Threw Stones Research Articles

IDENTIFICATION OF FINGERPRINTS ON DIFFERENT KINDS OF STONES ON THE BASIS OF TIME

Fingerprints are one of the important type of evidence in crime investigation due to their permanency, uniqueness, and ease of enhancing. One possible method to identify the illegal demonstrators described above could be their fingerprints left on the thrown stones. However, there is insufficient research about recovering fingerprints on stones and their subsequent reliability. In this study, fingerprints left on 12 different kinds of stone surface were held for 1, 3, and 5 days respectively, afterwhich it was sought to determine whether or not suitable fingerprints could be recovered for comparison

“There are strengths that are vast”

“There are strengths that are vast”

Human Rights Activist Grégoire Ahongbonon Delivers Chester Pierce Award Lecture

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article Annual MeetingFull AccessHuman Rights Activist Grégoire Ahongbonon Delivers Chester Pierce Award LectureMark MoranMark MoranSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:28 Jun 2022https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2022.07.7.47AbstractTen 200-bed inpatient centers have been established across three countries, headed by registered nurses and staffed mostly by remitted patients who receive training from visiting and local psychiatrists. Nearly 50 Saint-Camille outpatient clinics provide follow-up care and medication and treat new patients from the surrounding villages.“We have to change the way we look at people who are fragile—because this is about humanity,” said Grégoire Ahongbonon, the founder of the Association Saint-Camille-de-Lellis (ASC), a comprehensive mental health care system in West Africa approved by the World Health Organization (WHO). Ahongbonon delivered the inaugural Chester M. Pierce Human Rights Award Lecture at APA’s Annual Meeting in New Orleans, titled “Person-Oriented Psychiatry: Changing the Way People With Mental Illness Are Viewed and Treated in West Africa and Around the World.”Ahongbonon, who was born in Benin, developed depression in his 20s after experiencing a bankruptcy. He recovered and decided to dedicate his life to those in distress. In 1983, he founded ASC, where he worked with poor patients with leprosy or AIDS, prisoners, and homeless children. In 1990, upon discovering the plight of African psychiatric patients, whose human rights were blatantly violated, ASC began to house them and treat them with dignity.Grégoire Ahongbonon holds up chains that were used to restrain a man rescued by the Association Saint-Camille-de-Lellis.Mark MoranAhongbonon enlisted the help of a psychiatrist in Bouake, Ivory Coast, where he had lived since 1971, and ASC began establishing its own mental health care facilities. Since then, Ahongbonon and ASC have created a comprehensive mental health system that offers affordable and adapted neuropsychiatric inpatient, outpatient, and rehabilitation care to individuals in Ivory Coast, Benin, and Togo. Nearly 130,000 patients have now benefited from ASC’s services.Speaking through an interpreter—Benoit Des Roches, M.D., an APA member in Montreal—Ahongbonon described in searing terms the suffering of individuals with mental illness. “In Africa, the mentally ill are considered possessed by the devil,” he said. “They are treated literally like trash—people throw stones at them, families are ashamed. Women in the street are raped.”His lecture also featured a haunting video showing naked men and women lying in the street; it included scenes of “prayer camps” where individuals with severe mental illness are chained to trees until a healer determines they can be freed. Ahongonon held up for the audience the chains used to restrain one man rescued by ASC.Ten 200-bed inpatient centers have been established across the three countries, headed by registered nurses and staffed mostly by remitted patients who receive training from visiting and local psychiatrists. Nearly 50 Saint-Camille outpatient clinics provide follow-up care and medication and treat new patients from the surrounding villages.Ahongbonon’s work has been recognized by numerous organizations. This year he was awarded the WHO’s Geneva Prize for Human Rights and was named an Aurora Humanitarian by the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative. In 2020 he received the Dr. Guislain Breaking the Chains of Stigma Award, a joint initiative of the Brothers of Charity and Janssen Research & Development. Inspired by her father’s work, Ahongbonon’s daughter became a psychiatrist.Des Roches said the St. Camille model of care fulfills WHO recommendations for extending care in underserved areas: It uses community workers, regardless of education level, to diagnose and treat priority patients under the supervision of skilled personnel. The skilled personnel are trained with manuals in the local language, avoiding scientific jargon. A limited number of affordable medications are used, and community workers have access to referral services for the most difficult patients.In presenting the Chester M. Pierce Human Rights Award, APA President Vivian Pender, M.D., called Ahongbonon an inspiration. “As the founder of the Association Saint-Camille-de-Lellis, Grégoire has helped transform the landscape of mental health care in West Africa. Through his dedicated leadership and guidance, over 130,000 individuals in Benin, Togo, and the Ivory Coast have benefitted from mental health services, including psychiatric care, many of whom would otherwise be turned away by society. His efforts bring dignity to a marginalized population and address the need for community mental health services worldwide.”Originally established in 1990 as the APA Human Rights Award, it was renamed in 2017 to honor Chester M. Pierce, M.D., an innovative researcher; an advocate against mental health disparities, stigma, and discrimination; and a visionary in global mental health. In 2021, funds were raised to support an award lecture by the APA Foundation’s Chester M. Pierce Human Rights Endowment Campaign. This year’s lecture was the first under the endowment. ■ResourcesInformation about the Association Sainte-Camille-de-LellisInformation about the Chester M. Pierce Human Rights Endowment Campaign ISSUES NewArchived

