Theory Of Participatory Democracy Research Articles

Examining the Political Influences on School Governance in South Africa: A Case Study of the Zululand District

This research examines the impact of political party affiliations and interference on school management in the Zululand District of South Africa. Using an interpretive research approach and qualitative methods, including an extensive review of existing literature and data collection through interviews, the study conducts semi-structured interviews with 21 individuals from three public primary schools. It also explores the influence of political factors on School Governing Bodies (SGBs), including their involvement in party politics and the challenges they face in enhancing their capacities. The findings confirm significant political interference in school governance, particularly in rural areas where political affiliations influence decision-making. SGBs often align themselves with political parties, leading to governance inefficiencies and conflicts among parent governors. Through the lens of participatory democratic theory, the study reveals governance capture in rural schools, with discriminatory practices and corruption arising as consequences of political intervention. The recommendations call for empowering SGBs to navigate political pressures through policy reforms, ensuring autonomy for parent governors, and reassessing the permissible extent of political influence within the governance framework. Additionally, the Department of Basic Education (DBE) is urged to address socioeconomic factors exacerbating corruption and to uphold integrity within school governance structures. By addressing the influence of politics and enhancing transparency, the DBE can cultivate a more equitable and effective educational environment for rural South African students.

A performance management framework for self-managing schools in an emerging economy

The integrated quality management system (IQMS) as a performance management framework is mostly inadequate for school-based performance management. Literature branded it as a compliance system (Mamabolo et al., 2022) that does not allow school stakeholders the independence to take part in developing their own strategies. The study debates the amalgamation of the IQMS and the balanced scorecard (BSC) to develop a framework for self-managing schools in an emerging economy. Semi-structured interviews with members of schools’ management teams, were conducted and a qualitative research approach guided this study based on a design-based research (DBR) method. Our results show that a school-based performance management framework must be distinct, have a mission-focused strategy, involve all stakeholders, and be time efficient. Further, our results suggested that the performance management framework be updated on a regular basis to drive the school’s base strategy, learner academic and extracurricular achievement, and stakeholder satisfaction. While the IQMS links to managerialism (Mpungose & Ngwenya, 2017), the researchers argue that self-managing schools are linked to the participatory democracy theory (PDT) and accommodate stakeholder involvement. The framework combines the valuable criteria of the IQMS with the benefits of the BSC to contribute towards performance management in public schools.

A Study of the Availability and Demand of Digital Services for the Manifestation of Social and Political Activity by Citizens

In recent decades, scientists have been discussing ways of involving the population in social and political processes. Terms such as “civic participation,” “civic control,” “participation in the government of the power-poor,” etc. are widely used in scholarly discourse on this subject. The research related to social and political activities is conducted within various thematic areas based on “political participation theory” and “participatory democracy theory,” as well as on “theories of economic and digital inequalities.” According to the vast majority of scientists, increasing digitalization is known to expand the forms of participation and transform the public administration at all levels concerning joint governance and a citizen-centric approach, taking into consideration the opinion and active participation of citizens in the production and execution of policy decisions. This article presents the results of a study that investigated whether modern digital services allow citizens to participate in and influence the social and political processes taking place at various levels of government. In addition, the study demonstrates how modern digital technologies promote the maximum participation of the most socially vulnerable categories of the population, as well as how such factors as the level of digital competence, the level of income of the population, and the level of digitalization of territories limit this participation. In order to assess the modern digital forms and the use of these forms in a citizen’s interaction with the authorities, a survey of 1,200 residents of villages and towns located in the south Tyumen Region was conducted. The ways in which the residents living in the towns and villages of the Tyumen Region were able to express their civic positions were determined and the proportion of citizens using digital technologies was noted. The study also assessed the availability and demand for digital technologies by citizens to express their social and political activities, as well as the primary factors that limit their social and political participation. Moreover, this research showed that age, education, and digital competence and awareness were the main factors influencing a citizen’s propensity to use modern digital technologies for social and political activity. The hypothesis that the demand for digital services by citizens living in remote districts should be higher than that of urban residents was not confirmed. On the contrary, for a wide range of services, the assessments of demand and accessibility are higher among the residents of cities than among the residents of rural municipal districts, with the highest assessments coming from the residents of the regional capital. This fact is associated with a higher level of digital competence among citizens, a higher level of digitalization of the regional capital, as well as a higher level of income, which allows them to more actively master and use all these services. Additionally, this article is addressed to researchers interested in various aspects of social and political participation, as well as to politicians who make decisions regarding the development and implementation of new forms of digital interaction between citizens and the authorities that enable citizens to demonstrate their civic position.

