Symbolic Politics Theory Research Articles

СИМВОЛИЧЕСКИЕ РЕСУРСЫ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ЛИДЕРСТВА ТУРКМЕНИСТАНА

The research article aims to explore the role that symbols of Turkmenistan play in the process of constructing national identity. National symbols, such as flags, official emblems, historical monuments, and cultural symbols, serve as potent instruments in the construction of collective identity and the fostering of a sense of belonging among a country’s citizens. In the case of Turkmenistan, symbols have played a pivotal role since the country’s independence in 1991, as it sought to establish its distinct identity amidst the rapidly evolving socio-political landscape. This research article employs an analytical approach to examine the role of historical and contemporary symbols in the formation of a unified national identity in Turkmenistan. The article examines the various forms of national symbols, including state symbols, traditional national symbols, state events, and propaganda, in order to ascertain the methods employed by the regime to legitimate itself and to enhance its control over society. The author examines the relationship between symbolism and political power in Turkmenistan, noting the direct dependence of the symbolic tools used on the political figure of the leader of Turkmenistan in the post-Soviet period. This is particularly evident in Turkmenistan’s efforts to assert its uniqueness in the context of ongoing political and social change. The symbolic resources analyzed in the article are employed to demonstrate the cultural and national consolidation of the population in the context of foreign policy representation. The symbolic resources utilized also facilitate the domestic political process of legitimizing the regime and consolidating control over the titular nation of the state. The study integrates historical research, cultural analysis, and conclusions derived from Murray Edelman’s theory of symbolic politics.

Is the U.S. Heading for a Civil War? Scenarios for 2024-25

This article applies symbolic politics theory to assess the risk of a new civil war in the U.S., finding that all of the factors making civil war likely are currently present. Narratives promoting hostility toward the other party are prominent among Republicans and Democrats alike, as are hostile predispositions and hostile feelings toward the other party. The Republican Party’s rejection of Trump’s 2020 election loss and its links to the January 6 coup attempt and to militia groups position it to organize a more violent insurrection in a scenario in which Trump is again the unsuccessful presidential nominee in 2024.

Tracing Two South Korean Olympic Pathways: Symbols, Conflicts, and Integration through Global Sports Events

Using symbolic politics theory, this study traces the changing political situation in Korea and its effects on the symbolic politics of the two Olympic games – held in Seoul in 1988 and PyeongChang in 2018 – from a historical perspective. It evaluates how different South Korean governments used the two Olympics as political tools. The data from in-depth interviews conducted with 10 participants and literature was quantitatively analysed. The results confirm that the symbolism of the Olympics has changed since the 1980s. In the past, the South Korean military regime promoted nationalism, nationalist ideology, and policies that emphasised individual sacrifice in the name of national interests. Therefore, the military regime used the symbolism of the 1988 Olympics politically to stabilize chaotic domestic sentiment and strengthen national unity, which was a calculated decision. In 2018, the liberal Korean government attempted to use the Olympics to secure political legitimacy. However, with the consolidation of democracy after the end of the military regime, resistance mounted against this brand of politics and a new moral system was established centred on fairness, diversity, and individual autonomy. South Koreans’ perceptions of unification changed over time, which this resistance to the government’s utilisation of symbolism during the 2018 Olympics.

The pan-Slav brotherhood: relations between Russia and the Southern Orthodox Slavs

The national awakening of the Southern Slavs resulted in the concurrent rise of distinct national identities, on the one hand, and the collective perception of the need for pan-Slav unity, on the other. Their distant ‘kin’—tsarist Russia—was also embroiled in two opposing approaches to the issue: pro-Europeanism and pan-Slavism, of whom the latter envisaged a Russian-led pan-Slavic federation. Although of cultural characteristics, the pan-Slav movement became political as Russia sought to increase its dominance in the Balkans. By stoking a common identity, increasing groupness, and propagating rhetoric of ‘us versus them,’ Russia attempted to gain leverage over its Southern Slav brethren; however, the movement saw its ultimate decline with the dissolution of both Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the question remains whether the appeals to pan-Slav symbols and ideas espouse a greater feeling of groupness among Russia and Bosnia and Herzegovina today. To answer this question, a theoretical framework of constructivism and symbolic politics theory is employed, with content analysis and review of the relevant literature as the analytical method.