The limits of bodies: Gatherings and the problem of collective presence

AbstractModern social collectivities—such as nations, publics, and political movements—depend upon the capacity of media technologies to transcend bodily proximity. The contemporary proliferation of such remote sociality may seem to render physical gatherings superfluous. But at times, people go to great pains to manifest collectivities by assembling bodies in one place. This article explores what we should make of cases in which it is not enough for collectivities to be projected, abstracted, imagined, or invoked—times when bodies together are all that will do. Presenting research from India and Laos, and in dialogue with reflections on the COVID‐19 pandemic, we consider those cases in which bodies are thought to be essential for making collectivities. We show that it is the limits and weaknesses of bodies—that they require sleep and food, that they are vulnerable to police batons and thrown stones, that they can usually only be in one place at a time—that often make them potent materials for building mass actors. Sketching a comparative anthropology of gathering, we reflect on what these limits afford and rethink what bodies might mean for future modes of social connection.

LAPORAN KASUS POTENSI INTERAKSI OBAT DAN PENINGKATAN EFEK HIPOTENSI PADA PERAWATAN INTENSIVE PASIEN SKIZOFRENIA DENGAN HIPERTENSI

chizophrenia is a seriousand chronicmental disorder, that can reduce the quality of human life. In Indonesia, almost 70% of those treated in the psychiatry department weredue to schizophrenia. Prevalence The incidence of schizophrenia in men is greater than in women, the incidence in men is 1.4% greater than women. In this case, a 58-year-old male patient came to the hospital, the initial diagnosis was unspecified schizophrenia and Hypertension. The patient was restless when he entered the hospital, beat his wife, broke household appliances, and threw stones at a neighbor's house. Patient's vital signs upon admission to hospital Blood pressure 160/95 mmHg,37.7oCof temperature, pulse 99x/minute Breathing 17x/minute. The patient was treatedwith risperidone 1 mg, lorazepam 0.5 mg, candesartan 8 mg, and amlodipine 5 mg. From the results of monitoring drug therapy,potential drug interactions might beoccurred i.e drug interaction between lorazepam and risperidone, both of which can increase sedationeffect. The interaction between risperidone and trihexyphenidyl which might be enhance the anticholinergic effect. In addition, antipsychotics could potentially enhance the hypotensive effect of antihypertension and SGPT serum elevated. Close monitoring of psychosis symptoms and blood pressure should be done to ensure the efficacy and safety of medications.