Farewell to constituent power? The Conference on the Future of Europe, citizens’ assemblies and the democratic minimum

Abstract In this article, I ask about the extent to which the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) has advanced democracy in the European Union. I critically engage with the claim that the CoFoE’s success should not be measured by whether it enabled constituent power, or ultimately results in treaty reforms, but by the fact that, by introducing citizens’ assemblies to EU politics, it has laid the foundation for participatory democracy in the European Union. Drawing on established theories of participatory democracy, I argue that this interpretation misses the point. To put forward an alternative view, I revisit James Bohman’s concept of a democratic minimum. The best democratic defence of permanent EU citizens’ assemblies is that they could provide citizens with the capacity to initiate deliberation about common concerns – and thus function as a nucleus for constituent power in the European Union. Nevertheless, the idea should be viewed with caution, as permanent citizens’ assemblies could just as well become a democratic fig-leaf allowing EU institutions to reject calls for fundamental reforms. Much therefore depends on their institutional design.

On expanding the possibilities of implementing municipal projects of initiative budgeting for the development of physical culture and sports in the regions of Russia

Alm. The purpose of the study is to determine the essence of initiative budgeting as a tool of modern state public management and a mechanism for managing public finances, as well as to assess the institutional conditions for the use of this tool for the socio-economic development of territories, including in the field of physical culture and sports. Materials and methods. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research was made up of scientific works of domestic and foreign scientists in the field of public public management, public values management, public management of sustainable socio-economic development of territories, public finance management, including in the field of physical culture and sports, and methodological approaches formed on the basis of the theory of participatory democracy (participatory democracy) to involve citizens in the budget process, public finance management in general and the mechanism of initiative budgeting in particular. In the course of the study, the institutional conditions for the development of initiative budgeting in Russia in 2014-2021 were analyzed, the foundations of its regulatory support were structured. Special attention is paid to the practices of proactive budgeting in the field of physical culture and sports. Results. Typical models of municipal projects of initiative budgeting in the regions of Russia in the field of financial culture and sports are identified, carried out in the context of organizational and methodological support for the implementation of relevant municipal initiative projects structured in the course of the study. Conclusion. Recommendations are given on expanding thepossibilities ofimplementing municipal projects ofinitiative budgeting, improving theregulatory andmethodological support of projects of local initiatives implemented in the field of physical culture and sports in municipalities of the regions of Russia within the framework of models of initiative budgeting.