Integrative pluralism and security studies: The implications for International Relations theory

Abstract The idea of integrative pluralism offers a promising path for the development of theory in international security and international relations. Instead of either trying to shoehorn all theorising into a single, limited paradigm or giving up entirely on theoretical progress, the integrative pluralist approach calls for bringing diverse approaches together. More precisely, integrative pluralism involves explaining specific phenomena by linking causal processes across multiple layers of reality, and then using the findings to inform broader theoretical constructs such as IR theory paradigms. Elements of the integrative pluralism approach are already visible in the work of mainstream scholars such as Snyder and Katzenstein, as well as of critical scholars such as Sjoberg and Hansen, but the field has tended to overlook these scholars’ efforts at theoretical integration. To more explicitly develop integrative pluralism for our field, this article first draws on critical realist philosophy and social theory. It then illustrates how further steps in this direction might be taken, in particular by highlighting the integrative pluralist aspects of Kaufman's applications of symbolic politics theory to explaining ethnic conflict and war more generally.

2021 State Duma elections: blogs, social networks, and party Identity in the virtual space

This article provides a comprehensive review of the modern Internet practices and virtual platforms in the sphere of politics aimed at promotion of different forms of voting technologies. The authors analyze public strategies of the political parties and candidates in the course of election campaign for the 2021 State Duma elections using the example of electoral constituency of St. Petersburg. The subject of this research is the use of digital means of communication that form virtual identity of the electorate during the 2021 State Duma elections. The object of this research is the representation of party ideologies and civic “symbolic politics”  on the Internet based on the example of the popular video platforms YouTube, Tik-Tok as well as the traditional social networks Vkontakte and Facebook. The goal lies in the analysis of interaction of public actors with the audience (followers) in the course of conducting the electoral campaign. The scientific novelty of this article is substantiated by systematic and structural analysis of the scarce elements of virtual identity of Internet users on the example of electoral strategies of representation. The conclusion is drawn on the growing trends of building the so-called symbolic politics “from the bottom” and emergence of numerous actors that create sociopolitical content in the virtual space. The research methodology employs the content analysis of virtual communication channels, relying on the classical theory of symbolic politics and political identity. This theory can be modified by separate aspects of digitalization of the political subfield, which the modern researchers consider as virtual reality.

War as Symbolic Politics

AbstractThis article uses Kaufman's symbolic politics theory of ethnic war as the basis for a broader theory integrating most existing insights about the causes of international and civil war. It starts with findings from psychology showing that people are intuitive thinkers whose decisions result less from rational calculation than from symbolic predispositions—biases such as ideology and prejudice. Studies also show that increased feelings of threat lead to increased aggressive attitudes and behavior. Symbolic politics theory explains how individual attitudes can result in collective action using mobilization theory, with social organization and framing by leaders explaining which attitudes become political action. According to symbolist logic, important causes of war include aggressive symbolic predispositions among leaders or mass publics, heightened threat perceptions, and strong political organizations backing aggressive leaders. Crises and enduring rivalries make war more likely because they strengthen hostile predispositions and threat perceptions, thereby promoting mobilization for war. Cooperative transnational ties and democratic political institutions are among the factors that tend to promote peace.

Moral Performance and Cultural Governance in China: The Compassionate Politics of Disasters

AbstractThis article examines the Chinese state's moral performance during several major disasters, including the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 1998 Yangtze River floods, and the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. Drawing on the theatrical theory of symbolic politics, I argue that the Sichuan earthquake marked a turn in the state's moral performance. While the Chinese state continued to project an image of a secure, heroic state, it endeavoured to construct a sympathetic image through leaders' displays of compassion and sorrow, a mourning ritual for ordinary victims, and narratives of response and rescue. This shift towards a more compassionate performance can be explained by the state's deployment of cultural resources to respond to societal challenges since the new millennium and its effort to repair its image amid the crises of 2008. The compassionate performance was temporarily effective because it found common ground with the traditional political culture of disaster, which still shapes the public's expectations of the state's moral conduct, and the new public culture that values equality and dignity of human life. Nevertheless, the political dilemmas of the compassionate performance became evident. Its efficacy largely relied on the presentation of suffering at the scene, which, however, led to public demands for the state to address the causes of the suffering. When the state failed to construct an “accountable state” image, this “dilemma of scene” had repercussions for its legitimacy. The efficacy of paternalism was also limited because it was less appealing to the growing urban middle class. By addressing moral performance, this paper contributes to the literature on politics of disaster and advances the important research agenda on cultural governance.