Did India’s demonetization policy curb stone-pelting in Indian-administered Kashmir

ABSTRACT On 9 November 2016, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced his ‘demonetization’ policy which rendered all Rs. 500 and Rs. 1000 notes null and void. His government claimed that this policy, among other things, would curb stone-pelting in India’s restive Jammu and Kashmir by rendering valueless the copious illegal currency that, according to India, Pakistan pumped into the state to pay protestors to throw stones. Subsequently, New Delhi claimed success despite countervailing evidence for this claim. Here, we assemble a novel dataset to evaluate these assertions. After controlling for other factors that may explain variation in stone-pelting, we find that demonetization corresponded to increased stone-pelting. This finding is important for at least two reasons. First, Indian efforts to depict all protests in Jammu and Kashmir as the result of Pakistani payments both delegitimize Kashmiris’ grievances by reducing them to anti-state behaviors and diminish public appetite for addressing those grievances. Second, the current populist Indian government, which caters to Hindu nationalists, selectively curates facts to justify its actions, big and small, to the detriment of democratic accountability and governance.

“We don’t throw stones, we throw flowers”: race discourse and race evasiveness in the Norwegian university classroom

ABSTRACT How do university students and instructors engage in discussions about race and racism in a country where speaking about race is perceived as racist? In Norway, as in much of Europe, the concept of “race” is silenced, discarded as a wrong-headed remnant of Nazism, despite continued documentation of racial discrimination in labour, housing, education and interpersonal interaction. We used Membership Category Analysis to explore race-related interactions in classroom discourse in three university courses. We find that students and instructors implicitly equate Norwegianness with whiteness, peacefulness, and innocence, and characterize racism with deviance and non-Norwegianness. The national belonging of racialized “Others” in Norway is ambiguous: accepted, but not unproblematically. The category race is elided with the concepts of culture, ethnicity and biology. We propose discursive meta-awareness as an educational approach to countering race evasiveness (often described as “colourblindness”).

Outcome of Pediatric Traumatic Cataract in Upper Egypt: A Tertiary Center Study.

PurposeTo demonstrate the demographic features, causative agents, and outcome of pediatric traumatic cataract surgery in eyes without posterior segment involvement at Assiut University Hospital, Upper Egypt.Patients and MethodsThis is a retrospective study on children (aged <18 years old) who underwent traumatic cataract surgery from January to June 2019. Children with posterior segment injury and those who did not complete 6 months of postoperative follow-up were excluded. The demographic features, mechanism and time of eye injury, clinical features, surgical approach, and outcome were recorded and analyzed.ResultsThe study included 34 eyes of 34 children, 23 (68%) of them were boys. The mean age at the time of cataract surgery was 10±3.97 years. Twenty-one eyes sustained open globe injury (62%) with the most common cause of trauma was wooden sticks, while 13 eyes had closed globe injury (38%) with the most common cause of injury was thrown stones. The time interval between eye injury and cataract surgery ranged from 1 day to 9 years with a median of 2.05 months. Posterior chamber intraocular lenses were implanted in all eyes; in 33 eyes, the posterior chamber intraocular lenses were implanted primarily at the time of cataract extraction. Corrected distance visual acuity significantly improved from 2.63±0.66 LogMAR preoperatively, to 0.41±0.38 LogMAR postoperatively (p < 0.001).ConclusionPediatric traumatic cataract is commonly present in primary school age especially after open globe injury. Primary prevention through health awareness should target this age population. Useful vision can be regained with timely proper surgical intervention and posterior chamber intraocular lens implantation.Clinicaltrials.gov IdNCT04630509.