Empowerment as a Tool in Public Participation and Socioeconomic Development

The constitution of Kenya 2010 has given public participation prominence. Non-State and State Actors acting in the interest of the public should be involved in all public affairs. The 2010 Constitution of Kenya emphasises citizens’ participation. This background prompted this study, whose main objective was to examine the effects of empowerment on socioeconomic development in Kericho County. Participatory democratic theory guided this study. It targeted 550 employees working for the County Government of Kericho. Primary and secondary data collected using interviews and semi-structured questionnaires were key research tools. Enquiries of different types and surveying of facts about phenomena were the pillar of the study hence descriptive research design was deployed. A Target population of 224 officers and a sample of 144 was selected using a stratified sampling technique. Information obtained was checked for completeness, its clarity investigated, dressed and their organisation on the research instruments and analysis followed. Measures of association and descriptive statistics. The study used a a regression model to test the effect of public participation on socioeconomic development. The outcome was presented in the form of subjects such as tables. The finding indicated that the county used public meetings, gatherings and Barraza to enhance empowerment. The study found that equitable allocation of resources, self-help group funding and training assist in public empowerment. Therefore, public empowerment had a significant positive effect on socioeconomic development (P<0.05). This was achieved through public-private, foreign, and national government collaboration in projects. Empowerment programs done using public meetings had the lowest positive significant effect on socioeconomic development (P<0.05); public participation had a significant positive effect on the socioeconomic development of the county government. The study recommends that the county should employ sufficient researcher assistance as well as consider youth, women and persons living with disability enterprise in 30% preference and reservation in procurement

Deconstructing the Civic Engagement Context, Processes, and Outcomes in Nigeria

Civic engagement processes in the country have been constrained, thereby, resulting in poor public participation in governance and public policy processes. This is in contrast to well-functioning democracies where governments and citizens are required to work together to address issues of public concern. Through this process, the citizens influence public policy outcomes and determine the political choices that impact on their lives and wellbeing. This paper interrogates the civic engagement context and processes in the public sector, in the past decade (2012-2022). This is as a result of the backdrop of unprecedented low level of public participation in the political and governance processes during the period. The qualitative methodology is employed in the paper with focus on content and descriptive analysis. The paper adopted the Theory of Participatory democracy as the theoretical framework. The paper argued that this scenario has resulted in citizen’s exclusion from the policy process with attendant negative consequences on governance outcomes. The paper recommended expanding the engagement space through political reforms and good governance practices to ensure citizen’s participation in the political and governance processes, especially, at the grassroots level

Evolution of the idea of participative democracy

The article examines the transformation of the content of the idea of participatory democracy with reference to historical retrospection.
 To carry out a full-fledged analysis of the evolution of the idea of participatory democracy, the way of development of the concept of democracy in general is considered. It has been established that the phenomenon of "democracy" originates from the times of antiquity and the works of Aristotle (384-322 BC), and the philosophers of the Renaissance (M. Machiavelli, J. Locke, S. Montesquieu, J.-J. Rousseau, A. Tocqueville, etc.). The process of implementing the ideas of democracy in practice started at the end of the 17th century in England and France, went through four stages, the last of which began in the 21st century and continues to this day.
 It was found that the history of participatory democracy tentatively dates back to the 5th century to n. (the city of Athens, Ancient Greece), and after the Second World War, the gradual expansion of electoral rights and the processes of emancipation paved the way for its large-scale development. In the 80s of the XX century in Western Europe and the USA, the idea of participatory democracy gained momentum. B. Barber, K. McPherson, J. Mansbridge, C. Pateman, J. Zimmerman and S. Shalom made the greatest contribution to its spread. The result of a long path of transformation of the content of democracy, which for several centuries was perceived as a means of including the poor in the space of politics, was the understanding of participatory democracy as an indispensable process of requiring the rotation of leaders, the breakdown of social hierarchies, and a change in the perception of the essence of freedom. The evolution of the idea of participatory democracy, first of all, is connected with the declaration of the priority of human freedoms over the interests of the state.
 Today, the theory of participatory democracy occupies a leading place in the rating of democratic theories and is actively used in practice in many countries of the world. The defining idea of participatory democracy lies in the potential of ordinary citizens to exercise self-management, but it has not yet been fully implemented in life. So, we have the following movement vectors to ensure universal and effective involvement of the vast majority of citizens in the decision-making process: increasing the level of awareness and education, leveling economic inequality, providing real tools for influencing the political process (especially with the help of information and communication and blockchain technologies). At the same time, it is worth taking into account the autonomy of the individual, the freedom of individuality and the issue of voluntary participation or non-participation of each individual citizen.