The Role of Emotions in Discriminatory Ethno-Religious Politics: An Experimental Study of Anti-Muslim Politics in the United States

There is consensus among scholars of ethno-religious conflict that elites play a pivotal role in either starting or exacerbating intergroup conflicts by evoking negative emotions such as fear, resentment, anger, and rage in the masses. However, scholars have long based these assertions on evidence from elite actions alone. Moreover, despite insights from research on nationalism about the role that positive emotions play in the process of mobilization, current research on ethno-religious conflict has focused exclusively on negative emotions. The current study addresses these gaps. Building upon symbolic politics theory and psychological theories of transformational leadership, I posit that to gain support for aggressive policies against rival groups, leaders must simultaneously evoke negative emotions associated with dislike for the rival group and positive emotions such as confidence, pride, optimism, and feeling energized. I tested this theory with an experiment that randomly exposed participants to different anti-Muslim appeals that culminated in the proposal of an array of discriminatory policies. The results suggest a causal chain. Upon hearing any anti-Muslim frame, those already holding negative attitudes about Muslims were more likely to view Muslims as a threat and experience a positive emotional response, which then led to support for discriminatory policies against Muslims. These findings suggest the way nationalist appeals are framed are much less important than pre-existing attitudes.

The Examination on the British Attitudes toward the European Parliament : Focusing on Political Trust

This study examines the factors that influence political trust toward the European Parliament (EP) among the British. Based on the symbolic politics theory and economic interest-based theory, we run empirical analysis utilizing the European Social Survey (Round 6). The results show that first, the British tend to have lower level of political trust toward the EP compared to individuals in other EU member states; second, both the symbolic politics theory and economic interest-based theory well explain the British trust toward the EP. In particular, it is found that satisfaction with national economic situation and positive perception toward the European integration play an important role in the formation of trust toward the EP.

Do National Feelings Influence Public Attitudes towards Immigration?

This study empirically explores the link between national feelings and attitudes towards immigrants, as expressed by American citizens. Based on symbolic politics theory, I argue that a person's symbolic concerns toward the nation are an important predictor of immigration attitudes. Employing the 2004 General Social Survey, I use the structural equation model and expose the multidimensional nature of national feelings. Focusing on three types of national feeling—nationalism, national identity and national pride—I find that each has differing impacts on attitudes toward immigrants. Nationalism provokes anti-immigrant sentiment, while national pride leads to pro-immigrant sentiment. On the other hand, national identity has no positive or negative impact on immigration attitudes. The results imply that American citizens' attitudes toward immigrants can be traced to their attitude toward the country.

Symbols, Frames, and Violence: Studying Ethnic War in the Philippines1

This article examines the utility of opportunity theory, framing analysis, and symbolic politics theory in explaining the causes of ethnic war, focusing on the 1970s Mindanao case. Opportunity variables are present as expected, but process-tracing shows they do not operate according to the hypothesized mechanisms. The framing approach identifies several important dynamics. The resonance of frames was influenced by the salience of the issue highlighted, the narrative fidelity of the frame to preexisting cultural beliefs, the credibility of leaders proposing them, and processes of frame bridging. Symbolic politics theory offers the most complete explanation, embracing most of the alternative explanations’ insights while filling in their logical gaps. The symbolist analysis begins with group myths justifying hostility on both sides, the result of past Christian–Muslim warfare. Combined with fears of group extinction, opportunity factors, and hostile popular attitudes, these myths enabled group elites to manipulate emotive symbols to justify mobilization against the other group, creating a security dilemma spiral that resulted in the outbreak of war.

Symbolic Politics and the Prediction of Attitudes Toward Federal Regulation of Reduced-Exposure Tobacco Products1

The present study relies on symbolic politics theory to predict public attitudes toward the federal regulation of conventional tobacco products (a familiar attitude object) and reduced-exposure tobacco products (a relatively novel attitude object). We predicted that attitudes toward most forms of regulation would be more strongly influenced by symbolic beliefs about the role of government in society than by self-interested concerns, with the exception of taxation. We predicted that the financial consequences of taxation policies would be less ambiguous for those who are affected, resulting in a stronger relationship between self-interest and policy attitudes. The results strongly supported our hypotheses, suggesting a process by which symbolic beliefs and self-interested concerns influence attitude formation. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.

The New Deal's Theory of Practice

This article explores the New Deal's theory of political practice and how it managed to institutionalize a progressive agenda in a country structurally and often ideologically resistant to change. In the process it offers lessons for, and critique of, the Obama administration. It focuses on four central areas. The first is the overarching philosophy of political pragmatism that informed the New Deal, which finds its inspiration in Machiavelli. It examines the theory of symbolic politics articulated by New Deal theorist Thurman Arnold, in particular his argument that political actors must be willing to abandon the myth of the rational voter and situate their appeals within the resonant folklore of the electorate, even as they work to redefine its meaning. Particular attention is paid to the limitations philosophic liberalism places on progressive reform. Finally, it looks at the importance of political mobilization as a way to force progressive agendas on recalcitrant institutions.