A surface topography analysis of the curling stone curl mechanism

The curling motion of the curling stone on ice is well-known: if a small clockwise rotational velocity is imposed to the stone when it is released, in addition to the linear propagation velocity, the stone will curl to the right. A similar curl to the left is obtained by counter-clockwise rotation. This effect is widely used in the game to reach spots behind the already thrown stones, and the rotation also causes the stone to propagate in a more predictable fashion. Here, we report on novel experimental results which support one of the proposed theories to account for the curling motion of the stone, known as the “scratch-guiding theory”. By directly scanning the ice surface with a white light interferometer before and after each slide, we observed cross-scratches caused by the leading and trailing parts of the circular contact band of the linearly moving and rotating stone. By analyzing these scratches and a typical curling stone trajectory, we show that during most of the slide, the transverse force responsible for the sideways displacement of the stone is linearly proportional to the angle between these cross-scratches.

Female bearded capuchin monkeys (Sapajus libidinosus) use objects to solicit the sexual partner.

Female wild bearded capuchins (Sapajus libidinosus) living at Serra da Capivara National Park (SCNP) that use stone and stick tools during foraging occasionally toss or throw stones at the male during courtship. We report similar behaviors in a different population that uses stones as tools in foraging. We video-recorded the sexual behavior of four females (27 days during nine proceptive periods) belonging to a group of wild capuchins living in Fazenda Boa Vista (FBV), 320 km from SCNP. Three females used stones or branches when they solicited the alpha male (79 episodes). The female that did not use objects was the sole female to solicit a subordinate male. The vast majority of episodes (95%) involved pushing or dropping branches, both loose and attached to the tree, toward the male. Females used objects only during the one-way courtship phase, before the male reciprocated the female's solicitations. In 93% of the episodes in which a female used objects, she performed affiliative behaviors immediately before or after using the objects. We conclude that throwing or pounding stones and pushing or dropping branches by females in SCNP and FBV in the sexual context have a clear affiliative meaning (to attract the male's attention). Given the tool-using status of both populations where these behaviors have been reported, it is important to determine whether they appear in populations that do not use tools, or are restricted to populations already primed to use objects in other contexts. (PsycINFO Database Record

The Mental Health Mission of Rep. Tim Murphy

The Mental Health Mission of Rep. Tim Murphy

Crane Story

Crane Story Jen Silverman (bio) i Once the river’s gone it’s all gone. The rice grew so quietly there and when the fog stirred the stones turned over and slept. I never thought I’d find you there. Your bones like crane bones. Nothing needed an answer —and the ghosts, undisturbed. ii You threw stones at the sky. You washed my dishes. You stood in the river, waist-deep your bones like crane bones. You fit your hips against mine. You measured the stalks in the fields. [End Page 94] You measured the rise of the floods. You loved me longer than the river and deeper than the rice. iii I woke to the rain and slept to the frogs. And the metal song of your knife fold-unfold, unfold and fold. Smoke on the river, smoke in the hills. A girl jumped off the mountain and we can see her ghost, you say, when it rains. Holding me holding me dishes unwashed your crane-cheek against my smooth one. And I cried when I had to leave you. I didn’t know I would. iv Shadow by the river now. Nightfall in the grass. And they say that you can hear her calling calling from the other side of the sky. Once it’s gone it’s all gone. They burned the rice every autumn— I still go there in my sleep. Your cheekbones under my blind touch and smoke rising into the sky. [End Page 95] Jen Silverman Jen Silverman is a playwright and poet with an mfa from the Iowa Playwright’s Workshop and a ba from Brown University. She was raised across the United States, western Europe, Scandinavia, and Asia. Her plays have been produced off-Broadway (Crane Story, 2011) and off-off Broadway (Phoebe in Winter, 2013); her play Still won the Yale Drama Series Award and will be published by Yale University Press. Silverman’s “Bath” poems 1, 4, and 5 won the Ploughshares Emerging Poet Award and were published by Ploughshares. Copyright © 2015 University of Nebraska Press