The Nigerian State and Democratic Governance: A Need for Revisitation of Democratic Ethos

The study examined the practice of democracy in Nigeria, bearing in mind the tenets of democracy. Democracy has been accepted as the most viable and sustainable form of government by world leaders and is used to determine the extent of freedom enjoyed in different countries of the world. However, the availability of the freedom it offers in Nigeria is questionable. This is largely due to the lack of democratic principles such as free, fair and credible elections, mass participation in the governance processes, independence of the judiciary, rule of law, etc. While successive governments since 1999 have verbalized efforts at strengthening democratic ethos/culture in the country, observers are of the view that the democratic practice in Nigeria is a far cry from the acceptable norms. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to examine the extent to which democratic ethos have been institutionalized in the Nigerian State. The study adopted the Participatory Theory of democracy, its main idea being the provision of greater involvement and control over all governmental laws and non-governmental rules pertaining to the citizens, and to analyze the imperative to revisit the practice of democracy in Nigeria. The study relied mainly on secondary data focusing on the nature and character of democratic governance in the country. The study revealed that efforts at institutionalizing democracy, enhancing mass participation as well as achieving development had not yielded the desired outcomes in the country. This is evident in the increasing rate of electoral violence that characterizes elections over the years in the country. The paper concluded that, for Nigeria to substantially deliver the “dividends of democracy” to the people, the state must revisit the culture and practice of democracy in the country. The study recommended, among other things, that the state should strive to uphold the rule of law at all times, ensure judicial independence, enhance mass participation in the governance processes and efforts should also be made to guarantee free, fair and credible elections.

Chiefs and the Politics of Land Reform in the North East District, Botswana, 2005–2008

The North East District has the most contentious land question in post-colonial Botswana. Most of its land was expropriated by a colonial syndicate called the Tati Concessions (Tati Company) in the 1880s. Chunks of said land are still held under freehold titles resulting in the district experiencing severe land scarcity, especially for communal use. In a continuous effort to address this problem, the government purchased 19 freehold farms between 2005 and 2008 (about 20000 hectares) for redistribution. The process was carried out under the leadership of the Tati Land Board and North East District Administration while the chiefs and their communities were marginalised. This oversight and marginalisation of traditional leaders and their communities undermine the Chieftainship Act, which mandates the chiefs to actively promote the welfare of their tribes, inform them about developments and government policies. Using the participatory democracy theory, the article examines this land reform from the point of view of the local chiefs. It concludes that the marginalisation of the chiefs amounted to ‘community exclusion’ rendering the reform anti-redistributive.

Fields of Dreams: An Economic Democracy Framework for Addressing NIMBYism

Local opposition to the development of socially desirable facilities is one of the most important policy challenges in the United States. Despite decades of effort, a policy formula to reduce “Not in My Back Yard” (NIMBY) political opposition is yet to be found. Cash payments, inclusive deliberation, benefits negotiations, and statutory mandates are only a few of the policy and legislative measures that have been attempted at diffusing NIMBY sentiments, mostly to no avail. This Article offers a different approach to NIMBY conflicts. I argue that disempowerment is one of the main drivers of NIMBY sentiments. People oppose certain developments largely because they feel a lack of control over decisionmaking procedures that directly affect their lives. Applying theories of participatory democracy, I develop a property-based framework to mitigate NIMBY sentiments. Ownership, I explain, empowers. It confers the power to determine and control a resource. When a resource is owned by a community, the community possesses the power to set the agenda for the resource. It follows that if communities own, develop, and manage socially desirable facilities, NIMBY sentiments will be attenuated. To test this hypothesis, I explore two recent successful examples of communal ownership — the development model for windfarms and the U.K.’s Community Right to Build reform. Both case studies demonstrate the potential of communal development to mitigate NIMBY sentiments and provide valuable legal and policy lessons for broader implementation of communal models.

Knowledge for Social Change: Bacon, Dewey, and the Revolutionary Transformation of Research Universities in the Twenty-First Century by Lee Benson et al.

