After a period of relative eclipse, study of Wilhelm (1833-1911) has recently been enriched by new sources and perspectives. This resurgence may prove to be a mixed blessing, as results have tended to complicate an already muddled picture. No doubt will continue to be generally known by various epithets father of intellectual the Kant of history and humanistic disciplines, or simply-to bring figure closer to home-the German William James. At specific level, beyond metaphors and generalities, however, need for careful investigation is more apparent than ever. The view of which has prevailed in last twenty years derives to a large extent from contemporary preoccupations and polemics. His notoriety is thereby assured, but only at cost of misrepresenting many aspects of his thought, including his key concepts of (Verstehen) and lived experience (Erlebnis). Since superb and scrupulous study of H. A. Hodges (The Philosophy of Wilhelin Dilthev [London, 1952]), scholarship has been forced increasingly onto a kind of procrustean double bed: in Germany, is featured prominently in so-called new Metliodenstreit (defined loosely as triangular conflict among neoMarxians, Weberians, and Heideggerians); in Anglo-American circles, his name is often invoked in ritualized dispute between proponents of hardheaded scientific explanation and defenders of a more empathic (and allegedly more humane) understanding or participant observation. Whatever their special theoretical merits for historians and social scientists, it must be said that has served these polemics better than they have served him. Admittedly, Proteus Dilthey offers grist to every academic mill, and his amorphous writings in history, psychology, epistemology, and hermeneutics (interpretation theory) seem to invite, even require, procrustean strategy. The more recent controversies have, however, entailed some serious and unwarranted distortions. In this situation it is necessary to return to basics-to look at his thought 'in its own terms, as he was fond of saying. These terms can no longer mean simply bits and snatches from a couple of volumes of Geswlnlnielte Schriften but, rather, thorough investigation of entire corpus, which now includes seventeen volumes and is projected to reach an eventual twenty. In keeping with his rule that follows practice,' Dilthey's actual historiography needs to be studied along with his theory of historical knowledge. The full scope of such an undertaking emerges from recent Bibliogriphlii Wi/lie/ll Dilthev (Weinheim, 1969) carefully compiled and organized by Ulrich Herrmann. The fact that Dilthey's writings were for most part assembled and organized after his death compounds problem by suggesting certain turns and reversals in his thought. The growing but semidigested state of materials militates against any easy conclusions. The interpreter appears left with a dilemma: either minute piceework or hazardous exposition in toto.
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