Three Poems

88 wlt may / august 2015 Isabella Sleeps with the Dogs Isabella asked where are the dogs she slept with dogs dreamt dogs in a raging storm, there were no dogs in our house or in any other but Isabella kept looking for the dogs. And no, this wasn’t our house but a room where house is possible where love is possible, but every time it rained we walked around the room and threw stones. Isabella sleeps with the dogs sowing a bone for roaming we walked just like her from house to house and when it rained we only found branches. Black dogs take their rest with Isabella, coiled on her woolen breasts, her nipped flesh, they know everything. I sat in the street and saw the two of us or maybe I only saw the escape I knocked with the branches knocked hard at each door, there was no house the storms came and went and blue sliced the sky. The Mountains of Spain I am writing what is impossible because there are people who talk about money during sex transferring through carnal channels money I’ll never receive and I hear someone say, we sold for millions I am listening to those blue metallic eyes Back at home, I’m thinking that nice frames cost 1,000 shekels and I’m thinking that on Wednesday at the employment office I’ll place my finger on a square and a red beam will scan its ridges and a machine will print out the words: move along there’s no work. And I’ll be happy. It can’t be that next to money my head is as pretty as a Russian princess who’s lost everything suddenly, in the dark, in one fell swoop and now drinks tea from a thermos and eats dried fruit and lies on her back half the day in her old ragged bathrobe reading English novels about English ladies with destiny in their favor. It can’t be true that I’ve only just discovered this innate, chronic refusal to think about money, to charge, to want to work for it. It’s a curse I inherited from my mother along with my penchant for aesthetic pleasures and that unholy union of wealth and beauty not to mention a fancy for coffee served in a coffee shop, and pastries and lace dresses. All of this is so impossible that it holds back thoughts of love and lust and my will to breathe the air after rain so much that I’ll lose myself in a book called Cocaine Nights and get mad when I read about people with money, so much money that they retire to the mountains of Spain and sunbathe in fancy villas at the age of thirty-eight. cover feature new hebrew writing Three Poems by Tahel Frosh worldliteraturetoday.org 89 How is it possible that instead of lounging in these Spanish mountains I am thinking about money in a studio in Tel Aviv and it’s raining and so what I won’t go looking for puddles and make fun of tourists on lousy vacations. No, it’s impossible to listen to that man talking about his millions and not want to die to really die on the cover of my English novel between chewed organic plums and a thermos of tea sitting half empty. photo : alon porat Accountant Dad, I think your job killed you, when I was little you’d leave the house every morning at an ungodly hour and I would lie in bed with my heart pounding wanting to kill everyone even myself because you had to get up so early and drive and drive, your eyes really hurt, you’d put on special glasses, the sun blinded you and at night you couldn’t see anything, and still you would drive like a faithful dog to that place, you were always loyal to your job, wherever it was: once it was Hassneh,1 where you managed an investment company that privatized and collapsed and your heart broke, after that you tried to be a free agent and you went to work at some Polish...