Reviewed by: Knowledge for Social Change: Bacon, Dewey, and the Revolutionary Transformation of Research Universities in the Twenty-First Century by Lee Benson et al. Jessica Ostrow Michel and Ty Mcnamee Lee Benson, Ira Harkavy, John Puckett, Matthew Hartley, Rita A. Hodges, Francis E. Johnston, and Joann Weeks. Knowledge for Social Change: Bacon, Dewey, and the Revolutionary Transformation of Research Universities in the Twenty-First Century. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2017. 210 pp. Paperback: $14.95. ISBN: 978-1-4399-1519-6 Introduction Knowledge for Social Change: Bacon, Dewey, and the Revolutionary Transformation of Research Universities in the Twenty-First Century surrounds the notion of reshaping research universities to operate as mechanisms that advance knowledge for social change. To do so, authors Lee Benson, Ira Harkavy, John Puckett, Matthew Hartley, Rita A. Hodges, Francis E. Johnston, and Joann Weeks extend upon Benson, Harkavy, and Puckett's (2007) first collaborative book, Dewey's Dream: Universities and Democracies in an Age of Education Reform: Civil Society, Public Schools, and Democratic Citizenship. There, Benson et al. centered on Dewey and the proposition that, despite his call for participatory democracy, he failed to develop programs that employed his theory in real-world practice. However, taking a cue from their prior writing, in this book, Knowledge for Social Change, the authors attempt to strengthen Dewey's participatory democracy theory by placing his work in historical perspective (similar to Bacon's oeuvre). They then describe how universities can take the theoretical notions of Dewey, Bacon, and others, and apply those ideas to civic engagement in higher education, focusing on the ways in which civic engagement can be integrated "into the core work of the academy—teaching, learning and research" (p. 82). Summary of the Book Part I: The Advancement of Learning for "The Relief of Man's Estate" Part I of the book serves as an overview of the historical and theoretical concepts of several key actors in the knowledge for social change movement, as well as a summary of the application of these concepts to higher education. The first four chapters call attention to key actors (Bacon, Franklin, Harper, Addams, and Dewey) who rejected traditional, classical education. Instead, these scholars called for education to be pragmatic and based in real-world applicability, viewing it as a means to solve issues in both the world at large, and specifically in local communities. In their view, with the proper scientific organization of individuals, universities, K-12 institutions, and community-based organizations could effectively advance the knowledge central to what Bacon refers to as "the relief of man's estate," or "the continuous betterment of the human condition until all human beings could enjoy Good Lives in a Good Society" (p. 5). Chapter 5 calls for a broader, deeper understanding of democratic and civic engagement—one in which universities and communities intentionally partner together, democracy and civic behavior are embedded in the research, teaching, and learning of a university, and the work of higher education institutions focuses on solving global problems. [End Page E-1] Part II: The Netter Center: Higher Education and Civic and Community Engagement Part II of the book showcases Penn to illustrate how universities can foster relationships with their external communities. Chapters 6 and 7 provide historical context and descriptions of Penn's local partnerships, such as the Netter Center1 and West Philadelphia Improvement Corps (WEPIC)2. Chapter 8 elaborates further on engagement with surrounding communities by illustrating the regional, national, and international work that Penn, WEPIC, and Netter also conduct. WEPIC-like programs took root all around Philadelphia and around the country, with some academically-based community service (ABCS) projects still thriving in present day. The Netter Center's model has been replicated, as well, influencing the development of national organizations, such as the Coalition for Community Schools and the Department of Housing and Urban Development's Office for University Partnerships. Beyond the U.S., Netter has shared civic engagement strategies with international regions and countries, and founded the International Consortium for Higher Education, Civic Responsibility, and Democracy. Chapter 9 homes...

