading Tories left or were forced out of the cabinet. The early years of Anne's reign saw a decline in the Tories' influence and power, and with this decline their fears grew as to what would happen to their Church when the Whigs gained power. There seemed to be plenty of straws in the wind. There had been the defeat of three attempts by the Tories to introduce a law to end the practice of occasional conformity, whereby dissenters gained access to mlunicipal and national government, barred to them by the test and corporation acts, by attending Anglican communion at least once a year which enabled them to qualify for office.2

Press and Community Toleration: Wisconsin in World War I

As a whole, Wisconsin papers did little to quell rising mob spirit during 1918. But in eight counties, press tolerance of dissent correlated positively with citizen tolerance.