Stones and Oranges, Oranges and Stones

Stones and Oranges, Oranges and Stones Marilyn Krysl (bio) It will not be easy for you to refuse to kill. mairead corrigan maguire 1.Gaza women, flare of scarf Blare of hornsChildren barefoot Crowd of men, blue jackets Flash of blue shirt Boy, selling newspapersCalling out the headlines Sharon is in! Water of ditches Water of fecesWhere, the mother says, did you get these oranges? I picked them for you, he says, at Karni Crossing.I’m telling you, she says. Don’t go to Karni Crossing. I didn’t throw stones. I went there to pick oranges.I went there because we have nothing to eat. Quickly now, a street Helicopter rotorsChildren run inside The hurled canister We thought it was tear gas White smoke beneath the doorWe thought it was smoke Then this smoke turned black The taste in our mouths was the taste of sugarThe children went blind I could not see to help them [End Page 46] My body began to shake The children shaking, cryingI wanted to go mad to tear off my own skin The boy, head flailing bound to the hospital bedThe mother, exhausted on the floor below the bed The flailing boy fallen asleep, his stillnessAcross the room the dead boy, his stillness If we went out, the woman said, who would want us?If we went out, what country would take us? Did you see, the soldier said, who threw the bomb?He began to pick the dates and eat them I saw no one, I said I was in my houseHe ate more dates He stuffed dates in his pockets The bulldozers’ motors One by one they killed the treesOne by one the trees fell Tree after tree When they had passed not a single tree was standingThen they began to push down our houses What do they want from us? Don’t they have children?Don’t they have children? They kill children so easily now A street calm with shops A plate glass windowRachel and Naomi choosing lipsticks, a powder puff And the martyr girl Ayat al-AkhrasDoes she hear her own death? The blaster and the blasted: [End Page 47] On the sidewalk, a head At the curb, an armThe name of the martyr girl’s sister means peace We lay on our stomachs My friend saw a bit of copperIf I can reach it with this wire, he said, I’ll sell it He raised up to reach Soldiers shot him in the headWe carried him, running We could not run fast enough My friend and I we were each other’s shadowsWe were a knot that cannot be undone When my father learned I threw stones he sat me downIf you get shot, he said, who will support the family? If they shoot you in the back, he said, you will be paralyzedWho do you think will push you in your wheelchair?Now my father has no work We are sitting, just sittingWhen my father was a boy, he also threw stones 2.Another path is the path of the mothersitting at a table, writing to her son I would not give one hair of your head for any countryYou are more important than any country It will not be easy to refuse the old waysIt will take all your courage to walk unarmed Remember that the world is your countryRefuse to have enemies Befriend this world [End Page 48] The path of the mother leads to Kibbutz Mezerthe path between the olives and the kibbutz’s bananas In an office an official a desk, a map, a penThe ink of the pen draws a line behind the olives Dov Avital stands in the shade of the bananasNow see him cross from the bananas to the olives We are Kibbutz Mezer We do not want this lineWe do not want a wall We would not take your land The olive trees are yours Harvest your olivesIf land must die we offer our land There are...

New cautionary tales for children – and the rest of us

For people such as me and youWho pretty nearly all day longAre doing something rather wrong.Hilaire Belloc, Introduction to Cautionary Tales for Children (1907)Generations have enjoyed Belloc's verses, describing the fate of children foolish enough to chew string, throw stones or run into a lion's den. Our world sadly still contains many real perils for children and lessons for adults. In this themed issue, we note that road and other injuries are the leading cause of death globally in children after the first year of life. Many are preventable,1 so the term 'accident' is misleading and the debate about terminology in general is as damaging as the poor surveillance data. Similarly, focusing on 'high-risk behaviour' or particular groups, rather than on causes in the environment, can limit efforts at prevention. Attendances at accident and emergency departments are a source of information about childhood ailments, including injuries. A study of 6,667 attendances by children aged up to 16 years at London hospitals found no recorded diagnostic category in 20%, although they reduced this to 10% by examining the case notes.2 The authors suggest revision of the National Health Service (NHS) diagnostic category 'unclassifiable', and my experience of studying such data confirms that the entered code may resemble a game of Chinese whispers rather than clinical findings. Possibly the training of clinical writers is at fault, although not for want of reorganisation and commentaries on 'integrated care'. Perhaps more of those attendances to accident and emergency would be better classified if paediatric training included less hospital and more community experience, also sharing training with other health professionals, as the report by Macauley3 suggests. We should also consider Tudor Hart's inverse care law, that those most in need of care are least likely to receive it, although the study from Derby demonstrates an efficient approach to diagnostic coding, service provision and reducing health inequalities.4 Training comes in again with the observation that this is often lacking with regard to child obesity, as well as unclear local leadership on the problem.5 Schools are increasingly identified as setting an example on healthy eating: organic food policies in Denmark are associated with a generally improved 'food environment'6 and a counterbalance to the fried food prevalence in kid's menus in cafes.It's not all about injury, unhealthy diet or illness: the innovative use of drama to promote wellbeing in six to seven year olds improved fluency, vocabulary, inventiveness and concentration. …