Auditing party democracy: the case of Canadian party constituency associations

ABSTRACTPolitical parties are often assessed on the basis of participatory democratic theory, which emphasises the importance of openness, inclusiveness, and responsiveness as the markers by which we can measure their democratic quality. This approach can be contrasted with competitive democratic theory that emphasises the centrality of fairness, transparency, and accountability to the democratic assessment of parties and other democratic actors. We apply these contrasting frameworks to a democratic audit of one set of party institutions and actors: the grassroots constituency associations maintained by Canadian parties. We illustrate how the outcomes of such assessments are deeply informed by the frameworks employed.

What happens after a local referendum? The effect of direct democratic decision-making on protest intentions

ABSTRACTProponents of direct democracy claim that participation in decision-making stimulates future engagement. However, there is also evidence showing that participation is lower in systems that provide comparatively more opportunities for direct democratic involvement. Hence, it is unclear whether direct democratic involvement promotes or discourages other forms of political participation. In this study, the relationship between direct democratic involvement and the intention for political protest is evaluated empirically, based on data that was gathered in the scope of a local referendum in Belgium. Unique two-wave panel data from before and after the referendum is complemented by qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with local policymakers and citizens. While the findings generally support the claim that direct democratic involvement fosters future participation, there is no indication that the relationship is mediated by political efficacy. Apparently, the theory of participatory democracy is also useful in societies that have little experience with direct democratic decision-making.

The Effect of Direct Democracy on Turnout

Does direct democracy lead to increased electoral turnout? Research in the United States has demonstrated this effect and proposed two reasons for it: (1) the process of being involved in direct political participation may educate citizens and lead to their increased long-term political engagement (this explanation draws on the theory of participatory democracy) and/or (2) underlying issues and competitive campaigning draw public interest and cause higher turnout, although this effect is election-specific and short term. Recent empirical findings overwhelmingly favor the latter hypothesis although both mechanisms seem to apply. However, research on this topic is made difficult by the fact that direct democracy and elections take place simultaneously in the United States, which makes it hard to disentangle the effects of each. We present a study from the Czech Republic where direct democracy is not tied to elections. We analyze the effects of local/municipality direct democracy and demonstrate that it leads to increased turnout in upcoming local and national elections. We demonstrate a strong effect sparked by competitive direct democracy campaigns as well as a relatively weak long-term institutional effect of direct democracy.

Dethroning Deliberation

This critical reply addresses William Caspary’s commentary on my use of John Dewey to elevate the theory of participatory democracy above deliberative democracy within contemporary democratic thought. In this reply I will defend my reading of Dewey against Caspary’s claim that Dewey is not the supporter of “nondeliberative” direct action that I take him to be. I will also explore the similarities and differences between my and Caspary’s views on the consonance of participatory democracy with practices of direct action, and I will expand on my own critique of deliberative democratic thought.

The sex of participatory democracy. An analysis of the theoretical approaches and experiences of participatory democracy from a feminist viewpoint

The generalist theory of participatory democracy and the non-essentialist feminist approach to forms of democratization have developed in parallel despite sharing an agreement to work towards more shared forms of managing power. The origin of this disunity lies, partly, in the first theoretical body's tendency to present citizen participation as a tool for democratizing the neutral and universal public space. As a result, both theoretical bodies have parallel points of view regarding the elements that structure women's participation. This article explores, through the qualitative analysis of two experiences of participatory democracy in which the feminist viewpoint has been unequally incorporated (Porto Alegre's participatory budgeting−Porto Alegre PB−and the 15M movement), the relationship between the parallel development of the general proposals of the two theoretical bodies and the elements that restrict the participation of women in the practice of participatory democracy.