Symbolic Politics, Criminal Justice Policy, and Third Political Party Platforms

The theory of symbolic politics, which posits that political acts are viewed as symbols conveying a political meaning that are an end unto themselves, is used to examine the elements of criminal justice policy in third political party platforms. It is hypothesized that third political parties use their political platforms to make symbolic, rather than substantive, statements. Data were collected from a variety of sources presenting third party platforms to assess the political language used from 1872 to 2004. A content analysis of these platforms offers some support for the use of symbolic language by third political parties.

Narratives and Symbols in Violent Mobilization: The Palestinian-Israeli Case

According to symbolic politics theory, group fears and narratives of group identity that justify hostility are key causes of violent ethno-national conflict. In the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, widely accepted narratives on each side define group identity and group relations in ways that generate incompatible demands on Jerusalem, territory, refugees, security, and other issues. Historical memories of the Holocaust, the Nakba, and other tragedies generate fears of extinction on both sides, and stereotypes encourage beliefs on each side that the other responds only to force. These narratives enable hard-line leaders on both sides to manipulate emotive symbols to block compromise and escalate conflict. Thus the cause of both the failure of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations in 2000-01 and the simultaneous outbreak of the latest Palestinian-Israeli war lies in the irreconcilable demands that are rooted in each side's competing narratives of national identity.

Congress, Crime, and Budgetary Responsiveness

In 1980, Caldeira and Cowart theorized that Congress has been responsive in its budgetary responsibilities to the rise in official crime rates. Their findings based on their study from 1935 to 1975 supported the theory that Congress was engaged in substantive policy making. This article theorizes that Caldeira and Cowarts' findings are no longer true and that criminal justice policy making has become more symbolic in recent years. Hence, budgetary appropriations should no longer be responsive to the rise and fall in official crime rates. Drawing on the theory of symbolic politics, which posits that political acts are viewed as symbols conveying a political meaning that are an end unto themselves, this study replicates and updates the work of Caldeira and Cowart. The study finds support for the theory of symbolic politics and suggests that Congressional involvement in crime policy, beginning in the early 1970s, has become even more symbolic.

Political Party Platforms

The theory of symbolic politics is used to examine the elements of criminal justice policy in political party platforms. It is hypothesized that political parties use their party platforms to make symbolic, rather than substantive, statements. Data were collected from the digital archives of both the American Presidency Project and the American Reference Library consisting of all political party platforms from 1868 to 2004. A content analysis of these party platforms, as they related to crime and justice issues, offers partial support for the claim that presidents and political parties use these party platforms primarily for evoking symbols.

Hate Narratives and Ethnic Conflict

In his recent article, Stuart Kaufman subjects a set of rationalist theories of ethnic conflict to strong criticism and proposes his theory of symbolic politics as a superior alternative.' Drawing on his earlier work,2 Kaufman argues that violence between ethnic groups is best understood not as a consequence of security dilemmas, informational asymmetries, commitment problems, or elite manipulation, but instead as a consequence of the content of ethnic groups' identities, which he calls myth-symbol complexes.3 These complexes are basically mythologized narratives of an ethnic group's culture and history, which also contain depictions of certain target groups as victimizers or inferiors (pp. 50-51). Feelings of enmity are the result of such narratives, according to Kaufman, and violence is the result of such feelings. Kaufman tests this theory against the aforementioned rationalist theories in the context of the conflicts in southern Sudan and Rwanda. He concludes that the evidence

Symbolic Politics or Rational Choice? Testing Theories of Extreme Ethnic Violence

Rational choice theories claim that extreme ethnic violence (war and genocide) can be explained either as the result of information failures and commitment problems or as the utility-maximizing strategy of predatory elites. Symbolic politics theory asserts that such violence is driven by hostile ethnic myths and an emotionally driven symbolic politics based on those myths that popularizes predatory policies. Tests of these models in the cases of Sudan's civil war and Rwanda's genocide show that the rationalist models are incorrect: neither case can be understood as resulting from information failures, commitment problems, or rational power-conserving elite strategies. Rather, in both cases ethnic mythologies and fears made predatory policies so popular that leaders had little choice but to embrace them by playing up associated ethnic symbols, even though these policies led to the leaders' downfalls. Ethnic security dilemmas in such cases are driven not by uncertainty but by predatory leaders engaged in symbolic politics.