Margarita's Shirt

Margarita's Shirt* Ricardo Palma It is likely that some of you have heard of the older women of Lima haggling over the high prices of clothing in the market place. "What! This is more expensive than Margarita Pareja's shirt," they would say. Upon hearing this, I became curious about who is this Margarita and why did her shirt travel from America to Madrid. During my search I stumbled upon an article of clothing signed by Don Illdefonso Antonio Bermejo, notable author of a book on Paraguay, who briefly mentions the story of Margarita. This little mention set me on my quest to unravel the mystery of this Liman girl, and this is what I found of the importance of her shirt. Margarita Pareja was born in 1765, the spoiled daughter of Don Raimundo Pareja, a Santiago cowboy and Collector General of Callao. The girl was one of those Limans whose beauty called upon the devil to follow her around and throw stones. She had a pair of eyes so black that they were like charged torpedoes with dynamite that exploded into the very souls of the Liman gentlemen. When Margarita was eighteen years old, she became the focus of Don Luis Alcazar's interest. Don Luis Alcazar was a young, arrogant man from the celebrated Spanish village of the bear and strawberry tree. He moved to Lima to live with his uncle, who was a very affluent bachelor. Luis's uncle had a very sour disposition, and had more pride than the sons of King Fruela. Of course, while he had an inheritance coming, Don Luis lived bald as a rat and walked around with an aura of sadness surrounding him like a black cloud. As for improving his fortune, I don't think I am overstating when I say that even his charisma was in hoc. During the Santa Rosa procession Luis met the pretty Margarita. The girl filled both his eyes and made his heart flutter. He tossed flowers at her, and although she didn't answer his advances, she made it seem with a smile and with her arsenal of feminine weapons that the gentleman was to her liking. In truth, he confessed that they fell in love right down to the roots of their hair. Like lovers who often forget that mathematics exists, Don Luis believed that to achieve his love, his present poverty wouldn't be an obstacle. He went to Margarita's father and without much reckoning he asked for his daughter's hand in marriage. This petition didn't fall in Don Raimundo's favor, and he courteously dismissed Luis's proposal, telling him that Margarita was too young to be married and that even though she was eighteen years old, she still played with dolls. But this wasn't the truth about why he didn't want his daughter to marry Luis. Don Raimundo's disapproval came from [End Page 279] the fact that he didn't want to be the father-in-law to a poor man. This is what he said in confidence to his friends, one of which went to gossip to Don Honorato, which was the name of Luis's uncle. Don Honorato trilled with rage and said, "How can this be! To dismiss my nephew! Most would give themselves with a song on their breast to be with that boy, there isn't a more gallant gentleman in all of Lima. Such insolence! But where is this awful collector?" Margarita, like a nervous damsel of the day, ripped out her hair, kicked, and threatened to poison herself even though phosphates had yet to be invented. Margarita lost color and she lost weight, she lost vision in her eyes, spoke of putting herself in a convent, and didn't do anything with anyone. "Luis or God!" she would shout for hours each time her nerves overcame her. She worried the Santiago cowboy. He called physicists and witch doctors, and all declared that the girl was consumed with grief, and the only medicine that could save her was not sold as a remedy: either let her marry the vagrant of her choice, or enclose her in a...

Building a team of champion chiropractors

Building a team of champion chiropractors

Academic and commercial genetic testing laboratories: complementary if not complimentary.

The new century has introduced a myriad of changes in the practice of clinical and laboratory genetics. As molecular diagnostics entered the mainstream of current medical practice, a number of academic genetic laboratories faced intense financial pressure and many succumbed. Although the entry of commercial laboratories into the genetic testing arena is one factor in this process, it is by no means the only one. Increased regulatory requirements, changes in funding sources for academic institutions, and the rise of large managed care organizations also have culpability. Many academic laboratory directors have expressed hostility toward commercial laboratories, both vocally at genetic meetings and in publications. This vitriol serves no one. Commercial laboratories are here to stay and, in fact, provide important services to American healthcare consumers by making esoteric molecular diagnostic testing widely available. Rather than throw stones at each other, it is time for academic and commercial laboratories to coexist and realize that each has strengths and, most importantly, that patients are best served by cooperation, not confrontation between these equally competent groups. This article examines the historical antecedents to the current conflictive situation and offers suggestions for collaborative efforts in the future.