27 Anos de Novos Recursos Participativos na Democracia Brasileira (1988-2015): um Panorama a Partir dos Conselhos Municipais

O artigo aborda a difusão e a configuração dos conselhos municipais no Brasil e mais especificamente no Rio de Janeiro. A partir da redemocratização brasileira e da inclusão de novos recursos participativos (NRP) na Constituição de 1988, além de ser palco de uma inédita valorização da escala local, o Brasil, para alguns, passou a ser considerado um caso paradigmático para a teoria da democracia participativa. Após 27 anos dessas inovações democráticas, este artigo traça um panorama da difusão e da configuração dos Conselhos Municipais. A partir dos dados censitários da Pesquisa de Informações Básicas Municipais (Munic) 2009 e de trabalhos de campo em Conselhos Municipais no Rio de Janeiro realizados nos anos de 2013 e 2014, o artigo mostra que, longe de ser um país onde os novos recursos participativos estão bem consolidados, o Brasil carece de expansão e melhor qualificação desses instrumentos para o aprofundamento da democracia.

Participatory Democracy and Struggling Schools: Making Space for Youth in School Turnarounds

Background/Context Federal policy, as codified in Race to the Top (RTT) funding guidelines, outlines four types of intervention: turnaround, restart, closure, and transformation. RTT has embraced a technocratic paradigm for school reform that frames choice less as the opportunity for the public to deliberate about what it wants from its schools and more in terms of the freedom of individual families to choose, as customers, from a diverse array of school options. This market-based system has eroded substantive opportunities for parents and students to participate in decisions about their schools. Although scholars have developed compelling arguments about the need to involve parents and teachers in a more deliberative and democratic approach to intervening in low-performing schools, there is little scholarship focused on the role of young people in school intervention processes. Purpose There is widespread agreement among progressive critics that RTT interventions are not sufficiently democratic. More work is needed to develop participatory approaches. In some cases this may require departing from a strict “evidence-based” framework and imagining new alternatives consistent with values of social justice and educational equity. It also requires expanding existing treatments of deliberative democracy theory to include young people. Research Design & Findings: This article makes a conceptual argument rooted in theory, empirical literature, and practical experience in schools. After explaining theories of participatory democracy, youth–adult partnerships, and thirdspace, we propose five practices that should guide a deliberative, participatory approach to public decision-making about schools. These are: border-crossing facilitation, participatory research, multilingual and multicultural discourse practices, authentic decision-making, and joint work and distributed expertise. Conclusions/Recommendations The current school turnaround paradigm, embodied by closures, conversion to charters, and teacher reassignments, has left a great deal of collateral damage in its wake. Teachers work under threat of firing. We propose an alternative approach to improve struggling public neighborhood schools—not just another option in a menu of turnaround strategies, but an alternative frame and set of practices that expands the conversation about intervention. This approach encourages deliberation and communication among diverse networks of students, teachers, and families.

“Participatory Drama”

This article argues that late 1960s debates about the role of the citizen and the role of the audience were not only connected but also mutually constitutive. As President Richard Nixon praised the silent majority, and as the New Left group Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) argued for participatory democracy, an experimental theater troupe called The Performance Group (TPG) developed a theatrical style that blurred the lines between audience and performer. These three developments were interrelated. All three, moreover, were connected to the continuation and escalation of the Vietnam War. The crucial question centered around the proper role of the audience, or citizenry: Should members sit quietly and watch the drama unfold, confident in the decisions of those elected to perform certain roles? Or should they raise their voices and demand to be a part of the action, as in the New Left vision of participatory democracy? These arguments develop through an exploration of the relationship between TPG, founded in 1967 by performance studies architect Richard Schechner and others, and SDS. The members of SDS believed that the heightened emotional sensitivity and expressivity of performing artists could break through the powerlessness many Americans felt in the face of the Vietnam War. They explicitly understood their goal of participatory democracy in terms of turning audience members into performers. In turn, Schechner drew on both the performative nature of antiwar protests and the theory of participatory democracy to develop an aesthetic that blurred the lines between performer and audience. Ultimately this relationship between New Left thought and experimental theater contributed to the emergence of performance studies as an academic discipline. This article thus helps us understand its development as a field fundamentally shaped by 1960s debates about citizenship and democracy.