Possible Worlds Theory and the Fantasy Universe of Finnegans Wake

Possible Worlds Theory and the Fantasy Universe of Finnegans Wake Margot Norris (bio) In the first chapter of his Narrative Design in "Finnegans Wake," Harry Burrell points to one of the central tensions in the history of Wake criticism by heading his discussion with the single word "Narrative?"1 He writes that "David Hayman, Bernard Benstock, John Bishop, and Margot Norris, for example, have all concluded that there is no underlying narrative and have evolved different systems of dealing with the dilemma" (8). In contrast, he notes, Fritz Senn and Clive Hart continue to yearn for the text's deep structural meaning to be disclosed (8). Burrell's study offers that deep structural meaning by treating the Wake as Joyce's rewriting of the Bible and creation of "a new theology" (7)—a claim that, in many respects, harks back to a founding text of Wake criticism: Joseph Campbell and Henry Morton Robinson's 1944 A Skeleton Key to "Finnegans Wake."2 But however provocative its argument, Burrell's study does not end the controversy over the "Narrative?" of Finnegans Wake nor does it engage the question of the Wake's narrative in a theoretical way. Yet the present moment in the early twenty-first century is particularly opportune for narratological study of avant-garde texts, thanks to a new development in the field that offers tools for more rigorously conceptualizing the nature of fiction itself. Called "Possible Worlds" theory, a branch of narratology that addresses "the fictionality of fictional worlds" has blossomed in the last fifteen years.3 Gerald Prince gives the following explanation of "possible worlds" in his Dictionary of Narratology: "Narratives comprise temporally ordered sequences of states of affairs that are taken to be actual/factual ('what happens') and that are linked to other states of affairs considered non-actual or counterfactual and constituted by the mental activity of various characters (their beliefs, wishes, plans, hallucinations, fantasies, etc.)."4 The posited separation between what theorist Marie-Laure Ryan calls a "[t]extual actual world" (n.p.) and the nonactual "worlds" that belong to the minds of characters in fiction can be readily recognized in a genre like realism. Ulysses is full of events that are assumed to be "factual" and to occur in the "actual" 1904 Dublin world posited within the novel—events like Bloom cooking breakfast at 7 Eccles [End Page 455] Street, the funeral of Paddy Dignam, or Stephen's Shakespeare lecture in the National Library, for example. These events are not, in fact, actual or factual in the sense that they historically occurred in the real world, but Joyce's novel Ulysses pretends that they did. This pretended textual actual world in Ulysses is simultaneously connected to the virtual worlds—or possible worlds—of its characters' ruminations, memories, fantasies, and stories. But how do actual and possible worlds function in the fictional realm of Finnegans Wake? Possible Worlds theory offers tools to analyze the Wake's narrative and fictional operation with greater rigor than before. This essay offers an introduction to such an analysis, though it defers exploring the content or significance of the ontological realms that the analysis discloses. The question of whether Finnegans Wake exhibits anything resembling an "actual" or "factual" textual world—analogous to the richly imagined 1904 world of Dublin and its inhabitants in Ulysses—has, of course, been an issue in Wake criticism from the very beginning. Edmund Wilson's 1939 essay, "The Dream of H. C. Earwicker," posited a model in which the tavern in Book III functions as the site of an actual world in the Wake: It is a Saturday night in summer, after a disorderly evening in the pub. Somebody—probably Earwicker himself—has been prevailed upon to sing a song: later, when it was closing time, he had to put a man outside, who abused him and threw stones at the window. There has also been a thunderstorm. Earwicker has been drinking off and on all day and has perhaps gone to bed a little drunk. At any rate, his night is troubled. At first he dreams about the day before, with a bad conscience and a sense of humiliation: then, as the night...

Stenkast

Stenkast